Professor Of Political Science Research Articles

Introduction

Introduction Aryeh Botwinick (bio) On November 18–20, 2018, Annabel Herzog (Professor of Political Science at the University of Haifa in Israel) and I (Professor of Religion and formerly Professor of Political Science, both at Temple University in Philadelphia, PA) organized a conference at Haifa with the title, "Asymmetry, the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, and Abrahamic Peace." The two issues of J.E.S. of which I am guest editor constitute the papers from the conference. As many of the essays make clear, the asymmetries in military power and resources between the Israelis and the Palestinians are a major source of the conflict. The multinational and multidimensional conference brought together Israeli, Palestinian, American, and European scholars to discuss the origins, sources, and evolution of the conflict, its current status, and possible modes of resolution. The disciplinary perspectives reflected in these essays range from theology to philosophy to political science, sociology, and history. The past, present, and future of the conflict (including possible modes of resolution) remain the ongoing focus of most of the contributors to these collections, even when their essays seek to develop in depth one of the perspectives I have outlined. There is a virtual consensus among the authors that both Jewish and Islamic fundamentalism are major factors in instigating the conflict and keeping it alive for such a long time. In this introduction, I will address in short compass the phenomenon of Jewish fundamentalism, which evokes immediate analogues with Christian and Islamic fundamentalism. I will then provide brief introductions to the articles that appear in this issue. Using Maimonides, one of the most influential expositors of Jewish thought and law in the history of Judaism, as my background source, I will try to show how the fervent belief in messianic redemption expressed in his writings is counterbalanced by a very disciplined and restrained application [End Page 325] of this belief to the immediacies of historical and religious experience. This disciplined restraint is urgently needed today. In Chapter 11, Paragraph 1, in his "Laws Concerning Kings and Wars" (hereafter, "Laws"), Maimonides said, "Whoever does not believe in King Messiah, or does not eagerly await his coming, not only denies the teachings of the other prophets but those of the Torah itself and of Moses our teacher."1 This very rigorous embrace of messianism is immediately counterbalanced in the first paragraph of Chapter 12 in the same "Laws" by an insistence on the largely metaphorical character of most of the biblical and talmudic descriptions of the Messianic Age: One should not think that in the days of the Messiah any of the laws of nature will be suspended or any innovation occur in creation—but rather the world will follow its accustomed course. That which is stated in Isaiah that the wolf will dwell with the lamb and the leopard will lie down with the kid [Is. 11:6] needs to be understood as parable and riddle. … Similarly, all passages dealing with the Messianic Age have to be construed as metaphors. And at the time of King Messiah it will become evident to all what the metaphor was referring to and what content was being hinted at.2 In Paragraph 2 of the same chapter, Maimonides wrote, "In all these matters and those similar to them no one will know how they take place until they actually occur, for these matters are hidden from the prophets. The scholars as well do not have traditions in these matters. They are guided by the interpretations they come up with in their reading of the relevant verses."3 In the conclusion of this paragraph, he stated that "one should wait and believe in the general idea of messianic redemption,"4 without being able to figure out how it would be translated into practice. What was driving Maimonides' emphasis on the themes of the unknowableness (we do not know how or when it will happen) and, simultaneously, the ordinariness (nothing changes in the order of nature)? I think that an important clue for addressing this question can be found in [End Page 326] Chapter 11, Paragraph 3, of "Laws" where Maimonides said, "And the essence of the matter is this: This Torah and its...

Subotić , Jelena Yellow Star, Red Star: Holocaust Remembrance after Communism (review)

