Party Program Research Articles

Dreams of mass repatriation: government and far-right expansions of deportability in Sweden

ABSTRACT Far-right parties present increased deportations and repatriations of ‘racial aliens’ as a central policy goal. The mainstreaming of the far-right contributes to making such ideas enter mainstream politics and become legitimized. This article investigates what expansions of deportability can be discerned in relation to membership categories viewed as secure – notably, permanent residency and citizenship – in government policy and far-right policy proposals in Sweden. Based on an analysis of Swedish government policy documents from 1885 to 2022 and far-right party programs and policy proposals from 1989 to 2022, the article shows how government and far-right ideas have converged in recent years in part through the rekindling of historical policy. The article concludes that the mainstreaming of the far-right has contributed to a shift towards a conception of citizenship that aims to render a significant part of the Swedish population deportable.

Mobilising youth for elections: electoral inclusion of youth in Turkey under competitive authoritarianism

Scholars have paid scant attention to how state–society relations are shaped in contexts where democratic and authoritarian institutions co-exist under new forms of authoritarianism. Furthermore, the realm of youth citizenship in such regimes is a nascent area warranting deeper exploration. This study draws on the case of Turkey to address these gaps by investigating why political parties, which previously marginalised young voters, have fervently mobilised youth during elections that paradoxically coincided with the process of autocratisation. We employ a content analysis of party programmes, election manifestos, and social media campaign content of major political parties, as well as secondary sources on Turkish and youth politics spanning from 1983 to 2023, to address this puzzle. Our analysis unveils three key findings. Firstly, transformative events such as the Gezi Park Protests and digital activism have invigorated youth political involvement, compelling both government and opposition parties to prioritise youth electoral engagement. Secondly, the shift from a parliamentary to a presidential system has heightened political parties’ focus on securing the youth vote to win elections. Lastly, political parties strive to align youth political values with their own ideologies, and the process of election campaigning provides ample opportunities for such a goal.

Outsourcing Machines. How Programmatic Parties Include Clientelistic Strategies

What explains that programmatic parties may combine their policy offers with clientelistic dispensation? Prevailing knowledge suggests that parties top-down diversify linkages, targeting their program at wealthier voters while providing particularistic inducements to poorer ones. Yet, these frameworks fail to explain the variety of strategies used by politicians to link voters within the municipal context, where voters’ socioeconomic status and electoral competition are less likely to vary. I argue that programmatic parties may engage in clientelism at the municipal level when they receive bottom-up demands. Leveraging evidence from 97 in-depth interviews conducted during multiyear fieldwork in three Chilean municipalities, this article shows why and how programmatic parties outsource the cost of clientelism to neighbourhood associations in exchange for targeted distribution to solve the groups’ demands. By showing that clientelism in programmatic-oriented settings is demand-driven, the article draws attention to territorially-rooted local groups as key actors that help to explain the variety of strategies parties use to link with voters.

Environmental programs of Russian political parties. Electoral preferences

The article analyzes the influence of environmental programs of Russian political parties on electoral preferences. The All-Russian Public Opinion Research Center research shows that despite the satisfactory assessment of the environmental situation by the population, the growth of concern about the deterioration of the environmental situation in the regions is noticeable.

Ideologie językowe w programach wyborczych Nowej Partii Postępowej w Portoryko

The aim of this article is to analyze language ideologies towards Spanish, English and bilingualism articulated in selected political party programs (or party platforms, programa de gobierno) of the New Progressive Party (NPP) in Puerto Rico after 2000. The study examines the beliefs, declarations, and objectives related to the main language ideologies on the island, regarding: (1) Spanish as the national language of Puerto Ricans (monolingualism); (2) English as the language of American citizens and the U.S. federal government (monolingualism); (3) English as a resource for social and economic advancement (linguistic instrumentalism and/or linguistic entrepreneurship); (4) bilingualism as a resource for social and economic advancement (linguistic instrumentalism and/or linguistic entrepreneurship); (5) English as a global language (perceived as a universal means of communication). The article examines the programs presented during the general elections that led to the NPP candidates assuming the positions of governors: Luis Fortuño (2009-2013), Ricardo Rosselló (2017-2019), and Pedro Pierluisi (2021-2024). This analysis is contextualized within the language debates that form part of the island’s long history of the coexistence of Spanish and English since 1898.

