Why examine Israeli governance as colonial governance rather than that of a flawed, liberal democracy? Zureik's path-breaking work, Israel's Colonial Project in Palestine, provides us with some critical answers. His overarching assertion is that colonialism must be read back into the histories of Israel/Palestine and, most importantly, into the present, as well. This central concern seems as vital today as ever as Israeli settler-colonialism continues to appropriate Palestinian land and resources, while spatially marginalizing the Palestinians and confining them to only a small part of their original homeland.Following Talal Asad (1991) and other theorists of colonialism, Zureik reminds us that this form of governance is not simply about a temporary subjugation of the colonized, established through an initial moment of violent conquest. Rather, colonialism in its various guises necessarily produces a set of radical and abiding transformations to the territory it conquers and those it dominates. Those vast alterations are physical, legal, historical, and discursive and manifest themselves in broader policies and designs and in the everyday, lived realities of Palestinians and Israeli Jews.Many scholars of Palestine/Israel have concentrated on land and resources as the crucial concerns of colonial authority and both of these issues have been of paramount importance. However, Zureik reminds us that there have been other vital dimensions of Israeli colonizing power, ones found at the nexus of power and knowledge. Any serious observer of Palestine and Israel's overlapping histories must, it seems to me, examine epistemic realms and their material implications.Ideology and what Cohn (1996) referred to as imperialism's forms of are routinely-and necessarily-on the march as colonizers impose themselves on the colonized. The Israeli state has mobilized discursive expressions of authority as an aid to conquest, to justify the vast transformations that the Jewish state (and the British regime before it) has wrought in Palestine. I want to address two primary realms of Israeli colonial knowledge production, both of which interact dialectically with the theft and settlement of Palestinian land. The first relates to racism, racialization, and the formation of racist ideologies. The second concerns the manufacture of histories and what I refer to as the weaponization of myth. Both draw on essentialist notions of peoples and places in an attempt to naturalize and normalize the ironclad order of apartness that the Jewish state has crafted over the last seven decades.Racism, Racist Violence, and the Racialization of Space Under Israeli Colonial RuleCrucial to Israeli settler-colonialism have been essentialist assertions of racial and cultural differences between Israeli Jews and the Palestinians. Zionism has generated new meanings about Jews and Arabs and imputed notions of superiority and inferiority onto colonizer and colonized alike. As well, there have been assumptions about where and how Palestinians and Israelis should live in relation to one another-who belongs where and who is out of place. If colonialism has too often been ignored as a frame of analysis for studying Palestine/Israel, so too have questions of race, racism, and racist violence.Given that Israeli settler-colonialism (like other similar regimes) has been marked by an inherently eliminatory logic intent on expelling unwanted Palestinians, it is odd how few studies of Palestine/Israel have sufficiently focused on the role that racism and racialization have played in the assembly of Israeli authority. Throughout his text, Zureik calls our attention to the abiding importance of race and the racialization of space in the production and reproduction of a state built on severe exclusionary principles.It might be said that the Jewish state's ideological architecture of essential differences between Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs enables nearly every one of its principle aims. …