Processing Of Relative Clauses Research Articles

Short article: The processing of subject and object relative clauses in Spanish: An eye-tracking study

A normative study and an eye-tracking experiment investigated the influence of animacy on the processing of subject and object relative clauses in Spanish. The results showed that object relative clauses caused more difficulty than subject relative clauses, but that animacy modulated this preference. The overall pattern was similar to findings in other languages. However, because of the syntactic characteristics of Spanish relative clauses, the results give novel insights into the processing mechanisms that underlie relative clause processing.

Subject-gap preference in processing of Korean relative clauses: An eye-tracking study

Subject-gap preference in processing of Korean relative clauses: An eye-tracking study

Set-shifting and the on-line processing of relative clauses in Parkinson's disease: Results from a novel eye-tracking method

Past research indicates that in Parkinson's disease (PD), set-shifting deficits cause impaired comprehension of sentences containing restrictive relative clauses (RCs). Some research also suggests that verbal working memory deficits impair comprehension of long-distance (LD) dependencies in sentences with center-embedded RCs. To test whether these deficits impair comprehension by affecting on-line processing, we tracked patients' eye movements as they matched pictures with sentences with final- or center-embedded RCs (e.g., The queen was kicking the cook who was fat, The queen who was kicking the cook was thin) and active or passive verbs. Decreases in looks to distracters ruled out at the transitive verb (e.g., a cook kicking a queen) and the adjective (a fat queen kicking a thin cook) reflected how effective processing was at those points. Though patients showed greater difficulty comprehending center-embedded and passive sentences, set-shifting errors correlated with comprehension of all sentences. Consistent with this, patients with poorer comprehension exhibited impaired on-line processing of both center-embedded and final RCs (for which comprehension was better due to their grammatical simplicity), and these effects correlated with set-shifting errors. We consider two possible explanations for this apparently general RC-processing deficit. First, because RCs are infrequent, set-shifting may be needed to override the processor's expectations for higher-frequency structures. Second, because restrictive RCs typically refer to information already in the discourse context, set-shifting may be needed to redirect attention from linguistic foreground to background information. Eye-tracking data indicated no difficulty processing LD dependencies; correlations of verbal working memory with comprehension of passive and center-embedded sentences may reflect off-line use of memory. In trials with passive verbs, patients looked toward the verb distracter before even processing the verb. This effect was larger than that previously seen for young participants, suggesting that PD may amplify a normal bias to assume the subject noun is the agent.

Rethinking child difficulty: The effect of NP type on children's processing of relative clauses in Hebrew

Children find object relative clauses difficult. They show poor comprehension that lags behind production into their fifth year. This finding has shaped models of relative clause acquisition, with appeals to processing heuristics or syntactic preferences to explain why object relatives are more difficult than subject relatives. Two studies here suggest that children (age 4 ; 6) do not find all object relatives difficult: a corpus study shows that children most often hear and produce object relatives with pronominal subjects. But they are most often tested on ones with lexical-NP subjects (e.g. The nurse that the girl is drawing). When tested on object relatives with pronominal subjects (e.g. The nurse that I am drawing), similar to those they actually hear and produce, Hebrew speakers aged 4 ; 6 show good comprehension (85% accuracy) that matches their production ability. This suggests a different path of relative clause acquisition, one that is sensitive to fine-grained distributional information.

An ERP study of the processing of subject and object relative clauses in Japanese