REVIEWS 187 Subotić, Jelena. Yellow Star, Red Star: Holocaust Remembrance after Communism. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY and London, 2019. xx + 241 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Notes. Index. £24.99: $29.99. Seventy-five years since the liberation of Auschwitz, Holocaust memory still remains the topic of fervent debate in Eastern European and post-Communist historiography. In Yellow Star, Red Star: Holocaust Remembrance after Communism, Jelena Subotić, professor of political science at Georgia State University, develops a framework for understanding how political memories shape the contemporary identities of ‘ontologically insecure’ states. By focusing on Serbia, Croatia and Lithuania as primary case studies, Subotić also illuminates the history of the Holocaust and its remembrance in states which have remained largely marginal in Holocaust studies. The author contends that post-Communist states are of particular interest because they are dealing with multiple sources of ontological insecurity: insecurities about their European and national identities, their status in the international community and their newly independent states’ relationships with international organizations. One of the strategies to overcome these insecurities is what Subotić has termed Holocaust ‘memory appropriation’, which entails using the Holocaust ‘to memorialize a different kind of suffering, such as suffering under communism, or suffering from ethnic violence perpetrated by other groups’ (p. 9). This is dangerous because it not only erases the suffering and banalizes the genocide of Europe’s Jewish population, but it also asserts a false equivalency between fascism and communism. In the first chapter of the book, Subotić outlines the importance of Holocaust memory to European and liberal conceptualizations of modernity. In fact, the need for continuous reflection on dishonourable legacies such as the Holocaust is a constitutive element of Europeanness; it is a crucial element in the process of ascension of post-Communist states to the European political and moral community (Dace Dzenovska, School of Europeanness, Ithaca, NY 2018). In this chapter, the author argues that Serbia has adopted ‘memory inversion’, which is reminiscent of what Marko Živković has termed ‘the wish to be a Jew’ (‘The Wish to be a Jew: The Power of the Jewish Trope in the Yugoslav Conflict’, Cahiers de l’Urmis, 6, 2000, pp. 69–84); the worn-out national narrative which frames the Serbian nation as a righteous victim in the hopes of earning pity in the West. In this strategy of Holocaust memory appropriation, the discourse and imagery of the Holocaust is appropriated to illuminate Communist crimes against Serbs. Interestingly, Subotić accuses Croatia of ‘memory divergence’, where the blame for the triple genocide against the Serb, Jewish and Roma communities is laid entirely on German Nazis, thus absolving the local fascists. In the final move, the author argues that Lithuania has adopted ‘memory SEER, 99, 1, JANUARY 2021 188 conflation’, in which narratives on the Holocaust are combined and equated with Stalinism. However, there is overlap in the appropriation strategies used; for instance, all three seem to engage in memory divergence by blaming the Germans for atrocities committed by locals. The following three chapters each deal with one of the three case studies, aiming to compare the Soviet and Yugoslav Communist experiences, as well as the experiences of members and aspiring members of the European Union. The first section of each chapter outlines the timeline of the Holocaust in these states, particularly emphasizing local collaboration with the occupiers and participation in the genocide of the Jews. Subotić engages in critical discourse analysis and compares state remembrance rituals, speeches and memorials during the Communist and post-Communist periods. Subotić concludes each case study with a brief discussion on the contemporary lives of the devastated Jewish communities through interviews with community representatives and Shoah survivors. The final chapter of the book reiterates the fact that these state machinations with historical revisionism have resulted in the rehabilitation of local Holocaust architects and collaborators, contributing to the proliferation of neo-fascism and right-wing nationalism in Europe. Subotić closes her book with a memorable call for ‘memory solidarity’, arguing that ‘feeling and expressing accountability for all this violent history makes our histories more balanced and complete and our societies more just’ (p. 228). The impact of these revisionist remembrance practices on communities victimized by the Holocaust is...

Justifying Revolution: Law, Virtue, and Violence in the American War of Independence ed. Glenn A. Moots and Philip Hamilton

