Processing Of Relative Clauses Research Articles

Bilingual children’s online processing of relative clauses

Abstract Long-distance dependencies such as relative clauses (RCs) are known to be vulnerable in heritage grammars (e.g., Montrul, 2008). Previous studies in RC comprehension have shown that heritage language (HL) children show similar comprehension to monolingual children (Jia & Paradis, 2020), while differential performance has also been found (Kidd et al., 2015). The present study investigates 11–13-year-old monolingual and German-dominant HL children’s real-time parsing strategies in subject relative clause (SRC) and object relative clause (ORC) processing in Greek. We conducted a self-paced listening task in Greek in which we manipulated the type of RC (subject vs. object), and the RC internal word order (canonical vs. scrambled). Our analyses revealed no significant group differences between HL and monolingual children. Both groups of children processed SRCs faster than ORCs on the critical RC verb segment. We also examined if case-marked pre-verbal NPs would facilitate the processing of ORC structures. Although children processed pre-verbal faster than post-verbal NPs, ORC structures with pre-verbal NPs received the lowest scores in the grammaticality judgment task. We discuss these findings on the grounds of Relativized Minimality (Friedmann et al., 2009) and Fodor and Inoue’s (2000) Diagnosis and Repair Model.

Capturing individual differences in sentence processing: How reliable is the self-paced reading task?

Advances in research on language processing have originally come from group-level comparisons, but there is now a growing interest in individual differences. To investigate individual differences, tasks that have shown robust group-level differences are often used with the implicit assumption that they will also be reliable when used as an individual differences measure. Here, we examined whether one of the primary tasks used in psycholinguistic research on language processing, the self-paced reading task, can reliably measure individual differences in relative clause processing. We replicated the well-established effects of relative clauses at the group level, with object relative clauses being more difficult to process than subject relative clauses. However, when using difference scores, the reliability of the size of the relative clause effect was close to zero because the self-paced reading times for the different relative clause types were highly correlated within individuals. Nonetheless, we found that the self-paced reading task can be used to reliably capture individual differences in overall reading speed as well as key sentence regions when the two types of relative clause sentences are considered separately. Our results indicate that both the reliability and validity of different sentence regions need to be assessed to determine whether and when self-paced reading can be used to examine individual differences in language processing.

How semantics works in Chinese relative clause processing: insights from eye tracking.

Recent years have witnessed much research on semantic analysis and syntactic anatomy in ordinary language processing. However, it is still a matter of considerable debate about when and how the semantic integration of single word meanings works and interacts with syntax during on-line comprehension. This study, in an eye-tracking paradigm, took 38 native speakers of Mandarin Chinese as the participants and took Chinese relative clauses as stimuli to figure out the functions of semantics by investigating the conditioning semantic factors influencing and governing the word order variation of Chinese relative clauses during different processing stages. Accordingly, this study manipulated two syntactic variables, i.e., relative clause type and the position of the numeral-classifier sequence (NCL) in the relative clause, as well as a semantic variable, i.e., the abstractness of the head noun that the relative clause modified. Specifically, the study addressed two questions: (1) when semantics is activated and interacts with syntax and (2) how semantics affects syntax during the time course of Chinese relative clause processing. The results indicated that: (1) Semantics was activated and interacted with syntax during the early and late processing stages of Chinese relative clauses, which challenged the sequential order of syntactic and semantic processes, and supported the claims of the Concurrent Processing Model. (2) The syntactic order of the Chinese relative clause was affected by the semantic information of the head noun that the clause modified. Object-extraction relative clauses (ORCs) had a conjunction preference for the order "an object relative clause preceding the numeral-classifier sequence and the head noun." Instead, the subject-extraction relative clause (SRC) which modified a concrete noun (CN) had a co-occurrence preference for the order "numeral-classifier sequence preceding the subject relative clause and the head noun," while the subject-extraction relative clause which modified an abstract noun (AN) had a co-occurrence preference for the order "subject relative clause preceding the numeral-classifier sequence and the head noun." The findings of this study were evaluated in light of the perspectives of truth value semantics of the syntactic components, the semantic compatibility of numeral-classifier sequence and its modified noun as well as the discourse functions of outer modifier nominals and inner modifier nominals.

