Process Of National Integration Research Articles

Bollywood, Maratha imperialism and Hindu nationalism

ABSTRACT Critical scholars assert that the Bharatiya Janata Party is using commercial Hindi films, controlled by the censor board, to portray a ‘Hindu’ version of Indian nationality. Left-liberal intellectuals and activists further claim that Bollywood is also pandering to the diktats of the ruling party by making films which depict a right-wing version of Indian history. Films to a great extent define our social consciousness. This article attempts to show that the two films Bajirao Mastani and Panipat make a conscious attempt regarding the presentist use of medieval Indian history for furthering the process of national integration. Further, these two films partially challenge the patriarchal depiction of women in Indian society.

National integration and institution building

AbstractThe mutual dependence between national integration and institution building is established in a formal model. It is shown that a decrease in transportation costs, but not necessarily an increase in population size, reduces the equilibrium number of states and the adoption of rule‐based institutions. With endogenous transportation costs or endogenous population size, the unification process can feed on itself. The model is illustrated by the state of Qin's unification of China in 221 BC. During this process of national integration, transformations from relation‐based governance to rule‐based governance happened.

Polityka etniczna państwa ukraińskiego w kontekście jego kierunku proeuropejskiego

After Ukraine gained independence, the ethnic policy of this state has contributed to the transformation of the concept of the Ukrainian nation from ethnic into civic one. For this purpose, a package of legal acts modelled on international law has been adopted. The management of ethnic policy in Ukraine has saved the public from high levels of xenophobia and ethnic conflict. At the same time, the process of national integration is slowing down because some ethnic minorities prefer their own ethnic identity to the national civic one.

Democracy in a Diverse Society An Enigma of Socio-Political Development in Pakistan

Democracy is a system of the government in which things and affairs are shaped and run according to the general will. In this system, the will of majority matters and minorities’ rights are protected through a social contract agreed by all the stakeholders. In such a system, how much it is likely that the masses or the society should be homogenous, or it should be diversity controlling society? If the society is predominantly a diverse society, then how much are chances of development of democracy in such society and is it justified to say that diversity is a hurdle in the way of democracy if the latter is taken in lieu of majority’s will? These are some of the questions directly attached to the issue of national integration and the development of democracy in Pakistan. Pakistan is a very diverse country by all means. It has a colossal diversity of race, ethnicity, religion, culture and so on. With this huge diversity, it was created as a single separate country in 1947, with vivid ideas of democracy and federalism. However, since the time of its inception, these are the same ideals that suffered the most. The annals of history suggest that Pakistan is a democratically failed state with intermittent authoritarian rules, the secession of its one province in 1971, and multiple separatist movements still going on in various regions of the country. Deprivation and exploitation lie as the root cause of this failure which ultimately marked the very process of national integration. Historical accounts tell that whenever the question of national integration was raised, it was dealt with the rhetoric of ‘unity in uniformity’. This flawed notion of unity in uniformity itself suggests that among all the hurdles in the way of democracy, diversity is the biggest one. Is diversity really an obstacle in the way of development of democracy and national integration? This paper is intended to find out the answer to these questions and also aims to investigate the positive correlation between democracy and diversity for the cause of national integration and democratic development in Pakistan.

NATIONAL NEWSPAPERS’ ROLE IN NATIONAL INTEGRATION AND THEIR COVERAGE OF ETHNIC ISSUES IN KARACHI

The research aims to see as to how identity discourse of national dallies contributes to the process of national integration by analyzing newspapers’ coverage of ethnic issues in the communally-battered Karachi. For the purpose, two major Urdu and English newspapers in Jang and Dawn published in 2007, 2008 and 2009 are selected for textual analysis; with the May 12, 2007 ethnic carnage being in spotlight. The findings are a mixed bag containing both positives and negatives. Apart from increased realization in discourse of both dailies that ethnicity is a problem, Dawn has got no place for nationalistic rhetoric based on one Islamic identity which may have positive implications for national integration. Nonetheless, Jang, as per the findings, is yet to wean itself off the nationalistic rhetoric.