Reviewed by: Justifying Revolution: Law, Virtue, and Violence in the American War of Independence ed. Glenn A. Moots and Philip Hamilton Zara Anishanslin (bio) Keywords Just war theory, Warfare, American Revolutionary War, Military history Justifying Revolution: Law, Virtue, and Violence in the American War of Independence. Edited by Glenn A. Moots and Philip Hamilton. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2018. Pp. 392. Cloth, $45.00.) The organizers of the edited volume Justifying Revolution: Law, Virtue, and Violence in the American War of Independence have a simple yet potent justification for their work: It is the first book to examine the American Revolution within the context of just-war theory. The editors, Glenn Moots and Philip Hamilton, rightly point out that such a theoretical application is overdue. They also argue that the fact the American Revolution was "hard, bloody, and destructive" (3) makes it particularly fruitful for such analysis. For these reasons, the volume is a welcome contribution to the historiography of the American Revolution writ large. Co-edited by a professor of history and a professor of political science and philosophy, the book offers a laudably interdisciplinary spectrum of scholars who, at times, contradict one another, most notably around the central question of whether or not the American Revolution was a "just war." This leaves the reader wishing the editors had included a "Conclusion" to tie the volume together. Aside from that omission, the book's structure is logical. After the editors' "Introduction," it moves from a section on "Jus ad Bellum" (justifi-cations for waging rebellion or starting war), to one on "Jus in Bello" (the ethics of wartime conduct toward civilians and military both), before a concluding section, "Jus post Bellum" (the morality of post-war diplomacy and peace). This structure moves the reader from thinking—as those who lived through the revolutionary era would have done—about legal and ethical applications of just-war theory before, during, and after the beginning and end of armed conflict. Although the editors frame the [End Page 117] volume as one engaging just-war theory writ large, this is, as they term it, "western" just-war theory. In fact, the book's focus is overwhelmingly Euro- and Euro American-centric. Fans of Swiss legal theorist Emer de Vattel, author of Law of Nations (1758), will find much to enjoy here. Norwegian law professor Andreas Aure walks the reader through an intellectual genealogy explaining why Vattel was the "most influential voice concerning just war theory" among revolutionary era leaders (22), while international affairs professor Theodore Christov examines the fondness that George Washington and other Americans such as James Otis had for Vattel. Moots and Valerie Ona Morkeviĉius, both political scientists, consider Vattel alongside other Protestant thinkers such as John Calvin, as their focus is Protestant ideas about justifications for war and rebellion over two centuries, a welcome look at religion and war. However, despite admitting that, "historians disagree about the precise role of Protestant religion in the Revolution" (48), they do not really address this historiography, instead presenting us with a Revolution almost uniformly peopled by Reformed Protestants. Jack P. Greene also takes us back and forth across the Atlantic to look at this "fratricidal war." Relying upon pamphlet literature, Greene looks at "coercionists" and "conciliationists" in both Britain and America, tracing the arguments of those in favor of using force against rebel colonists and those against. As he pithily notes, "British coercionists should be accorded a place among the founders of the nation that came into being as an unintended consequence of their resort to military measures" (97–98). Greene's point that both British and American public opinion should be studied is a crucial yet too often underemphasized one—though he, like other authors in the book, neglects the importance of visual culture in transatlantic propaganda. Greene's chapter finds a useful companion in historian William Anthony Hay's edifying look at shifting British strategies and claims of sovereignty jus post bellum. Chapters by Philip Hamilton and Jonathan Den Hartog also form useful companion pieces for different chronological stages, in this case through biopic analyses. Hamilton's focus on Henry Knox's gentlemanly ideals about jus in bello and...

Georges CormArab Political Thought: Past and Present by Patricia M. Phillips-Batoma Atoma Batoma