Using reading times and event-related brain potentials (ERPs), we investigated the processing of Japanese subject and object relative clauses (SRs/ORs). Previous research on English relative clauses shows that ORs take longer to read (King & Just, 1991) and elicit anterior negativity between fillers and gaps (King & Kutas, 1995), which is attributed to increased working memory load due to longer filler-gap distance. In contrast to English, gaps in Japanese relative clauses are less clearly marked and precede their fillers, and the linear gap-filler distance is shorter in ORs than in SRs. Nevertheless, Japanese ORs take longer to read (Ishizuka, Nakatani, & Gibson, 2003; Miyamoto & Nakamura, 2003), perhaps because in both English and Japanese, gaps in ORs are more deeply embedded, with the result that there is longer structural distance between filler and gap in their syntactic representations (O'Grady, 1997). We investigated how gap-filler association in Japanese would compare to filler-gap association in English, and whether it is linear or structural distance that determines comprehension difficulty. The results showed higher processing costs for ORs than SRs in both reading times and ERPs, and thus are most consistent with a structural distance account. The results also showed that gap-filling difficulty manifests itself as larger centro-posterior positivity in ERP responses to Japanese OR sentences, just as it does in English long-distance dependencies (cf. Kaan, Harris, Gibson, & Holcomb, 2000; Phillips, Kazanina, & Abada, 2005; Gouvea, Phillips, Kazanina, & Poeppel, 2007). There is also evidence that there is a probabilistic cue of a gap in Japanese OR sentences that triggers anterior negativity – similar to the triggering of anterior negativity by a clearly marked filler in English filler-gap sentences (cf. Kluender & Kutas, 1993a, 1993b). Thus, we argue that there is substantial similarity between the processing of English filler-gap constructions and Japanese gap-filler constructions.

Discourse structure and relative clause processing

Studies in several languages have shown that subject-relative clauses are easier to process than object-relative clauses. Mak, Vonk, and Schriefers (2006) have proposed the topichood hypothesis to account for the preference for subject-relative clauses. This hypothesis claims that the entity in the relative clause that is most topicworthy will be chosen as the subject. By default, the antecedent of the relative clause will be chosen as the subject of the relative clause, because it is the topic of the relative clause. However, when the noun phrase (NP) in the relative clause is also topicworthy, the preference for the antecedent to be the subject will disappear. This was confirmed in two experiments. In Experiment 1, we tested relative clauses with a personal pronoun in the relative clause. We obtained a preference for object-relative clauses, in line with the assumption that personal pronouns refer to a discourse topic and are thus topicworthy. In Experiment 2, the discourse status of the NP in the relative clause was manipulated; either it was not present in the preceding context, or it was the discourse topic. The experiment showed that when the NP in the relative clause refers to the discourse topic, the difficulty of object-relative clauses is reduced, in comparison with relative clauses with an NP that is new in the discourse, even in the absence of any explicit cue in the relative clause itself. The experiments show that discourse factors guide processing at the sentence level.

Object relatives made easy: A cross-linguistic comparison of the constraints influencing young children's processing of relative clauses

We present the results from four studies, two corpora and two experimental, which suggest that English- and German-speaking children (3;1–4;9 years) use multiple constraints to process and produce object relative clauses. Our two corpora studies show that children produce object relatives that reflect the distributional and discourse regularities of the input. Specifically, the results show that when children produce object relatives they most often do so with (a) an inanimate head noun, and (b) a pronominal relative clause subject. Our experimental findings show that children use these constraints to process and produce this construction type. Moreover, when children were required to repeat the object relatives they most often use in naturalistic speech, the subject-object asymmetry in processing of relative clauses disappeared. We also report cross-linguistic differences in children's rate of acquisition which reflect properties of the input language. Overall, our results suggest that children are sensitive to the same constraints on relative clause processing as adults.

FACTORS AFFECTING THE PROCESSING OF JAPANESE RELATIVE CLAUSES BY L2 LEARNERS

This article reports on a crosslinguistic comparative study of the processing of Japanese relative clauses (RCs) by Chinese-, Sinhalese-, Vietnamese-, Thai-, and Indonesian-speaking second language (L2) learners. A robust finding in studies on the acquisition of RCs in L2 English and other European languages is that subject-gap RCs are easier than object-gap RCs, both in production and comprehension. However, in the case of L2 Japanese studies, the picture does not seem to be as clear as in the English case. This study identifies some factors that might contribute to this situation. The results of a listening comprehension test involving reversible and nonreversible test sentences show that the five groups of learners overall found subject-gap RCs easier to process than object-gap RCs, but that their performances are poor and vary for sentence types in which no semantic cue is available to help identify the grammatical function of the overt noun phrase in RCs, yielding inconclusive results with respect to the question of whether subject-gap RCs are easier than object-gap RCs. Results indicate that when RCs are too difficult for learners to process, first language properties such as head direction, word order, and the relative order of filler and gap affect the manner in which they are interpreted.I am grateful to Stephen Matthews, William O'Grady, Yasuhiro Shirai, and the anonymous SSLA reviewers for their valuable comments. I would also like to thank Chisako Umeda for her help in collecting data.

