Problem Of Domination Research Articles

Intergenerational Domination

AbstractThe political and ethical status of future generations is commonly discussed within conceptual frameworks like intergenerational justice, rights, or welfare. In this article, I argue that the concept of domination can provide a novel perspective on the philosophy of intergenerational relations. To that end, I first advance and defend a (slightly) revised conception of domination, drawing on Philip Pettit’s neorepublican view. Second, I establish a prima facie case for the existence of intergenerational domination and address four major objections to the claim that the present generation dominates future generations: the non-concurrency challenge, a modified version of the non-identity problem, the inescapability objection, and the problem of historical domination. Finally, I explore some implications and conceptual advantages of the framework of intergenerational domination. As a theoretical foundation of a comprehensive analysis of structures of domination, the proposed framework may contribute to identifying and reducing domination within and across generations.

Mary Wollstonecraft and Richard Price: The Theological and Philosophical Foundations of Freedom as Independence

ABSTRACT In Wollstonecraft’s early writings, she articulates the foundational theological and philosophical principles that would underpin her work throughout her career. One difference between her early and later work lies in the way that the values to which she refers are combined. Whereas Wollstonecraft at first appeals to the separate ideals of independence, equality, and virtue, from the 1790s onwards she integrates these into a characteristic republican framework that was in common use amongst dissenting theorists at the time. The set of values on which Wollstonecraft draws, and the version of the republican framework that she develops, closely resemble those of Richard Price with whose work she was familiar. Examining the structural similarities between their respective models, I argue, gives us an insight into the systematic manner of aspects of Wollstonecraft’s own thought. It also allows us to see how Wollstonecraft goes beyond the republicanism of Price and others as she develops her own feminist solutions to the problems of structural domination.

Weakly Supervised Object Detection for Remote Sensing Images via Progressive Image-Level and Instance-Level Feature Refinement

Weakly supervised object detection (WSOD) aims to predict a set of bounding boxes and corresponding category labels for instances with only image-level supervisions. Compared with fully supervised object detection, WSOD in remote sensing images (RSIs) is much more challenging due to the vast foreground-related context regions. In this paper, we propose a progressive image-level and instance-level feature refinement network to address the problems of missing detection and part domination for WSOD in RSIs. Firstly, we propose a multi-label attention mining loss (MAML)-guided image-level feature refinement branch to effectively allocate the computational resources towards the most informative part of images. With the supervision of MAML, all latent instances in images are emphasized. However, image-level feature refinement further expands responsive gaps between the informative part and other sub-optimal informative ones, which results in exacerbating the problem of part domination. In order to alleviate the above-mentioned limitation, we further construct an instance-level feature refinement branch to re-balance the contributions of different adjacent candidate bounding boxes according to the detection task. An instance selection loss (ISL) is proposed to progressively boost the representation of salient regions by exploring supervision from the network itself. Finally, we integrate the image-level and instance-level feature refinement branches into a complete network and the proposed MAML and ISL functions are merged with class classification and box regression to optimize the whole WSOD network in an end-to-end training fashion. We conduct experiments on two popular WSOD datasets, NWPU VHR-10.v2 and DIOR. All the experimental results demonstrate that our method achieves a competitive performance compared with other state-of-the-art approaches.

Complexity Issues on of Secondary Domination Number

In this paper we study the computational complexity issues of the problem of secondary domination (known also as (1, 2)-domination) in several graph classes. We also study the computational complexity of the problem of determining whether the domination and secondary domination numbers are equal. In particular, we study the influence of triangles and vertices of degree 1 on these numbers. Also, an optimal algorithm for finding a minimum secondary dominating set in trees is presented.