BOOKS IN REVIEW Day. Almost all the characters, even a couple of bandits, surprisingly wear the same warm color against the gloomy social backdrop . The traditional Chinese doctrine of Confucianism is hardly mentioned in this book, but its characters behave in accordance , seemingly on instinct. The country gentlemen and stewards, young masters and hired hands, merchants and prostitutes , and all the other ordinary people struggling in the turbulent age of the late Qing Dynasty, they all shimmer unexpectedly with warmth and kindness, loyalty and humanity. From this novel, you might get the impression that Yu Hua seems to have reverted from his earlier years of being a cynical adult and turned into an innocent child, endeavoring in rebuilding a fairy land after a catastrophe, and trying to find a satisfying answer for all problems. He does want to reach a peaceful balance in this novel, like a serious reconciliation with his old sulky self. The novel starts with a quest, and it ends with emotional closure. A husband leaves his home in search of his wife; though he fails, providence brings their coffins together for a short moment on a beautiful sunny day. The key is that the reader knows. They know why she left and where she went and how she died. They know she loved him as he loved her, and she regretted every moment after leaving him, and she sent their daughter embroidered clothes, filled with a mother’s love. They know he died a hero, and she died thinking of him. They know everything . Different from Brothers and To Live, where readers are tortured with unsolved questions and unpacified grief, Wen Cheng indulges and feeds its readers with everything they want. Yu Hua endeavors to draw a perfect circle in this book. And sometimes , he even goes a little further on the path of perfecting it. The first part should end when Lin Xiangfu is killed, for usually the protagonist’s perspective is over after his death, and the writer of To Live would definitely leave it there. But today’s Yu Hua just cannot leave his death unrevenged. Of course, if he could, the second part added to patch up the tragedy would not be there either, and the whole story might make another realistic novel, instead of a romance. Gong Qiangwei China University of Mining & Technology Georges Corm Arab Political Thought: Past and Present Trans. Patricia M. Phillips-Batoma & Atoma Batoma. London. Hurst. 2020. 367 pages. AS EVENTS UNFOLD in the Arabicspeaking Middle East, whether related to the Arab-Israeli conflict, to the war in Syria, or to Trump’s so-called deal of the century more recently, we observers might be wondering what Arab intellectuals think, how they have been thinking for many decades now about politics in their respective countries and in the region. Apart from the occasional media appearance by English speakers like Palestinian American historian Rashid Khalidi, we likely lack historical perspective when it comes to Arab political thought. A recently published comprehensive overview by Lebanese economist Georges Corm goes a long way to fill this gap. This is not another work attempting to delve into the “Arab mind” but rather to track the evolution of Arab thought from the nineteenth century to the present. A professor of economics, political science , and contemporary history of the Middle East and North Africa, Corm has authored numerous works in French and Arabic but has little name recognition among readers in English, a reality that is somehow emblematic of one of his main points in Arab political thought: The major problem of secular or modernist thought was not its failure to conform to the realities of the Arab world. . . . Rather, its near total invisibility in academia and the media, both Western and Arab, is unquestionably what stifled it in favor of debates that were exclusively theologico-political, redundant, and circular. Whether they were portrayed positively or negatively, these debates continued to be the focus of what bordered on being a marketing campaign to promote the different Islamic movements and their leaders as if they constituted the main political and social force in the Arab world. This state of affairs led to a vicious selfperpetuating...

#polisci Twitter: A Descriptive Analysis of how Political Scientists Use Twitter in 2019

Knowledge creation is a social enterprise, especially in political science. Sharing new findings widely and quickly is essential for progress. Scholars can now use Twitter to rapidly disseminate ideas, and many do. What are the implications of this new tool? Who uses it, how do they use it, and what are the implications for exacerbating or ameliorating existing inequalities in terms of research dissemination and attention? We construct a novel dataset of all 1,236 political science professors at PhD-granting institutions in the United States who have a Twitter account to answer these questions. We find that female scholars and those on the tenure track are more likely to use Twitter, especially for the dissemination of research. However, we consistently find that research by men shared on Twitter is more likely to be passed along further by men than research by women.

Obituary: In Memorium: John Daniel

John Daniel, former professor of Political Science at the University of Durban-Westville (UDW), died at his home on 25 July 2014 after a brave struggle with cancer. He will be remembered for the major contribution to political science in South Africa, his activism in the struggle against apartheid, for his inspirational teaching, his work as a progressive editor, and for his important research for the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).

Eurasian Regionalism as a Research Agenda. Interview with Dr. Mikhail A. Molchanov, University of Salamanca, Spain

Mikhail Aleksandrovich Molchanov is a prominent Canadian political scholar, professor and publicist. He has worked as a senior policy analyst for the Government of Canada and a professor of political science at several Canadian universities. He held a visiting professor appointment at the American University of Sharjah, UAE, and several visiting research appointments at the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies, Waseda University and Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo, Japan, and at the United Nations University Institute of Comparative Regional Studies (UNU-CRIS) in Brugge, Belgium. Dr. Molchanovs research focuses on international relations in Eurasia and international political economy of regional integration. His research projects have been supported by the United States Institute of Peace, The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, the United Nations University Institute on Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS), the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies (UNU-IAS), Japan Foundation, Soros Foundations, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the New Brunswick Innovation Foundation. In 2011, he was awarded the Japan Foundations prestigious Japanese Studies Fellowship, and in 2012, elected Foreign Member of the National Academy of Educational Sciences of Ukraine. He is the winner of the inaugural Robert H. Donaldson prize of the International Studies Association for the best paper study of the post-communist region. He sits on the Board of the Global and International Studies Program, University of Salamanca, Spain. Dr. Molchanov has published extensively on comparative politics and international relations of the post-communist states. He has authored and co-authored 7 books and nearly 120 articles and book chapters, including, most recently, Eurasian Regionalisms and Russian Foreign Policy [Molchanov 2016a], and Management Theory for Economic Systems [Molchanov, Molchanova 2018], as well as Eurasian Regionalism: Ideas and Practices [Molchanov 2015], Russias Leadership of Regional Integration in Eurasia [Molchanov 2016b], The Eurasian Economic Union [Molchanov 2018a], New Regionalism and Eurasia [Molchanov 2018b], Russian Security Strategy and the Geopolitics of Energy in Eurasia [Molchanov 2019], and Eurasian Regionalisms and Russias Pivot to the East: The Role of ASEAN [Molchanov 2014]. In his interview Dr. Molchanov talks about the formation of Eurasian studies in the U.S., Europe and the post-Soviet states, leading scientists in this area and periodicals. Special attention is paid to the perception of the Eurasian space in Western countries, to the prospects for further institutionalization of the Eurasian Economic Union, to the partnership between Russia and China and to Russia - EU relations.