The Influencing Factors and Countermeasures of Youth Political Participation

The youth have immense power to achieve their political goals. Youth have different perspectives towards politics which is determined their goals and objectives in the politics. By engaging in decision making, young people are learning about the political processes in society, but are also developing necessary skills, such as self - esteem, confidence, negotiation skills, a sense of autonomy etc. Thus participation is considered a tool for individual development of a young person as a citizen. Youth participation in politics encompasses a wide range of activities that allow individuals to form and express their views on the state of the world and how it is run, as well as to influence the decisions that directly affect their daily lives. This study discusses the factors that could influence political participation among youth. The purpose of this study is to examine the intuitional and exogenous factors of youth’s influencing political participation of youth’s. A total of 260 youths were participated in this survey, with a response rate of 100 % at the district level in Karnataka. Finding from multiple linear regression demonstrate that the influence of intuitional factors such as youth’s decision - making skills and political knowledge, youth’s technological sophistication and information literacy, political participation starts at the local, personality traits and attitude towards society, breaking a political nepotism, family background, voluntary activities and exogenous factors of youth’s such as contacting public officials, campaign activity, communal activities, role of students' unions/schools/colleges, political party programmes, financing and support, social environment, youth peer groups and associates, participation through voting have a substantial influence on political participation.

Персуазивная роль этнонимов в испанском электоральном дискурсе

The article examines the persuasive impact of ethnonyms and ethnic categories on the voters in Spanish electoral discourse. In the modern world, the mechanisms of political communication are generating a growing interest. It is explained by the influence of political processes on all spheres of society, the fate of peoples and entire states, and the interests of every citizen. Therefore, political problems remain relevant at all times. The important role of electoral discourse, which has a pronounced persuasive effect on the voters, should be highlighted. When struggling for power, leaders and representatives of Spanish political parties, naturally, strive to establish trust, exert a certain emotional impact on potential voters and induce them to make the “correct” electoral decision, i.e. to vote for their party. It should be noted that persuasiveness has not only an argumentative, but also a manipulative component, forcing an addressee to act in the interests of the sender of the message. One of the persuasive speech mechanisms of Spanish electoral discourse is the use of ethnonyms in the election programmes of political parties. Ethnonyms contain valuable historical, ethnographic, cultural and linguistic information and, accordingly, cover the religious, cultural and historical spheres, as well as play an important role in intercultural communication. Ethnic identity includes the desire of peoples to preserve their identity, the uniqueness of their culture, language and worldview. Ethnonyms allow native speakers to identify their own traits and stereotypes. The essence of cultural, spiritual and political life is revealed through language. Thus, the study of ethnonyms and ethnic categories, as well as their functions in political discourse, is an urgent task of modern linguistics.

Academy of Sciences and New Approaches to Economic Planning in the USSR (late 1950s – early 1960s)

In the article the author considers the emergence of new approaches to the planning of the national economy of the USSR in the second half of 1950-s – early 1960-s as a result of departmental struggle between the USSR Gosplan and academic economic institutes for influence on the economic policy of the country. Despite the abundance of historical works covering the planning debates of the 1920s, this subject is poorly covered in historiography in relation to the post-war period. The methodological basis of the article is Michel Kallon’s “sociology of translation”, according to which experts translate the problems of key clients into their language in such a way that their scientific programme and themselves are at the centre of the proposed solution to these problems. The author examines the process of weakening the role of the USSR Gosplan and the emergence of alternative centres of competence on economic policy issues. In accordance with the chosen approach, the rhetorical moves and political techniques that were used by major economists to promote new research directions (economic and mathematical methods, evaluation of capital investment efficiency, etc.) are highlighted. These political techniques were: inserting key words into party programme documents and/or speeches of the party leader; formation of broad coalitions; use of administrative resources of the Academy of Sciences; publishing and educational activities; repelling attempts of the Gosplan to fit into the new agenda, criticism of its staff as incapable of implementing the proposed ideas.

Социальное государство как фактор снижения противоречий в правящей элите на примере России конца XIX – начала XX вв.