The Future of Globalization Under New Political Realities

At a time when many state that globalization is stalled, if not suffering reversals, there are indications that international cooperation on trade issues is alive and can deliver results, provided adequate and timely leadership is exercised. Foreign investment continues to flow, capital markets continue to be global, and trade liberalization continues to take place (not always multilaterally but certainly on a bilateral or plurilateral basis). At the same time, processes of national integration—a sort of national globalization—continue to take place as measures such as the recent national sales tax reform in India, to say nothing of several policies applied in China and elsewhere, all reflect the robust growth of the middle class in emerging economies. Globalization is an endless process that has accelerated and deepened in the last decades and presumably will continue to do so. This implies that the forms and processes of globalization also change. It is therefore very important to have in mind what the drivers of these changes are in order to better understand the necessary adjustments and adaptions. The backlash against globalization is also strong and undeniable. One does not need to go too far to see the political consequences. Different surveys confirm a decline in the support of globalization.

The Global Challenge of Human Rights and Solidarity to Nordic Global Companies and Trade Unions

The idea that corporations, besides making profit, have a social responsibility to society is not new in history. Nor is it new that unions besides representing material interests stand for a universal ambition as defenders of the oppressed in the world. The article argues that corporations’ social responsibility and trade union solidarity, to the extent both are based on universal principles of human rights, ought to open for cooperation concerning Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), where trade unions should be recognized as important stakeholders in corporations. This idea is new, even if examples exist, and it challenges traditional concepts of the role of management and unions in the company. However, trade unions have taken a critical attitude to CSR, the implementation of which they have mainly been excluded from. Instead, they have tried to get global agreements, Global Framework Agreements (GFAs), with the MNCs.1 In the article the development of the attitudes of the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and of the Nordic national centers is investigated. A long-term historical perspective, in addition to a general theory of collective action will be used to draft the hypothesis that, when unions as interest organizations, through the process of national integration, have achieved a strong position in the domestic labor market, they lack reasons to take transnational action and seek international trade union solidarity. This hypothesis is valid today for the well-established unions in the Nordic countries. But in questions concerning social responsibility and human rights, the article presents the possibility that GFAs might become a platform from which to extend the Nordic model of national partnership to the global level, while at the same time global competition will increasingly make it difficult for the unions to show international solidarity in interest questions of capital investments and outsourcing.

Identity and nation in Iraq

Sherko Kirmanj offers a balanced, critical analysis of the evolution of Iraqi national identity and the process of national integration, tracing a history of antagonisms and violence from the creation of the state in 1921 to mid-2012. Challenging approaches that variously blame the legacy of the Baathist regime or the US invasion for the sectarian violence that plagues Iraq, Kirmanj delves into the political and social dynamics involved across the decades. His focus is on the enduring conflicts between Iraq's Sunnis, Shiites, and Kurds-and on the challenges of forging a nation when the groups involved share no collective identity or attachment to a single homeland. His work, comprehensive in scope and rich with new insights, is a vital contribution to ongoing debates about the future of the Iraqi state.

Il Nation-building in Croazia. Gli studi recenti

- The article represents a critical route through the existing historiography about the process of national integration in Croatia. What emerges is that it was studied only in some of its aspects, mostly related to political history and regarding only certain periods, above all the 19th century. The author considers innovative those approaches which give more attention to the interaction of the regional with the national level and to the role of minorities. In order to write a future history of nation-building in Croatia it will be also necessary to make use of the international debate about the diffusion of nationalisms and the construction of nations, but preserving the specifity of the Croatian case.Parole chiave: nation-building, Croazia, Jugoslavia, nazionalismo, identitŕ regionali, minoranze nation-building, Croatia, Yugoslavia, nationalism, regional identities, minorities

Islamism, Pluralism and the Palestine Question: The Case of Hizbullah1

The political vocabulary of the Lebanese Islamist party and militia Hizbullah in relation to pluralism exhibits an important self-contradiction. In Lebanon, Hizbullah has adapted to a process of national integration after 15 years of civil war, and appears as much more positive towards pluralism now than in 1985, when it made itself known officially. However, the Palestinian resistance struggle constitutes an ever more important part of the party's political and religious identity, and in this area the party relies on a vocabulary of absolute and religiously motivated conflict. Hizbullah has made the Palestine Question into a religious absolute at the same time as it connects this question to the issue of national unity in Lebanon, questioning the patriotic credibility of every Lebanese who disagrees with it on this issue. Consequently, a conflict-oriented vocabulary ‘colonizes’ Hizbullah's more tolerant and pluralist vocabulary within Lebanon, thus hindering a further development of pluralist attitudes.