Relative Clause Processing and Attachment Resolution across Languages: Tatar–Russian–English Trilinguals

The study investigates psycholinguistic mechanisms of sentence parsing and ambiguity resolution by balanced Tatar–Russian bilinguals who learnt English as their additional language. We check the parser’s sensitivity to the selectional properties of the matrix verb and/or social conventions in processing and attachment resolution of ambiguous relative clauses (RCs). We chose English and Russian because they have a documented preference for low attachment (LA) and high attachment (HA), respectively, and Tatar, as we have found out in earlier work, has no attachment ambiguity. We conducted a self-paced reading task in English and Russian which returned 61% HA in Russian, 49% HA in English. It was followed by a pen-and-paper translation task. The translation post-test checked whether an attachment preference demonstrated in either English or Russian showed in RC translations into Tatar. The results return an 80% preference for LA in English–Tatar translations and 61% in Russian–Tatar translations. Both syntactic information and world knowledge influence online RC processing in Russian and English. Therefore, the multilingual parser incorporates information from multiple sources in either L1 or Ln processing. The parser may favor LA as a default parsing option while maintaining sensitivity to individual grammars (Russian), where this preference should be overridden.

Relative clause comprehension in Cantonese-speaking children with and without developmental language disorder.

Developmental Language Disorder (DLD), present in 2 out of every 30 children, affects primarily oral language abilities and development in the absence of associated biomedical conditions. We report the first experimental study that examines relative clause (RC) comprehension accuracy and processing (via looking preference) in Cantonese-speaking children with and without DLD, testing the predictions from competing domain-specific versus domain-general theoretical accounts. We compared children with DLD (N = 22) with their age-matched typically-developing (TD) children (AM-TD, N = 23) aged 6;6-9;7 and language-matched (and younger) TD children (YTD, N = 21) aged 4;7-7;6, using a referent selection task. Within-subject factors were: RC type (subject-RCs (SRCs) versus object-RCs (ORCs); relativizer (classifier (CL) versus relative marker ge3 RCs). Accuracy measures and looking preference to the target were analyzed using generalized linear mixed effects models. Results indicated Cantonese children with DLD scored significantly lower than their AM-TD peers in accuracy and processed RCs significantly slower than AM-TDs, but did not differ from the YTDs on either measure. Overall, while the results revealed evidence of a SRC advantage in the accuracy data, there was no indication of additional difficulty associated with ORCs in the eye-tracking data. All children showed a processing advantage for the frequent CL relativizer over the less frequent ge3 relativizer. These findings pose challenges to domain-specific representational deficit accounts of DLD, which primarily explain the disorder as a syntactic deficit, and are better explained by domain-general accounts that explain acquisition and processing as emergent properties of multiple converging linguistic and non-linguistic processes.

The Acquisition of Relative Clauses in Autism: The Role of Executive Functions and Language.

Relative clauses present a well-known processing asymmetry between object-extracted and subject-extracted dependencies across both typical and atypical populations. The present study aimed at exploring the comprehension of object and subject relative clauses as conceptualized by the Relativized Minimality framework in autistic children and in a group of age- and IQ-matched typically-developing children. The study also explored the way performance in relative clauses would be affected by the children's language and executive function skills. Relative clause comprehension was tested through a sentence-picture matching task and language was tested with a receptive vocabulary task. Executive functions were assessed through backward digit recall and a Flanker test. Object relative clauses were harder to parse for both groups than subject relatives, while number mismatch between the moved object Noun Phrase and the intervening subject Noun Phrase in object relatives boosted both groups' performances. Typically-developing children's performance in object relatives was predicted by both language and executive functions, while autistic children failed to use language and did not systematically draw on their executive functions in object relative clause comprehension. The findings suggest that relative clause processing in autism follows a normal developmental trajectory, and that difficulty with parsing object relative clauses stems from reduced language and executive functions rather than deficits in the children's morphosyntactic skills.