The article deals with the formation of the foundations of the social state in Russia at the turn of the XIX–XX centuries. At the same time, the emphasis is placed on the fact that representatives of political elite, differing in various ideological views and ideas about the ideal form of government, could agree on the need to expand social functions of the state. The aim of the article is to determine the influence of ideas about the need to build a social state in Russia and certain elements of this idea implemented in life on reducing contradictions in the ranks of the ruling elite. The most significant sources are the documentation of political parties in Russia, which were formed at the beginning of the XX century and took part in the work of the State Duma. These sources allow us to see that, despite sometimes significant differences in issues concerning the form of government, the state structure and political freedoms, most parties were inclined to recognize the need for the development of a social state in Russia. This was manifested in the introduction of relevant items in the party programs devoted to the working issue, development of the state insurance system, as well as the introduction of free education. The results of the study show that in Russia, as in most European countries, there was a gradual understanding of the need to build a social state. At the same time, consensus on this issue could help reduce the level of contradictions in the ruling elite. However, some discrepancies in specific programs of political parties regarding the elements of the welfare state could act as reasons for conflicts.

Caught in the liberal pragmatic trap? How political parties viewed energy dependence on Russia in three European countries 2012–2022

After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and its subsequent decision to stop its gas export to Europe, Europe’s energy dependence on Russia was put on full display. In this paper, we map energy relations with Russia in three European countries that in the period of analysis between 2012 and 2022 were among the most important energy customers of Russia: Poland, Germany and the Netherlands. Moreover, we examine how this issue has been addressed – if at all – in party programs in elections in the same period. Examining party programs, we argue, brings new insights and a better understanding of how energy policies and relations with Russia were viewed in the three countries – and in the EU in general in that period. The paper identifies two ideal types – the ‘liberal pragmatists’, who treated strong energy interdependence as a possible conflict-mitigating measure, and the ‘hard core realists’, who viewed strong energy dependence on Russia as a possible source of strategic threat.

Pandemic Persona and Digital Culture: The Role of Celebrity Politicians on Social Networks

The paper discusses a specific intersection of the politics, celebrity, and digital culture. In the last few decades, more and more people from the entertainment realm entered the world of institutional politics trying to leverage their popularity. Thanks to the media, they manage to transfer their celebrity capital, namely accumulated media visibility and recognisability (Driesens 2013) into the political sphere. In the beginning, they improve their visibility with the help of mass media that place their personas and private lives in the focus of public attention. However, with the digitalization of the media, the popular-political landscape has changed (Marshall 2020), so today they have dispositional new bases for practising personalized politics, i.e. imposing their personality instead of political party programmes. In this paper, attention is directed to former American president Donald Trump, president of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and Miroslav Škoro, who was a candidate in the presidential, parliamentary, and local elections in Croatia. Although there were obvious differences between these three celebrities mentioned before entering the political arena, their later use of social networks vividly shows how they built their political/pandemic persona in the evolving mediatization of politics.

Petros Tepoyan's views on Armenian national liberation about the struggle

The unprecedentedly politicized life of the Republic of Armenia received a new impetus after the Velvet Revolution. A large number of organizations announced themselves that directed and restrained unrest in society. Traditional parties with a unique political trajectory in Armenian life have also become more active. From the point of view of understanding today's processes and not repeating the mistakes of the past, it is more than important and relevant to highlight the successes they have achieved and the mistakes they have made. The Armenian intellectual from the diaspora P. Tepoyan addressed these issues and expressed quite realistic assessments. He noted that the Armenians, being more developed than the peoples living on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, experienced an awakening in the second half of the 19th century, which became a prerequisite for the Armenian national liberation struggle. However, the economic and political interests of extremely unequal forces led to defeat as a result of the battle. After this, Armenian political leaders always connected the issue of resolving the “Armenian question” with the politics that is possible for our people. At the same time, the authors of the Hunchakian party program, called upon to lead the liberation struggle, being almost unfamiliar with the harsh conditions that developed in the Ottoman Empire, chose the wrong strategy and tactics. Their struggle was of a romantic nature and in many cases not united, with the result that the expected result was realized.