Forced Migration in Southeast Asia: International Politics and the Reordering of State Power

This essay explores a revisionist argument about the nature and direction of conflict and refugee movements in Southeast Asia during the Cold War and thereafter. By focusing more systematic attention on processes of national integration in post-colonial state and society, this essay provides an important corrective to perspectives that privilege Cold War geopolitics and ideology. Similarly, a comparative investigation into processes of (re)democratization and (re)centralization reveals critical dynamics not easily captured from the point of view of less methodologically rigorous approaches to understanding ‘new wars’ and communalism in the post-Cold War era. Against the dominant paradigm of a marked shift in the patterns of conflict and displacement ‘before’ and ‘after’ 1989, this essay instead argues for a more careful, comparative consideration of the reordering of state power and its powerful effects through processes of national integration, (re)democratization and (re)centralization upon the mobilization of large-scale violence and refugee movements in post-colonial Southeast Asia.

Civilizational Basis of National Integration in India

During the last decade, the concept of civilization as applied to the study of international relations, has become a controversial issue in political science. This article attempts at examining the relationship between civilization and the process of national integration of a multiethnic state. Considering the history of the country, the size and diversity of the population, the Indian case is exceptional. However, for the same reasons it provides ample evidence to establish the relationship between specific features of civilization and the formation of supraethnic political culture as a major prerequisite for the stability of a multiethnic polity.

All Things Canadian Are Now Regional

The process of national integration in Canada, it seems, is being brought to a halt. At a time when the economic consequences of globalization and neo-conservative policies are redefining how Canadian regions relate to one another, national political institutions are in a state of disrepair and are no longer in a position to promote national political integration. This will serve to weaken the central or federal government in the years ahead. Moreover, it will no longer be able to rely on its traditional supporters, notably the four Atlantic provinces, to claim a strong role for itself in the federation. The question to be addressed is that of how Canada can continue to function as a national union, as we come to terms with the fact that all things Canadian will increasingly become regional.

National integration and ethnic violence in Western Europe

When ethnically distinctive immigrant groups settle in industrial societies, ethnic violence may be expected to increase as a result of the competition promoted by processes of national integration. The relevant evidence for West European countries permits only a tentative evaluation of this hypothesis. The integration of non‐European groups has progressed furthest in the British group of countries, followed by the Nordic, French, German and Italian groups. Ethnic violence appears to be highest in the countries at the head of this list but many relevant variables remain poorly identified.

The Masterless: Self and Society in Modern America.

In this provocative book, Wilfred McClay considers the long-standing tension between individualism and social cohesion in conceptions of American culture. Exploring ideas of unity and diversity as they have evolved since the Civil War, he illuminates the historical background to our ongoing search for social connectedness and sources of authority in a society increasingly dominated by the premises of individualism. McClay borrows D. H. Lawrence's term 'masterless men'--extending its meaning to women as well--and argues that it is expressive of both the promise and the peril inherent in the modern American social order. Drawing upon a wide range of disciplines--including literature, sociology, political science, philosophy, psychology, and feminist theory--McClay identifies a competition between visions of dispersion on the one hand and coalescence on the other as modes of social organization. In addition, he employs intellectual biography to illuminate the intersection of these ideas with the personal experiences of the thinkers articulating them and shows how these shifting visions are manifestations of a more general ambivalence about the process of national integration and centralization that has characterized modern American economic, political, and cultural life.

The National Integration of Italian Return Migration, 1870-1929.

Acknowledgments Introduction: emigration and the process of national integration 1. The difficult task of national integration 2. A blueprint for change 3. The southern ethos 4. The national debate 5. Return migration 6. American remittances 7. Investing American savings 8. regional differences 9. Return and retirement Conclusion: national integration and return migration Notes Index.