When Native Speakers Are Not "Native-Like:" Chunking Ability Predicts (Lack of) Sensitivity to Gender Agreement During Online Processing.

Previous work on individual differences has revealed limitations in the ability of existing measures (e.g., working memory) to predict language processing. Recent evidence suggests that an individual's sensitivity to detect the statistical regularities present in language (i.e., "chunk sensitivity") may significantly modulate online sentence processing. We investigated whether individual chunk sensitivity predicted the online processing of gender cues, a core linguistic feature of Spanish. In a self-paced reading task, we examined native speakers' processing of relative clauses in which gender cues were variably exploited to induce processing costs. Even after considering the effect of working memory and cognitive control, the results revealed a significant effect of chunking ability in modulating online sentence processing. Critically, higher-chunking ability speakers' reading times showed online sensitivity to core linguistic cues online; while low-chunking ability readers showed no sensitivity to manipulations, indicating shallow real-time processing of their native language.

Neural Correlates of Object-Extracted Relative Clause Processing Across English and Chinese

Abstract Are the brain bases of language comprehension the same across all human languages, or do these bases vary in a way that corresponds to differences in linguistic typology? English and Mandarin Chinese attest such a typological difference in the domain of relative clauses. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging with English and Chinese participants, who listened to the same translation-equivalent story, we analyzed neuroimages time aligned to object-extracted relative clauses in both languages. In a general linear model analysis of these naturalistic data, comprehension was selectively associated with increased hemodynamic activity in left posterior temporal lobe, angular gyrus, inferior frontal gyrus, precuneus, and posterior cingulate cortex in both languages. This result suggests the processing of object-extracted relative clauses is subserved by a common collection of brain regions, regardless of typology. However, there were also regions that were activated uniquely in our Chinese participants albeit not to a significantly greater degree. These were in the temporal lobe. These Chinese-specific results could reflect structural ambiguity-resolution work that must be done in Chinese but not English object-extracted relative clauses.

Code-switching costs from Chinese-English relative clauses processing.

The source of costs is a primary concern in code-switching, yet a consensus has not yet been reached. This study investigates whether code-switching during syntactic processing in Chinese-English dual languages results in a cost. We use Chinese and English relative clauses in either object (Experiment 1) or subject (Experiment 2, which has a more complex structure) positions to test the costs in syntactic processing. Forty-seven Chinese-English bilinguals and 17 English-Chinese bilinguals participated in acceptability judgment tests and self-paced reading experiments. The statistical findings indicate that syntactic processing is a source of the costs incurred in code-switching, as evidenced by the code-switching costs observed in the head movement during relative clause comprehension. The outcomes are consistent with the implications of the 4-Morpheme Model and the Matrix Language Framework. Additionally, the experiment shows that the processing of relative clauses depends on the underlying structures, which is consistent with the Dependency Locality Theory.

Interference effects on the processing of Korean double relative clauses

The current investigates the parsing process and its utilization of various linguistic information to resolve dependencies in Korean double relative clauses. While previous research has revealed evidence of interference effects of a distractor during dependency formations, a distractor involving dependency formations by itself has not been thoroughly explored. In light of this, we aimed to explore how the grammatical-role parallelism of a distractor modulates multiple filler-gap dependencies and examine the role of case marking in the resolution of these dependencies. In a self-paced reading experiment, we discovered that the parallelism effects of both head nouns were instrumental in the resolution of longer dependencies of a higher head noun and its gap. The non-parallel role of a distractor (i.e., low head noun) was reanalyzed before the integration of higher head noun and its gap. This finding suggests that parallelism effects play a critical role in the resolution of complex dependency structures. Additionally, our experiments investigated the role of case marking as a morphosyntactic cue in predicting the syntactic encoding of upcoming noun phrases. Our results demonstrated the immediate processing difficulty of conditions with double nominative markers, suggesting that parsers are selectively sensitive to case marking. Overall, our study contributes to our understanding of the parsing process and the selective use of linguistic cues in the resolution of complex dependency structures.