Out of Many, One? Exploring Ethnolinguistic Identity Appeals in the Brussels Capital Region

Abstract Consociationalism promises to resolve tensions among groups in deeply divided societies by constructing shared identity that transcends ethnic divisions. Yet there is no guarantee that this will happen, and empirical studies testing this claim yield inconsistent results. We examine the extent to which political parties appeal to shared identities within a consociation, focusing on the Brussels Capital Region (BCR) in Belgium. The BCR constitutes a regional consociation aimed at addressing divisions between Dutch and French speakers. Based on a quantitative analysis of party programs, and a qualitative analysis of thirty interviews with Brussels MPs, our findings indicate that parties do indeed appeal to a common sense of belonging, often on issues that have a low ethnolinguistic salience. When addressing contentious community matters, however, we observe that Dutch-speaking parties (especially ethnic outbidders) prioritize their own linguistic group identity more than Francophone parties.

RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATIONS IN THE CONCEPT OF THE FUTURE SOCIETY IN THE GERMAN SOCIAL DEMOCRACY AT THE END OF THE 19THAND BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURIES

Based on the analysis of the works of the classics of Marxism, the works of theorists and historians of German social democracy, articles by priests of the Catholic Church and representatives of Christian socialism in Germany at the end of the 19th century, theorists of anarcho-syndicalism, Russian and foreign researchers of German social democracy and the labor question, an attempt is shown to a departure from the orthodox Marxist policy of the German Social Democracy of the late 19th-early 20th century regarding religion, the church, religious organizations and believers towards a more pragmatic party policy aimed at attracting faithful Catholic workers into their ranks. In German Social Democracy, after the repeal of the law against the Socialists, which fell as a result of joint political actions against the policy of the government of Otto von Bismarck, a coalition of opposition bourgeois and clerical parties, the restoration of existing voting rights, in the interests of growing party ranks and strengthening the influence of the Social Democrats in local Landtag and the Reichstag, created the opportunity to propagate socialist ideas among the workers, who were under the strong influence of the church. The question arose: what kind of party policy should be pursued in the future with regard to believers so that this does not contradict the program of the party and does not reduce the quality of its party ranks. These questions served as the subject of discussion in the party and led to the subsequent adjustment of its party program, the exclusion from it of the provision on the reactionary nature of all other classes of society, except for the proletariat. The problem was to develop such a policy of the party towards the church and believers that it would not contradict the basic Marxist postulates on this issue and at the same time would not interfere with the attraction of believers to the party, especially from rural areas that were under the strong influence of the clergy.

Mekanisme Pembubaran Partai Politik: Perbandingan Indonesia dan Turki

Political parties are not sacred, so they can be dissolved according to the provisions of the applicable laws. The mechanism for dissolving political parties in each country is certainly different. So this research aims to examine the differences in mechanisms for the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia and Turkey. This research is legal research with a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of this research show that the mechanism for dissolving political parties in Indonesia and Turkey is both submitted to the Constitutional Court. Still, specifically for Turkey, it must go through the Court of Cassation first. The applicant who can apply for the dissolution of a political party in Indonesia is the Government which can be represented by the Attorney General and/or the Minister assigned by the President while in Turkey the person who can apply is the Chief Public Prosecutor. The reasons for the dissolution of political parties in Indonesia are because (i) the ideology, principles, objectives, and programs of political parties conflict with the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia; (ii) carrying out activities that endanger the integrity and safety of the Republic of Indonesia; and (iii) adhere to, develop and spread the teachings or understanding of communism/Marxism-Leninism. Meanwhile, the reasons for the dissolution of political parties in Turkey are: (i) the statutes and programs, as well as the activities of political parties be contrary to the independence of the State, its indivisible integrity with its territory and nation, human rights, the principles of equality and rule of law, sovereignty of the nation, the principles of the democratic and secular republic; (ii) aim to promote or establish class or group dictatorship or dictatorship of any kind, nor shall they incite citizens to crime; and (iii) receive financial assistance from abroad.

Turkey’s Political Parties’ Asia Policies: Visions, Contacts, Issues

ABSTRACT Traditionally, Turkey has been an ally of the transatlantic bloc. As a NATO member, with a majority Muslim population and a free market economy, it was even hailed by Western powers as a model country in the 2000s. However, due to its acquisition of the S-400 missile defence system from Russia, its desire to be a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and its military presence in Syria and Libya, many analysts have argued that Turkey’s foreign policy has experienced a pivot to Asia recently. This article systematically examines the current positions of various political parties in Turkey in this context using first-hand data. Through semi-structured interviews with 14 political party representatives, and by analysing their party programmes, the vision of different political parties in respect of Asia, their relations with Asian actors, their stance on Asian foreign direct investments and its environmental impacts, the Uyghur issue, and their thoughts on the period that will follow the Ukraine-Russia war are studied.