The comprehension of Turkish relative clauses in second language acquisition and agrammatism

The purposes of this study are to test whether the processing of subject relative (SR) clauses is easier than that of object relative (OR) clauses in Turkish and to investigate whether the comprehension of SRs can be better explained by the linear distance hypothesis or structural distance hypothesis (SDH). The question is examined in two groups of second language (L2) learners of different proficiency levels and a few agrammatics expected to show a similar pattern. Each participant is asked to comprehend 15 sentences containing SRs and ORs via a picture selection task. The results indicate that comprehension of SRs is easier than that of ORs for intermediate level L2 learners, whereas there is no significant difference between the types of relative clauses for early learners. Another result is that early learners produce errors similar to those of agrammatics, which are explained through trace deletion and referential strategy. These findings on Turkish provide significant support for the SDH.

Processing of relative clauses is made easier by frequency of occurrence

We conducted a large-scale corpus analysis indicating that pronominal object relative clauses are significantly more frequent than pronominal subject relative clauses when the embedded pronoun is personal. This difference was reversed when impersonal pronouns constituted the embedded noun phrase. This pattern of distribution provides a suitable framework for testing the role of experience in sentence processing: if frequency of exposure influences processing difficulty, highly frequent pronominal object relatives should be easier to process but only when a personal pronoun is in the embedded position. We tested this hypothesis experimentally: We conducted four self-paced reading tasks, which indicated that differences in pronominal object/subject relative processing mirrored the pattern of distribution revealed by the corpus analysis. We discuss the results in the light of current theories of sentence comprehension. We conclude that object relative processing is facilitated by frequency of the embedded clause, and, more generally, that statistical information should be taken into account by theories of relative clause processing.

Animacy in processing relative clauses: The hikers that rocks crush

For several languages, a preference for subject relative clauses over object relative clauses has been reported. However, Mak, Vonk, and Schriefers (2002) showed that there is no such preference for relative clauses with an animate subject and an inanimate object. A Dutch object relative clause as …de rots, die de wandelaars beklommen hebben… (‘the rock, that the hikers climbed’) did not show longer reading times than its subject relative clause counterpart …de wandelaars, die de rots beklommen hebben… (‘the hikers, who climbed the rock’). In the present paper, we explore the factors that might contribute to this modulation of the usual preference for subject relative clauses. Experiment 1 shows that the animacy of the antecedent per se is not the decisive factor. On the contrary, in relative clauses with an inanimate antecedent and an inanimate relative-clause-internal noun phrase, the usual preference for subject relative clauses is found. In Experiments 2 and 3, subject and object relative clauses were contrasted in which either the subject or the object was inanimate. The results are interpreted in a framework in which the choice for an analysis of the relative clause is based on the interplay of animacy with topichood and verb semantics. This framework accounts for the commonly reported preference for subject relative clauses over object relative clauses as well as for the pattern of data found in the present experiments.

Determinants of Bold Signal Correlates of Processing Object-Extracted Relative Clauses

Event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) was used to investigate the determinants of blood oxygenation level-dependent (BOLD) signal correlates of processing relative clauses. Matched pairs of sentences that differed in their processing demands were compared. One member of the pair consisted of a syntactically simpler object- subject (OS) sentence, containing a subject-relativized clause attached to the object noun phrase. The second member of the pair consisted of a syntactically more complex subject-object (SO) sentence, containing an object-relativized clause attached to the subject noun phrase. Participants made plausibility judgments about the sentences in whole sentence visual presentation. Voxel-wise statistical activation maps showed increased BOLD signal in multiple cortical regions for complex compared to simple syntactic structures. This pattern was found for plausible sentences only and, within the set of plausible sentences, for SO sentences in which the head noun of the relative clause was animate and the subject noun of the relative clause was inanimate. These results require a re-interpretation of previous results with the same materials using positron emission tomography.