Functional near-infrared spectroscopy shows that object relative clauses are more difficult to process than subject relative clauses in Turkish.

It was suggested that processing subject relative clauses (SRCs) is universally easier than processing object relative clauses (ORCs) based on the studies carried out in head-initial languages such as English and German. However, studies in head-final languages such as Chinese and Basque contradicted this claim. Turkish is also a head-final language. Existing relative clause processing literature in Turkish is based solely on behavioural metrics. Even though an ORC processing disadvantage was suggested for Turkish, the results were not conclusive. Therefore, we aimed to investigate the neural dynamics of relative clause processing in Turkish. We asked 14 native Turkish speakers to answer yes/no questions about 24 sentences each containing either a SRCor ORC while their prefrontal hemodynamic activity was recorded with functional near-infrared spectroscopy. Our findings revealed hemodynamic activity in the lateral portions of the left prefrontal cortex for both conditions. However, hemodynamic activity was more widespread in prefrontal regions in ORCcompared to SRC condition. Even though the behavioural metrics failed to produce a significant difference between the conditions, direct ORC > SRC contrast revealed significant activity in the left inferior frontal cortex, a region heavily involved in language processing, as well as in left and right dorsolateral prefrontal cortices, which are also known to be involved in language processing-related and conflict monitoring-related processes, respectively. Our findings indicate that processing ORCs is more difficult and requires further prefrontal resources than processing SRCs in Turkish, thus refuting the head-directionality-based explanations of relative clause processing asymmetries.

What Memory-Load Interference Tasks Tell Us about Spoken Relative Clause Processing.

The relationship between working memory (WM) and language processing has been extensively investigated in cognitive research. Previous studies mostly obtain evidence from measuring the involvement of WM in complex syntactic structures reported with well-established processing asymmetry, e.g., relative clauses (RCs) in English. Rarely considered is the role of WM in language whose RC processing asymmetrypresents conflicting results, e.g., Chinese. This study addresses the research gap. Three experiments with a self-paced listening paradigm interfered with concurrent digit-load and lexical-decision interference were conductedon subject-extracted RCs (SRC) and object-extracted RCs (ORC). Listening times show no disparity between SRCs and ORCs, nor iseitherSRC or ORC processing more affected by syntactic complexity at comparable positions under each condition. Nevertheless, the post-sentence comprehension shows greater impairment in SRCs than ORCs. The results that memory load interfering does not differentially impair the availability of WM resources used for Chinese RC processing provide evidence for the specialization role of working memory. The findings demonstrate a dynamic, fluctuating wave pattern for Chinese RC processing. We arguethatthere is no RC processing asymmetry in Chinese.

Processing of Centre-embedded and Right-branching Relative Clauses in Slovenian

The current consensus in the literature of processing of relative clauses states that centre-embedded relative clauses introduce a heavy computational load. While this is well-established, most evidence for it comes from English, while the empirical evidence from many other languages is still lacking. Here, we try to fill this gap by researching the differences in the processing times of centre-embedded and right-branching relative clauses in Slovenian. We report results from a sentence-picture matching task, in which we observe longer reaction times and lower accuracy when the participants are dealing with centre-embedded relative clauses, compared to right-branching ones. This result provides important evidence in a so far largely under-investigated language, contributing to the theoretical claim that the difficulties observed in the processing of centre-embedded relative clauses are language-independent.