Intrastate Warfare


 
 
 On October 15th, 2020, the Canadian Association for Security and Intelligence Studies (CASIS) Vancouver hosted its sixth Digital Roundtable event of the year, Intrastate Warfare. The presentation was conducted by guest speaker Dr. Arjun Chowdhury, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of British Columbia.
 Dr. Chowdhury’s presentation delivered a historical overview of types of conflicts, and a brief analysis on the patterns of conflicts and whether they have changed over a period of approximately 200 years, with a particular focus on the last 50 years. He described two types of war, interstate and intrastate, mentioning trends in intrastate war and the contrast to interstate war, as well as the consequences to life expectancy and infrastructure in the regions affected by intrastate wars. Subsequently, Dr. Chowdhury answered questions submitted by the attendees, which elaborated on the concepts of interstate and intrastate wars, using current examples such as, COVID-19, right-wing extremism, cybercrimes, and foreign aid.
 APA Citation
 CASIS Vancouver. (2020). Intrastate warfare. The Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare, 3(2), 66-71. https://journals.lib.sfu.ca/index.php/jicw/article/view/2411/1814.
 
 

Publication Biases in Replication Studies

AbstractOne of the strongest findings across the sciences is that publication bias occurs. Of particular note is a “file drawer bias” where statistically significant results are privileged over nonsignificant results. Recognition of this bias, along with increased calls for “open science,” has led to an emphasis on replication studies. Yet, few have explored publication bias and its consequences in replication studies. We offer a model of the publication process involving an initial study and a replication. We use the model to describe three types of publication biases: (1) file drawer bias, (2) a “repeat study” bias against the publication of replication studies, and (3) a “gotcha bias” where replication results that run contrary to a prior study are more likely to be published. We estimate the model’s parameters with a vignette experiment conducted with political science professors teaching at Ph.D. granting institutions in the United States. We find evidence of all three types of bias, although those explicitly involving replication studies are notably smaller. This bodes well for the replication movement. That said, the aggregation of all of the biases increases the number of false positives in a literature. We conclude by discussing a path for future work on publication biases.

The Regulator, the Target, and the Intermediary: A Comprehensive Look at the Regulation of Organic Food in the United States

First paragraph: In Regulation by Proxy: How the USDA Relies on Public, Nonprofit, and For-Profit Intermediaries to Oversee Organic Food in the U.S., Dr. David P. Carter, assistant professor of political science at the Uni­versity of Utah, provides a comprehensive analysis of organic food regulation in the United States. The regulation of organic food is complex, and, as the book title suggests, organic regulation involves many actors with various roles. Although the federal government, through the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA), plays a role in organic certification, “the regulatory arrangement is not as simple as a regu­lator . . . regulating an industry activity . . .” (p. 7). Instead, The National Organic Program (NOP), a regulatory entity housed under the USDA’s Agri­cultural Marketing Service, relies on “an assortment of ‘regulatory intermediaries’” (p. 7) independent from the NOP to develop and enforce uniform national standards for organically produced agricul­tural products sold in the United States. As a result, the regulation of the USDA organic standard is “decentralized” such that organic food is regulated by proxy. . . .