Working memory, animacy, and verb class in the processing of relative clauses

In three eye-movement monitoring experiments, participants’ working memory capacity was assessed and they read sentences containing subject-extracted and object-extracted relative clauses. In Experiment 1, sentences lacked helpful semantic cues, object-relatives were harder to process than subject relatives, and working memory capacity did not moderate syntactic complexity effects. In Experiments 2 and 3, categorical distinctions between critical nouns provided helpful semantic cues to syntactic structure and interpretation. Experiments 2 and 3 showed that helpful semantic cues reduced or eliminated syntactic complexity effects, and that this reduction was not produced by lexical properties of specific verbs. Further, in Experiment 2 working memory capacity moderated the interaction of syntactic complexity and semantic cues.

The influence of contextual contrast on syntactic processing: evidence for strong-interaction in sentence comprehension

The present study compares the processing of unambiguous restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses (RCs) within both a null context and a supportive discourse using a self-paced reading methodology. Individuals read restrictive RCs more slowly than non-restrictive RCs in a null context, but processed restrictive RCs faster than non-restrictive RCs in supportive context, resulting in an interaction between context and RC type. These results provide evidence for two theoretical points. First, principles analogous to those in referential theory [Altmann G. T. M., & Steedman, M. (1988). Interaction with context during human sentence processing. Cognition, 30, 191–238; Crain, S., & Steedman, M. (1985). On not being led up the garden path: The use of context by the psychological parser. In D. Dowty, L. Karttunnen, A. Zwicky (Eds.), Natural language parsing. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press] apply not only in resolving ambiguity but also in processing unambiguous sentences. Second, the discourse context can guide and facilitate interpretive processing. This result suggests that intrasentential factors such as syntax are not autonomous from contextual processing, contrary to the modularity hypothesis [Fodor, J. A. (1983). Modularity of mind. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press].

Processing relative clauses in Chinese

This paper reports results from a self-paced reading study in Chinese that demonstrates that object-extracted relative clause structures are less complex than corresponding subject-extracted structures. These results contrast with results from processing other Subject-Verb-Object languages like English, in which object-extracted structures are more complex than subject-extracted structures. A key word-order difference between Chinese and other Subject-Verb-Object languages is that Chinese relative clauses precede their head nouns. Because of this word order difference, the results follow from a resource-based theory of sentence complexity, according to which there is a storage cost associated with predicting syntactic heads in order to form a grammatical sentence. The results are also consistent with a theory according to which people have less difficulty processing embedded clauses whose word order matches the word order in main clauses. Some corpus analyses of Chinese texts provide results that constrain the classes of possible frequency-based theories. Critically, these results demonstrate that there is nothing intrinsically easy about extracting from subject position: depending on the word order in the main clause and in a relative clause, extraction from object position can be easier to process in some circumstances.

The Influence of Animacy on Relative Clause Processing

In previous research it has been shown that subject relative clauses are easier to process than object relative clauses. Several theories have been proposed that explain the difference on the basis of different theoretical perspectives. However, previous research tested relative clauses only with animate protagonists. In a corpus study of Dutch and German newspaper texts, we show that animacy is an important determinant of the distribution of subject and object relative clauses. In two experiments in Dutch, in which the animacy of the object of the relative clause is varied, no difference in reading time is obtained between subject and object relative clauses when the object is inanimate. The experiments show that animacy influences the processing difficulty of relative clauses. These results can only be accounted for by current major theories of relative clause processing when additional assumptions are introduced, and at the same time show that the possibility of semantically driven analysis can be considered as a serious alternative.

