The process of religious conversions to Protestantism is widespread and rapid in the underdeveloped world, and the numbers in Latin America are especially significant (Stoll 1990). It affects urban and rural peoples of varied cultural and ecological backgrounds. Often, major economic changes are either attributed or related to the significant ideological shift associated with religious conversion. The nature of the changes taking place as individuals or families convert is complex. In Latin America, and particularly in Guatemala, people may convert for reasons as varied as the popularity of a Protestant political leader (president Rios Mont), an earthquake, and the ongoing violence (Annis 1987). Nash (1960) found alcoholism to be one of the major reasons for conversions, and refers to Protestantism as the Alcoholics Anonymous of Maya Indians. Economic (Redfield 1962; Wasserstrom 1976; Brintnall 1979), political (Falla 1980), and social reasons (Reina and Schwartz 1974) have been cited as the basis for conversion to Protestantism in the area. Some scholars have pointed to the tendency of studies to provide limited attention to experience, discourse analysis, and other processes of identity change within which conversion may be understood (Heirich 1977; Snow and Machalek 1984; Taylor 1976). Historical accounts of Protestantism's introduction to Latin American countries (i.e., Garrard Burnett 1990; Stoll 1990; Rose and Brower 1990) elaborate on the type of discourse that different denominations use in their missionary enterprises, often through development or education projects. The association of economic development through progress and modernization with Protestantism has been explicit in the teachings of Protestant missionaries and writers (Dennis 1906) and the social and economic benefits of associating with Protestants is emphasized by numerous recent studies (e.g., Tapp 1989; Manning 1980; Green 1978). In the case of western Guatemala discussed below, the connections of trade, capitalization, and conversion are apparent. As suggested, the reasons for conversion are complex, and while their identification is important, so are the implications of the rapid change and the way in which it is taking place (Scotchmer 1986). The rate of religious change highlights the deeper changes that are taking place at all levels of society and may indirectly affect further changes. The impressive showing of Protestant candidates in the national elections of 1990 is significant, as it reflects the continuation of conservative trends within a framework of North American, free market, and modernization discourse in the midst of repression. The new political alliances often overlap with religious and economic interests that presently serve the interests of relatively few Mayan
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