FREDERICK H. HARTMANN Y LA RELACIÓN DE LAS NACIONES

Frederick Hartmann nació en Nueva York en 1922 y murió en el año 2015 a la edad de93 años. Graduado de la Universidad de California en Berkeley, se incorporó a la US Navy enel programa acelerado durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial y tomó parte de nueve invasionesincluyendo la de Palau, Leyte, Linguyen, Gulf y Okinawa y recibió 7 estrellas de batalla.En 1946 se enroló en el programa de la escuela de graduados de la Universidad dePrinceton obteniendo en 1949 un PhD en Política. Fue luego profesor de la Universidad deFlorida en 1948 donde fue promovido rápidamente a profesor asociado y luego a profesorprincipal. Hartmann comandó una división de la Reserva Naval en Gainesville, Florida y fuepromovido a Capitán de Navío en 1966. Ese año aceptó una nueva posición creada en el UnitedStates Naval War College en Newport, Rhode Island, donde se desempeñó durante 20 añoscomo profesor de Ciencias Políticas, y fue el principal asesor de nueve presidentes del NavalWar College. Su prolífica producción literaria lo llevó a escribir quince libros, todos de granreputación, entre los que destacan The Relations of Nations y The Conservation of Enemies.Como graduado del Naval War College, me honro en intentar revivir su legado en estecorto artículo para la prestigiosa Revista de la Sociedad Peruana de Derecho Internacional, enel cual trato de revisitar su libro más famoso: The Relations of Nations (1957) escrito en seisediciones y traducido a muchos idiomas, siendo usado en escuelas de negocios internacionales,escuelas de guerra y escuela de política exterior en muchas naciones. El tema central es el queaboca al eje central de los estudios en el US Naval War College que son las relacionesinternacionales y la política y estrategia en el desarrollo de las naciones.

A Pesquisa em Ciência Política e os Povos Indígenas no Canadá: uma entrevista com Christopher Alcantara

Christopher Alcantara is a professor of political science at Western University in London, Canada, and has dedicated himself to the study of indigenous peoples and Canadian indigenous politics from this disciplinary field. His book Negotiating the Deal: Comprehensive Land Claims Agreements in Canada, published by the University of Toronto Press in 2013, received several major awards and was a reference for researchers in the field. In this interview, we sought to present this important author of the field of Canadian political science to the Brazilian academic community, reviewing the main arguments of his two most recent books. Alcantara discusses the challenges of doing scientific research that is, at the same time, decolonial and emancipatory, in addition to bringing concrete benefits to the indigenous communities involved. Finally, the researcher gives advice to those who want to start their studies on this topic of research and do not know where to start. With this interview, we aim to strengthen the academic exchange of ideas and research methodologies between Brazil and Canada, instigating the interest of undergraduate and graduate students and students for issues related to the indigenous issue in both countries.

Contributors

Contributors

Fiona Terry of the International Committee of the Red Cross talks about The Roots of Restraint in War and the intersection of research and humanitarianism

Fiona Terry is the Head of the Centre for Operational Research and Experience at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). She is the co-author of The Roots of Restraint in War ( https://www.icrc.org/en/publication/4352-roots-restraint-war ), which the ICRC published in 2018. The report examines how and why formal and informal norms shape armed group behavior in war. In addition to discussing some of the report’s main findings, the interview addresses the relationship between academic research and humanitarian practitioners; how external researchers are able, or not able, to shape internal organizational culture; the ethics of data collection; gender and the laws of war; and the differences between formal state militaries and other kinds of non-state actors that engage in violence. The interview was conducted by Helen M. Kinsella, Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Minnesota, and Scott Straus, co-editor-in-chief of the journal. Author of The Image before the Weapon: A Critical History of the Distinction between Combatant and Civilian, Kinsella was a Council on Foreign Relations Fellow at the ICRC, where she focused on gender and armed conflict, in the 2018–2019 academic year.