핵심명사의 통사적 위치가 한국인 학습자의 중국어 주격/목적격 관계절 처리에 미치는 영향

This study examines the acquisition situation of Chinese relative clause phrases by Korean learners through a self-paced reading task. This study aims to analyze three parts. First, The cognitive processing characteristics of Korean learners of different Chinese level groups when they process and comprehend Chinese subjective and objective relative clauses. Second, the effect of the syntactic position of head nouns on the cognitive processing of Chinese subjective and objective relative clauses. Third, the universal applicability of the representative second language relative clause acquisition theory hypothesis. In this study, two-way ANOVA was performed by dividing the within-subject of the experiment into different relative clause syntax types and between-subjects into a high-level group and a low-level group. The results showed that there were some differences between the high-level group and the lower-level group in the processing of Chinese subjective-objective relative clause sentences. These differences appeared in the reaction times of the experiments. The reaction time for each experimental sentence in the low-level group was much longer than that in the high-level group. In addition, the low-level group exhibited cognitive information processing characteristics that were affected by canonical word order, which is “NVN”, and exhibited the “garden path effect” when processing relative clauses. However, the high-level group showed a pattern of processing sentences relying on the “filler-gap dependencies”clue. Therefore it was found that as the learner’s second language level improved, the dependence on syntactic information increased when gradually acquiring procedural knowledge and understanding sentences. In addition, through the analysis of related data, it was found that the low-level group was less affected by the syntactic positional factors of the head noun, and there was no preference between the Chinese subjective relative clause and the objective relative clause. However, the high-level group showed the processing advantage of SRC (subjective relative clause) located in the subject position of the main clause. The results support the “frequency hypothesis”, “word order typicality hypothesis”, “structural distance hypothesis”, and the “integrated competition model,” consistent with the existing second language acquistion theories.

The Influence of Case and Word Order in Child and Adult Processing of Relative Clauses in Greek

Previous cross-linguistic studies have shown that object relative clauses (ORCs) are typically harder to parse than subject relative clauses (SRCs). The cause of difficulty, however, is still under debate, both in the adult and in the developmental literature. The present study investigates the on-line processing of SRCs and ORCs in Greek-speaking 11- to 12-year-old children and adults, and provides evidence on relative clause processing in Greek—a free word order language. We conducted a self-paced listening task in which we manipulated the type of relative clause (SRC vs. ORC), the RC internal word order (canonical vs. scrambled), and the type of relativizer (relative pronoun vs. complementizer). The results showed that SRCs were overall processed faster than ORCs, providing evidence that children follow similar processing strategies to adults. In addition, accusative case marking facilitated the processing of non-canonical structures in adults but less so in children. Children showed heavy reliance on word order, as they processed nominative and accusative pre-verbal NPs in exactly the same way, while they were strongly garden-pathed in ORCs with post-verbal nominative NPs. We argue that these results are compatible with the Competition Model.

Similarity-based interference and relative clauses in second language processing

Relative clauses have long been examined in research on first (L1) and second (L2) language acquisition and processing, and a large body of research has shown that object relative clauses (e.g. ‘The boy that the girl saw’) are more difficult to process than subject relative clauses (e.g. ‘The boy that saw the girl’). Although there are different accounts of this finding, memory-based factors have been argued to play a role in explaining the object relative disadvantage. Evidence of memory-based factors in relative clause processing comes from studies indicating that representational similarity influences the difficulty associated with object relatives as a result of a phenomenon known as similarity-based interference. Although similarity-based interference has been well studied in L1 processing, less is known about how it influences L2 processing. We report two studies – an eye-tracking experiment and a comprehension task – investigating interference in the comprehension of relative clauses in L1 and L2 readers. Our results indicated similarity-based interference in the processing of object relative clauses in both L1 and L2 readers, with no significant differences in the size of interference effects between the two groups. These results highlight the importance of considering memory-based factors when examining L2 processing.

