Property In Indonesia Research Articles

MARTYRDOM AND THE PROCESS OF RADICALISATION AMONG YOUNG MUSLIMS IN INDONESIA: SOCIAL IDENTITY THEORY PERSPECTIVE

The phenomena of suicide attacks targeting overseas people or properties in Indonesia carried out by Indonesian young Muslim seem to be elusive. Different to Palestinian and Middle Eastern contexts where acute conflicts are taking place, there were no celebrations to martyrdom in Indonesia. Majority of Indonesian Muslims not only reject suicide bombing or martyrdom but also condemn it. Indonesian suicide bombers' families, that is not like those of Palestinian martyrs, were not proud of their member's deed and will not get pride from their neighbourhood. They will not get financial advantages because of family's member sacrifice as well. So, what are the reasons that make Indonesian young Muslims chose to die as a martyr? This article aims to explain the process of radicalisation among young Muslims and reveals the causes and backgrounds of young martyrs in Indonesia based on Social Identity Theory (SIT). Findings of many studies on religious motivated violent attacks are used as comparisons.

Transformation of added phosphorus to acid upland soils with different soil properties in Indonesia

The transformation of added phosphorus (P) to soil and the effect of soil properties on P transformations were investigated for 15 acid upland soils with different physicochemical properties from Indonesia. Based on oxide-related factor scores (aluminum (Al) plus 1/2 iron (Fe) (by ammonium oxalate), crystalline Al and Fe oxides, cation exchange capacity, and clay content) obtained from previous principal component analyses, soils were divided into two groups, namely Group 1 for soils with positive factor scores and Group 2 for those with negative factor scores. The amounts of soil P in different fractions were determined by: (i) resin strip in bicarbonate form in 30 mL distilled water followed by extraction with 0.5 mol L−1 HCl (resin-P inorganic (Pi) that is readily available to plant), (ii) 0.5 mol L−1 NaHCO3 extracting Pi and P organic (Po) (P which is strongly related to P uptake by plants and microbes and bound to mineral surface or precipitated Ca-P and Mg forms), (iii) 0.1 mol L−1 NaOH extracting Pi and Po (P which is more strongly held by chemisorption to Fe and Al components of soil surface) and (iv) 1 mol L−1 HCl extracting Pi (Ca-P of low solubility). The transformation of added P (300 mg P kg−1) into other fractions was studied by the recovery of P fractions after 1, 7, 30, and 90 d incubation. After 90 d incubation, most of the added P was transformed into NaOH-Pi fraction for soils of Group 1, while for soils of Group 2, it was transformed into resin-Pi, NaHCO3-Pi and NaOH-Pi fractions in comparable amounts. The equilibrium of added P transformation was reached in 30 d incubation for soils of Group 1, while for soils of Group 2 it needed a longer time. Oxide-related factor scores were positively correlated with the rate constant (k) of P transformation and the recovery of NaOH-Pi. Additionally, not only the amount of but also the type (kaolinitic) of clay were positively correlated with the k value and P accumulation into NaOH-Pi. Soils developed from andesite and volcanic ash exhibited significantly higher NaOH-Pi than soils developed from granite, volcanic sediments and sedimentary rocks. Soil properties summarized as oxides-related factor, parent material, and clay mineralogy were concluded very important in assessing P transformation and P accumulation in acid upland soils in Indonesia.