Religious Nation State: Bahtiar Effendy and Islamic Political Thought

This paper discusses the thoughts of Bactiar Efendy in his work entitled Islam and the State; Transforming Islamic Political Thoughts and Principles in Indonesia, to see the relevance and reflection of his thoughts on the relationship between Islam and the State. This paper is included in the cluster of qualitative research involving library research. This study uses data analysis conducted after a set of library documentation is obtained, then the data is analyzed and analyzed including data reduction, data display, and conclusion making. The research results obtained in this paper that Bahtiar Effendy is a Muslim scholar and professor of political science at UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta and Chairman of PP Muhammadiyah. The relevance and reflection of his thoughts on political Islam in Indonesia in his work do not consider secularization between Islam and the State as the best solution, instead, the contribution of Bahtiar Effendy's thought to a shifting of paradigm on Islamic politics from what previously led to formalism-legalism is shifting to substantialism, without the need to be forced make an Islamic state but enough to provide the substance of the teachings (ethical/moral), then the Indonesian state deserves to be called a religious nation-state. Keywords: Bactiar Effendy, Relevance and Reflection, Religious Nation-State

In Case You Haven't Heard…

In the Democratic presidential debate on Jan. 14 in Des Moines, Iowa, mental health was mentioned four times for less than a minute, WWMT in West Michigan reported Feb. 3. Every debate so far in the Democratic nomination process has been much of the same. There have been no, or few, references to mental health, and a lack of substance behind any mention. “We want simple, kind of bumper‐sticker answers to complex policy questions,” Peter Wielhouwer, a political science professor at Western Michigan University. “As we're thinking about the way candidates campaign, part of what they want to communicate is that they have plans, that they've got an idea that they want to bring forward, but they can't make it too complicated,” he said. “And many, many of the policy questions, especially related to mental illness, mental health — physical health, for that matter — are quite complicated.” Still, people like Frank Mumford, president of the Kalamazoo Chapter of the National Alliance on Mental Illness, say mental health needs to be more of a focus on a national stage in order to help correct problems in the system and help ensure preventative care is available to those who need it.

Iran's Forgotten Kurds

Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 43, No.2, Winter 2020 Iran’s Forgotten Kurds Michael M. Gunter* Introduction Although the approximately 8 million Kurds in Iran are second in numbers only to those in Turkey and constitute maybe 11 percent of Iran’s entire population, they have become all but forgotten. Unlike the Arabs and the Turks, the Persians are closely related to the Kurds. This ethnic affinity at times has possibly served to moderate Kurdish national demands in Iran. Nevertheless, the Kurds in Iran at the least have long pursued their separate cultural and social identity in one form or another. In addition, most of the Kurds in Iran are Sunnis, which creates problems with the Shiite Iranian government. The purpose of this paper is to explain why the Iranian Kurds (Eastern Kurdistan or Rojhelat) are largely forgotten compared to their kin in Turkey, Iraq, and Syria, but in so doing also analyze their current situation. This will be done against the backdrop of change and continuity in Kurdish-Iranian relations. A significant number of Iranian Kurds live in the northwestern province of Kordestan, the only province in all pan-Kurdistan that bears this Kurdish ethnic name, which in the past has often been banned from being used in the other states in which the Kurds live. The Kurds in Iran also live in four other Iranian provinces: Western Azerbaijan, Kirmanshah, Hamadin, and Ilam. In addition, there is a community of Kurds in the northern part of Khorasan province in northeastern Iran that was forcefully relocated there during the eighteenth century to disperse and thus better control the ethnic and religious composition of the Persian Empire. Finally, in recent decades many Kurds have also moved to Tehran to seek better employment and living opportunities. Kurds (unlike the Turkic Azeris) have been barred from high levels of power in Iran, and human rights violations are systematically carried out 54 *Michael M. Gunter is a professor of political science at Tennessee Technological University in Cookeville, TN. He is an authority on Kurds in Turkey and Iraq, has written eleven books on the Kurdish struggle, and has co-edited eight books. Gunter is a board member of the Center for Eurasian Studies. He is frequently consulted by media members for analysis and comment on breaking news in the Middle East. 55 against them. In January 2009, for example, Human Rights Watch documented how Iranian authorities use security laws, press laws, and other legislation to arrest and prosecute Iranian Kurds solely for trying to exercise their right to freedom of expression and association. The government has closed Persian- and Kurdish-language newspapers and journals, banned books, and punished publishers, journalists, and writers for opposing and criticizing government policies.1 Amnesty International also expressed concern over the treatment of ethnic Kurdish prisoners of conscience. Kurdish representatives have testified how ethnic Kurds are denied education in their own language. Kurds are not allowed to give their children certain Kurdish names; Sunni Muslim Kurds face discrimination because of their religion; women’s rights are denied; and economic opportunities are bleak.2 In June 2012, US assistant secretary of state for democracy, human rights, and labor Michael Posner denounced continuing negative trends in Iran toward its Kurdish population: “Intolerance, of dissent…; free speech restricted; internet freedom restricted; political participation severely circumscribed; unfair trials; amputations; floggings; lots of death penalty…. So, it is a very grim picture.”3 History of the Kurds during the Ottoman period. Sheikh Ubeydullah In 1880, Sheikh Ubeydullah of Nehri—a devout and highly revered religious leader—led possibly the most significant Kurdish revolt of the nineteenth century in the area along the Ottoman-Persian border. This ultimately unsuccessful uprising is sometimes said to have been the prototype for subsequent Kurdish revolts in the twentieth century. Explaining his actions, Sheikh Ubeydullah famously wrote the consulgeneral of Great Britain in Tabriz that “the Kurdish nation…is a people apart…. We also are a nation apart. We want our affairs to be in our own hands.”4 Indeed, in his seminal work on Kurdish studies, Wadie Jwaideh concluded concerning the sheikh that “as the old parochial interests of a local leader gave...