Subject/object asymmetry in the processing of relative clauses in L2 Korean: Evidence from a hand-tracking study

목적 본 연구에서는 핸드트래킹 기법을 활용하여 한국어 학습자들이 주격 관계절과 목적격 관계절이 포함된 문장을 처리할 때에 나타나는 비대칭성을 검증하고자 하였다. 방법 이를 위하여 미국에 거주하는 한국어 학습자들을 대상으로 반응 시간, 답변의 정확성, 최대 편이(Maximum Deviation), 곡선하 면적(Area Under the Curve), x축(x-flips)과 y축(y-flips) 상에서의 손의 움직임 등을 통해 언어처리 과정을 추적하였다. 이를 통해 한국어 학습자들이 주격/목적격 관계절을 처리할 때 인지적 부담에 따른 비대칭성이 표출되는지를 알아볼 수 있다. 결과 연구 결과에 따르면 핸드트래킹 기법에 포함된 여러 측정도구들 중 반응속도, 답변의 정확도 등을 통해 제2언어로서 한국어를 처리할 때 주격/목적격 관계절의 비대칭성이 나타남이 증명되었다. 결론 본 연구의 결과는 주격/목적격 관계절 문장처리 상의 비대칭성이 제2언어로서의 한국어에도 존재한다는 실험적 증거를 제시함과 동시에 구조거리가설과 명사구접근가설이 주격/목적격 관계절의 비대칭성을 설명하는데 유효하다는 주장을 뒷받침하였다.

Relative clause processing in L1 and L2 English

Abstract This study investigates the locus of processing difficulty in English object-extracted relative clauses during both native and non-native sentence comprehension. Two L-maze experiments were conducted – one with English native speakers (n = 48) and another with highly proficient Chinese learners of English (n = 20) – to compare the processing of object-extracted relative clauses (ORCs) with that of subject-extracted relative clauses (SRCs). Both participants groups revealed clear processing costs for ORC sentences. In both cases, this processing difficulty was localized at the beginning of the ORC, and specifically at the article that introduced the ORC subject (The soldier who the sailor roughly pushed….). These findings are taken to indicate that structural expectations play a central role in the first- and second-language processing of English relative clauses and of complex sentences more generally.

Syntactic and Semantic Influences on the Time Course of Relative Clause Processing: The Role of Language Dominance

We conducted a visual world eye-tracking experiment with highly proficient Spanish-English bilingual adults to investigate the effects of relative language dominance, operationalized as a continuous, multidimensional variable, on the time course of relative clause processing in the first-learned language, Spanish. We found that participants exhibited two distinct processing preferences: a semantically driven preference to assign agency to referents of lexically animate noun phrases and a syntactically driven preference to interpret relative clauses as subject-extracted. Spanish dominance was found to exert a distinct influence on each of these preferences, gradiently attenuating the semantic preference while gradiently exaggerating the syntactic preference. While these results might be attributable to particular properties of Spanish and English, they also suggest a possible generalization that greater dominance in a language increases reliance on language-specific syntactic processing strategies while correspondingly decreasing reliance on more domain-general semantic processing strategies.

The processing of pronominal relative clauses: Evidence from eye movements

Relative clauses have played a key role in distinguishing between different theories of language comprehension. A reversal in processing costs between full NP and pronominal relative clauses reported by Reali and Christiansen (2007) has been used to argue for expectation-based theories of comprehension (e.g., Hale, 2001, Levy, 2008), and against memory-based theories of comprehension (e.g., Gibson, 1998, Gibson, 2000, Gordon et al., 2001, Lewis et al., 2006). We present results relying on eye-movements during reading, in conjunction with modeling of differences between self-paced reading and eye movement data, to argue that the results observed by Reali and Christiansen and others are due to the self-paced reading paradigm, and do not reflect an actual reversal in processing costs. Overall, our results suggest that a combination of memory-based factors and spillover explains the pattern of reading times observed in various relative clause experiments such as those in Reali and Christiansen (2007), and that while comprehenders’ expectations undeniably play a role in language comprehension, the role may be less dramatic than is suggested by previous studies.