Developmental Differences in Visual and Auditory Processing of Complex Sentences

Children aged 8 through 11 (N = 250) were given a word-by-word sentence task in both the visual and auditory modes. The sentences included an object relative clause, a subject relative clause, or a conjoined verb phrase. Each sentence was followed by a true-false question, testing the subject of either the first or second verb. Participants were also given two memory span measures: digit span and reading span. High digit span children slowed down more at the transition from the main to the relative clause than did the low digit span children. The findings suggest the presence of a U-shaped learning pattern for on-line processing of restrictive relative clauses. Off-line accuracy scores showed different patterns for good comprehenders and poor comprehenders. Poor comprehenders answered the second verb questions at levels that were consistently below chance. Their answers were based on an incorrect local attachment strategy that treated the second noun as the subject of the second verb. For example, they often answered yes to the question "The girl chases the policeman" after the object relative sentence "The boy that the girl sees chases the policeman." Interestingly, low memory span poor comprehenders used the local attachment strategy less consistently than high memory span poor comprehenders, and all poor comprehenders used this strategy less consistently for harder than for easier sentences.

Processing relative clauses varying on syntactic and semantic dimensions: an analysis with event-related potentials.

Event-related potentials were used to study how parsing of German relative clauses is influenced by semantic information. Subjects read well-formed sentences containing either a subject or an object relative clause and answered questions concerning the thematic roles expressed in those sentences. Half of the sentences contained past participles that on grounds of semantic plausibility biased either a subject or an object relative reading; the other half contained past participles that provided no semantic information favoring either reading. The past participle elicited an N400 component, larger in amplitude for neutral than for semantically biased verbs, but this occurred only in the case of subject relative clauses. More specific effects were obtained only for a subgroup of subjects, when these were grouped into fast and slow comprehenders on the basis of their question-answering reaction times. Fast comprehenders showed larger N400 amplitudes for neutral than for semantically biased past participles in general and larger N400s for the latter when there was a bias for an object relative reading as opposed to a subject relative reading. Syntactic ambiguity resolution, indicated by an auxiliary in sentence final position, was associated in this subgroup with a positive component (P345), larger in amplitude for auxiliaries indicating an object relative reading than for those indicating a subject relative reading. The latter component was independent of semantically biasing information given by a preceding past participle. Implications of these findings for models of language comprehension are considered.

Context effects in syntactic ambiguity resolution: Discourse and semantic influences in parsing reduced relative clauses.

This article examines how certain types of semantic and discourse context affect the processing of relative clauses which are temporarily ambiguous between a relative clause and a main clause (e.g., "The actress selected by the director ..."). We review recent results investigating local semantic context and temporal context, and we present some new data investigating referential contexts. The set of studies demonstrate that, contrary to many recent claims in the literature, all of these types of context can have early effects on syntactic, ambiguity resolution during on-line reading comprehension. These results are discussed within a "constraint-based" framework for ambiguity resolution in which effects of context are determined by the strength and relevance of the contextual constraint and by the availability of the syntactic alternatives.

The processing of restrictive relative clauses in Hungarian

A rich variety of factors have been proposed as possible determinants of differences in the ease of processing of relative clauses. These determinants include the grammatical role of the head, the shape of surface order configurations the occurence of interruptions of the main clause, and the presence or absence of morphological cues. The strict SVO word order of English makes it so that subject-modifying relatives necessarily interrupt the main clause, thus confounding the effects of role and interruption determinants. Hungarian, with its variable word order, allows us to achieve a somewhat better understanding of the separate effects of roles, configurations, interruptions, and morphological cues. A study using 144 different restrictive relative clause patterns in Hungarian provided evidence for the importance of three determinants of relative clause processing. First, the importance of perspective maintenance was indicated by the fact that SS sentences were the easiest to process and that SO were the most difficult. Second, the extreme difficulty subjects had in processing NNV sentences with a relative clause modifying the second noun indicated the importance of limits on fragment construction of chunks in a bottom-up parsing process. The use of antecedent tagging to mark extraposed relatives in SOV languages with variable order such as Hungarian and Georgian also indicated the importance of limits on fragment construction. Third, the conflict between focusing in the relative clause and focusing in the main clause indicated the importance of focus maintenance. A variety of other proposed determinants were found to be of little importance in accounting for the processing of relative clauses in Hungarian.