Centre-Province Relations in Pakistan Under President Zia: The Government's and the Opposition's Approaches

W HILE PRESIDENT ZIA-UL-HAQ'S ISLAMIZATION program has been the focus of much scholastic attention, especially with regard to its repercussions upon the political process of the countryl and its nefarious effects upon the condition of women in Pakistan,2 the consequences of the government's Islamization drive upon centre-province relations have yet to be analyzed in detail. It is as a result of President Zia's use of the Islamization program as a means to legitimize his government's drive to smother provincial dissent that the issue of centre-province relations has essentially become a clash between secularism and Islamic fundamentalism. Moreover, this problem is further compounded by the widespread perception in the smaller provinces that the Islamization process is a crude and veiled attempt to impose Punjabi culture and values on the rest of the country. The view that the country is being Punjabized is given credibility by the fact that the two major state institutions, the armed forces and the bureaucracy, are overwhelmingly dominated by Punjabis. Therefore, it is this Punjabization of the three other provinces, coupled with the imposition of the government's highly centralized and Islamic approach to centreprovince relations, which has had an adverse effect on the process of national integration. Accordingly, it is the aim of this article to demonstrate that although President Zia's Islamization program has failed to arrest the centrifugal

An Old People in a New State: The Problem of National Integration in West Germany

A central issue in political development has been the role of national integration. Here, the developmental process is specified theoretically as depending, in part, upon individuals and groups transferring subjective identification and loyalty from subcultural objects to political institutions at the level of the nation-state.' National integration, thus, is seen as necessary to ensure the legitimacy and effectiveness of regimes grappling with the problems of modernization. While this description of the developmental process is most commonly used to interpret the experiences of countries in the so-called Third World, it invites comparison with the historical development of western industrialized societies. For these countries, we may expect that the process of national integration is reasonably complete, providing sufficient popular support for the institutions of these regimes to ensure their stability. Given this perspective, sporadic challenges to regime legitimacy in western societies are often regarded as deviant cases. In contrast to many other western nation-states, the period of German history from unification through World War II appears to offer an example running counter to expectations associated with development theory. While a perception of German nationality appears to have been well-established and longstanding among the German people, their modern history has not produced a corresponding set of stable political institutions upon which their loyalty could be confidently projected.2 The German Empire, the Weimar Republic, and the Third Reich have presented Germans with an array of political structures which, after a quite modest time period, were demonstrated by events not to have merited such loyalty and confidence as they might have commanded. With the establishment of the Federal Republic, we have a particularly appropriate site in which to conduct a hard test of the developmental expectation that a culturally united people will project identification and loyalty upon political institutions which centralize authority. Not only must this process contend with the established pattern of regime instability noted above, it must also surmount the opportunities the federal structure offers West Germans to project identification and loyalty upon regional and localized political institutions and structures. From a developmental perspective, then, our question is whether Germans will choose to identify themselves with national political institutions or whether they will express themselves politically through subnational political structures.

Development Planning and Dependence

SUMMARY Much development planning theory and practice has been based on neo‐classical approaches to development. Recent work on 'dependence' has been critical of these views and has suggested alternatives emphasizing objectives such as disengagement from the world capitalist system, providing for the basic needs of the population and a radical transformation of the distribution of income and wealth. Adopting this model implies significant changes in the functions and definition of planning. Development is seen as the process of national integration and the task of planning is to assure that this process is irreversible.RESUME Plans de développement et dépendanceLa théorie et la pratique des plans de développement reposent, en grande partie, sur des concepts de développement néo‐classiques. Des ouvrages récents consacrés à la ‘ dépendance’, ont critiqué cette approche et suggéré des solutions de rechange mettant l'accent sur des objectifs tels que le désengagement vis‐à‐vis du système capitaliste mondial, la satisfaction des besoins fondamentaux de la population et une transformation radicale du système de répartition des revenus et des richesses. L'adoption de ce modèle implique la modification profonde des fonctions et de la définition du planning. Le développement est considéré comme le processus de l'intégration nationale, la tâche du planning étant d'assurer l'irréversibilité de ce processus.RESUMEN Planificación del Desarrollo y DependenciaGran parte de la planificación del desarrollo ha estado basada en los enfoques neo‐clásicos del desarrollo. Trabajos recientes que podríamos llamar el enfoque de la dependencia han criticado estos enfoques, y han sugerido enfoques alternativos sobre el proceso de desarrollo. En estos se pone énfasis en objetivos tales como el rompimiento con el sistema capitalista mundial, la satisfacción de las necesidades básicas de la población, la redistribución del ingreso y la riqueza y otros. La adopción de este modelo conlleva importantes implicaciones para la planificación. El desarrollo se concibe como el proceso de integración nacional y la tarea de la planificación es asegurar que ese proceso sea irreversible.