РЕЦЕНЗИЯ НА КНИГУ «TERRITORIAL SOVEREIGNTY. A PHILOSOPHICAL EXPLORATION» BY ANNA STILZ

The review is devoted to the book by the professor of political science at Princeton University Anna Stilz “Territorial Sovereignty. A Philosophical Exploration” (2019). The main issues of the researcher's work are territoriality, sovereignty, and the system of territorial states. The author proposes a revision of this system from a philosophical point of view. Professor Stilz defends the concept of a state's territorial sovereignty against contemporary criticism. Her position is based on arguments of both cosmopolitanism and liberal nationalism. The researcher recognizes principles of open borders, aid to refugee, global cooperation and criticizes the nationalist interpretation of state sovereignty. However, unlike the view of the cosmopolitan school, A. Stilz believes that the implementation of these liberal principles is possible within the system of territorial states. Moreover, defending state sovereignty, the professor uses ideas of the philosophy of the Enlightenment, Kant's doctrines about the interaction between the individual and the state, and about state sovereignty. The main contribution of this work to the body of political science is three core values: occupancy right, basic justice, and collective self-determination. According to Anna Stilz, three core values can modify the current system of territorial states in accordance with new global challenges.

The Ongoing Trouble With Normal

Research Article| January 01 2020 The Ongoing Trouble With Normal Samuel A. Chambers Samuel A. Chambers Samuel A. Chambers is professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University. Search for other works by this author on: This Site Google GLQ (2020) 26 (1): 200–202. https://doi.org/10.1215/10642684-7929258 Cite Icon Cite Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Permissions Search Site Citation Samuel A. Chambers; The Ongoing Trouble With Normal. GLQ 1 January 2020; 26 (1): 200–202. doi: https://doi.org/10.1215/10642684-7929258 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search Books & JournalsAll JournalsGLQ Search Advanced Search The text of this article is only available as a PDF. Copyright © 2020 Duke University Press2020 Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Išeivija minties ir veiksmo kryžkelėse: vieno ginčo istorija

The task of this paper is to describe a uniquely interesting dispute among émigré Lithuanian intellectuals that played itself out in the publications of the liberal “Santara-Šviesa” and the centrist Academic Scouts. This controversy deserves to be regarded as a symbolically important episode in the development of the younger academic generation’s mentality and ideology. It involves two social scientists – Vytautas Kavolis and Thomas Remeikis – who for a period of several months publicly expressed their differences on issues dividing the attitudes of otherwise closely related intellectual and social currents of thought. Kavolis was the acknowledged leader of thinkers who joined in the “Santara-Šviesa” movement. Remeikis, a professor of political science and a tireless investigator of mid-twentieth century developments in Lithuanian politics, was an authoritative senior in the Academic Scout Movement, especially when he began to edit the journal “Mūsų Vytis”. He and his co-editor and colleague Algirdas Avižienis both picked up the gauntlet thrown down by “Santara-Šviesa” and sought to elevate the intellectual level of the Academic Scouts’ periodical as well as to prove the universal significance of the ideas they advanced. Their discussion not only raised the quality of Academic Scouts’ thought but also showed the productivity of friendship among the disputants.