The Discourse on the Formation of Permanent Compulsory Initial Military Service in Lithuania

In liberal democracies, the aim of the national armed forces is to protect the freedom and security of society as a whole by political and military means, which leads to the rejection of compulsory military service as an obligatory form of self-defence. However, in the context of shifting geopolitical stability, the subject of compulsory military service is growing in importance in the political discourse. The present paper analyses the political discourse on the formation of permanent compulsory initial military service in Lithuania, and places a particular focus on party programmes in elections held between 1992 and 2020. The content spectrum as regards permanent compulsory initial military service represented in the party programmes of Lithuanian political parties between 1992 and 2020 is scarce, and gives a sketchy image of the service. By communicating the risks associated with being limited to professional military service alone, the Conservatives make more frequent attempts than others at creating a political discourse on permanent compulsory initial military service. By contrast, other political parties focus on the circumstances associated with the geopolitical situation.

Challenging the Nordic model? The cultural policies of populist parties in Finland and Sweden

ABSTRACT Cultural policy is increasingly re-politicised by populism amid shifting political discourse in Europe and beyond. This article investigates the re-politicisation of cultural policy in Sweden and Finland, set against the backdrop of rising populism, which is potentially reshaping the traditionally stable Nordic cultural policy landscape. It focuses on the cultural policies of two populist parties: the Finns Party in Finland and the Sweden Democrats in Sweden. Employing qualitative analysis of party programs, this study reveals both parties’ opposition to several aspects of the Nordic cultural policy model. The parties advocate for ‘regular people’ as opposed to the ‘elite’ and emphasise national identity over economy-driven policies, marking a shift from the neoliberal tendencies of the past decades. Our analysis highlights the role of these parties in politicising culture and challenging the long-standing consensus in Nordic cultural policies. These findings shed light on the evolving dynamics of Nordic cultural policy under growing populist influence.

МОНГОЛЫН УЛС ТӨРИЙН НАМЫН ҮЗЭЛ БАРИМТЛАЛ, ТҮҮНИЙ ХЭРЭГЖИЛТИЙН ЗАРИМ АСУУДАЛ

There has not been much theoretical and empirical research on the political party concept and the party program developed according to it. Therefore, in 2022, the professors and researchers of the Department of Political Science and the Center for Democracy Studies of the National University of Mongolia carried out an expert study on the topic "Mongolia's political development since 1990: processes, relations and attitudes". Out of the total 7 points, the experts who participated in the survey said that the platforms of the political parties participating in the elections have their own characteristics and are not different, with 2.8 points. With a score of 2.23, the values of political parties in Mongolia are not clear and understandable, with a score of 2.21, the political party's election platform does not match its ideals, and with a score of 2.09, voters are unable to make a choice after reviewing the election platform developed according to the political party's ideals, which means that the parties do not adhere to their ideals, directly showing that it is not important.

How Greens turn gray: Green Party politics and the depoliticization of energy and climate change

Decarbonization efforts and sustainability transformations represent highly contested socio-political projects. Yet, they often encounter various forms of depoliticization. This article illuminates how a grand socio-ecological challenge like the energy transition gets depoliticized by an unusual suspect, namely Germany's Green Party. Based on a qualitative content analysis of Green Party programs, party conventions, and additional documents published between 1980 and 2021, this article traces how the Green Party has depoliticized the energy transition over time, emphasizing a shift from radical societal change to ecological modernization. The changing stance of the German Greens on the country's energy transition reflects more profound changes of a future society the party collectively envisions through their energy and climate change agenda. These changes result from a struggle between moderates advocating incremental political reforms and radicals aiming for more fundamental and systemic societal change. By merging sustainability transition research with science and technology studies, this article makes a twofold contribution: First, it proposes a conceptual framework to investigate social and political futures envisioned through energy and climate politics. Second, the article empirically demonstrates the long process of depoliticization for an unusual but critical case. Germany's Green Party has embraced a technocentric vision of the energy transition, thereby suppressing earlier notions of broader societal change, such as anti-capitalism and energy democracy. This article spells out implications for the wider field of energy and climate politics and concludes with suggestions for future research.