National Policy and Ethnic Enclaves: One Way to Prevent Intergroup Conflict

am pessimistic enough to suppose that members of human groups will persist in hurting and killing members of other human groups who they define as different from themselves. But there are policies which constrain such collective mischief. They work only under clearly specified conditions and only from time to time and from place to place. have managed to identify a few such policies. One of them is considered in this essay. There is no need to study history in order to discover the mistreatment an ethnic group can impose on its neighbours. In the last decade of the millennium we witnessed, among others, Rwanda, Bosnia, Croatia, Kosovo, the less publicized massacres perpetrated by Mexican soldiers on Mayan villagers and the vicious attacks on Chinese and their property in Indonesia. There is no end to it. Of is there? Given enough time even the most persistent and hopeless of conflicts such as those between Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland and between Muslims and Jews in the Middle East show faint glimmers of hope. But from time to time we find more than faint glimmers. There are sometimes peoples who manage not to hurt one another and this is the positive if less dramatic story have to tell. In all of the gloom there are bits of light.(2) Although do not consider this to be an essay on conflict resolution, do share some of the objectives of that movement. Louis Kriesberg, a pioneer in the study of conflict resolution insists that Noting successes, not just failures, may embolden a variety of actors to attempt early preventive actions. Mirroring with precision my own concerns, Kriesberg (1997: 232, 233) reminds us that: Relatively little attention is given to relationships that are peaceful or nonviolently contentious. Attention, however, should be given to such cases so that we might learn what prevented them from becoming bloody and protracted struggles, and so that they might serve as models for what human beings can and do achieve. Social scientists labour furiously to define the thing they call ethnicity. Even the most sophisticated and experienced of them stumble in the effort(3) while those less astute produce little that is useful (Riggs, 1991). prefer to follow the lead of one authority who reminds the reader that ethnicity is no more than a social construct -- a shifting set of definitions of a group by itself or by others. Nagel (1995:147, n1) goes on to confess that, I also use the terms `race' and `ethnicity' somewhat interchangeably. The model of described here, may in fact have become a by the time this essay appears. As learned while evaluating social programs, success is as dynamic and transient a phenomenon as its counterpart, failure (Deutscher, 1999: Ch. 10). This in no way diminishes the value of such models which can be demonstrated to have succeeded under certain conditions in certain places at certain times. That such successes may not endure forever is irrelevant to their usefulness. The Swiss have survived a territorial and linguistic based pluralism for centuries without internal violence. They have not necessarily liked one another, but as long as the linguistic cantons could remain isolated in their mountain valleys, from one another and from the rest of the world, they found it expedient to tolerate one another. The romantic image of a peaceful Switzerland is widespread. It is seen as a model of reasonable accommodation in a nation composed of people who speak different languages and differ in other cultural characteristics. The model works among these people who are located in homogeneous communities and are physically removed from one another. The German, French, Italian, and Romansch valleys of mountainous Switzerland provide an ideal setting for such a federation. Outside of Switzerland the myth persists that this is a nation of tolerant multilingual peoples. Nothing could be further from the truth. …

Indonesian oil & gas exploration: Experiences and perspectives

Although the first well was drilled in Indonesia in 1885, intense petroleum exploration did not start until 1967 with the first generation of production sharing contracts. Since then, the oil and gas industry has played an important role in the country’s economy. Over the years, it has flourished into a modern, technologically sophisticated, and extensive industry. In 1995, more than 50 oil companies were operating about 121 properties in Indonesia.

Malaysia and Indonesia

M Of ALAYSIA WAS CREATED with the object of promoting political stability in a strategically important area and establishing a stronger barrier against the southward penetration of Chinese Communist influence. Yet even before it was formally launched Malaysia had become a major cause of international friction in Southeast Asia and a focus of increasingly anxious concern for several other countries, including Australia and the United States. It was the incorporation of Sarawak and North Borneo (Sabah) into the new Federation which brought first the Philippines and then Indonesia to oppose its formation. Their opposition has been continuous except for a brief respite in July and August i963 (just prior to Malaysia's formal establishment), when it seemed possible that the Manila conference of Indonesian, Malayan, and Philippine leaders might lead to mutual cooperation through the creation of Maphilindo'-a loose, vaguely defined confederation of the three countries. But a sharp dispute soon arose over how one of the central features of the Manila accords should be carried out; plans for setting up the confederation were shelved, and Indonesia and the Philippines resumed their opposition to Malaysia. Indonesia's confrontation became increasingly militant, its announced objective being to crush Malaysia. This opposition has been directed against the British as well as the Malaysian government, for many Indonesians are convinced that Kuala Lumpur is still largely controlled by London. This partly accounts for the sacking in September i963 of Britain's Djakarta Embassy and the subsequent take-overs (inspired and led by Indonesian Communists) of many British properties in Indonesia. These actions were partially checked by President Soekarno and the anti-Communist Indonesian army; but both the President and army leaders have shown throughout the Malaysia dispute an attitude quite as anti-British as that of the Communists. What most alarms and antagonizes the British and Malaysian Governments are the border attacks and guerrilla activities sponsored by the Indonesian army. Special training and arms have been provided on an increasing scale to Indonesian army personnel and to disaffected people from Sarawak and Sabah, who have probed into these Borneo areas of Malaysia from bases in Indonesian Borneo. This situation has forced Britain to dig deep into her army reserves in an effort to screen the thousand-mile jungle and mountain border between Malaysian and Indonesian Borneo. It is ironic