The Effectiveness of the Federal Character Principle in Enugu, Kogi State and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Public Service

Purpose: The study seeks to understand the extent to which the Federal Character Principle ensured even representation of Federal Public Servants in Enugu State, Kogi State and the Federal Capital Territory. Also, to know if the federal character principle is faced with some challenges in Enugu State, Kogi State and the Federal Capital Territory and understand the advantages and prospects of the federal character principle to the Federal Public Service in Enugu State, Kogi State and the Federal Capital Territory. Theoretical Framework: This study is situated within the Theory of Representative Bureaucracy propounded by Bola Dauda (2000). This theory was propounded to solve crisis in the Public Service Recruitment in order to ensure administrative and political harmony especially for the third world countries. Design/Methodology/Approach: The design of the study is descriptive and survey research design. Primary method of data collection was employed. One hundred and fifty - five (164) questionnaires were administered to one hundred and fifty – five (155) respondents and questionnaires were responded to, and recovered. For the purpose of this study, Federal Character Commission in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Kogi and Enugu states were sampled. Findings: The findings of this study shows that the extent to which the federal character principle has ensured even representation of every region of Nigeria in the federal civil service is low. It was revealed by the findings of this study that the problems of regional domination and fear of minorities of marginalization in the federal public service have not been largely tackled by the federal character principle in Nigeria. Also, the Federal Character Principle is characterized by some obvious problems which include sacrificing competence and merit on the altar of fair regional representation; the federal character principle being an opportunity for those in power to favour people from their regions and the emphasis the Federal Character Principle places on difference rather than integration. Conclusion: The federal character principle is one those principles which Nigeria has adopted in her attempt to balance the national life of her diverse heritage. There seem to be nothing wrong with the federal character principle and its adoption into the Nigerian state but so much seem to be wrong in the application of this principle in Nigeria due to administrative lapses on the part of the Federal Character Commission and selfish interests on the part of those in power.

RETRACTED: Digital Markets in EU Competition law

Abstract Online marketplaces’ expansion has completely transformed the way in which products and services are traded, benefiting both consumers and companies in a variety of ways. However, the decentralized nature of online markets, the problem of market domination, and the growing use of big data in digital marketplaces, has brought many difficulties related to competition law. Further complicating matters is the growth of platform-to-business (P2B) partnerships. This manuscript discusses recent competition cases involving online platforms and offers an outline of the difficulties faced by competition authorities in dealing with competition concerns in digital markets. The specific applicability of Articles 101 and 102 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union to concerns involving digital platforms will be thoroughly examined. There will also be discussion of potential fixes for the concerns mentioned. The study outlines the raised concerns and offers potential solutions. Thus, it will provide a glimpse into a potential future strategy that the European Union competition authorities, including the Commission and National Competition Authorities, may adopt about online platforms.

Liberalism and the problem of domination

We can distinguish two liberal paradigms that stand in opposition to each other. Liberalism as non-domination seeks to eliminate identities resulting from domination and oppression and hindering the emancipation of individuals. Liberalism as recognition holds that ‘the idea of a human world without identities makes no sense’ (Appiah) and considers identities to have their source in individual liberty and to provide the grounds for pluralism. The two liberal paradigms come to largely different results regarding the role of the state and civil society. The paradigm of non-domination tends to enforce individual rights, if necessary against a hostile cultural and religious context. The paradigm of recognition defends mostly individual liberties, if necessary at the expense of certain individual rights. Liberalism stands here in front of a major dilemma: Either it protects individual rights in the sense of freedom as non-domination, or it defends individual liberties in Isaiah Berlin's tradition of negative liberty– in too many cases and in too many parts of the world, liberalism, understood in the terms presented here, cannot have it both ways. This review article argues that the liberal paradigms of non-domination and recognition are complementary; liberalism is about both recognition and non-domination. Following policy recommendation can be drawn: (1) Democratic institutions (parliament, political parties and constitutional courts) and democratic rights (right to vote, right of assembly and freedom of speech) are most efficient in fighting domination. (2) Although social identities are not fixed and open to change, they cannot be engineered by the state or civil society organizations and grow out of some form of social consensus. (3) The consensus around identities takes place within the pluralist public and civil sphere of a community. (4) While the support in the development of individual capabilities by the state is effective against domination, also history and collective memory help to overcome the traumatic experience of domination. (5) Systemic transformation requires the support from below, notably from the civil society, and is based on individual liberties.

Does the Kantian state dominate?: Freedom and majoritarian rule

Recently, scholars have criticized what they call the “Kantian-Republican” thesis of freedom as non-domination. The main complaint is that domination is unavoidable. This concern can be separated into the problem of state domination, which suggests that the state's intervening powers necessarily dominate its citizens, and the problem of majority domination, which suggests that the People necessarily dominate individual citizen as a result of the potential to form dominating majorities.

Representative government as anti-imperialism: Edward Carpenter's radical critique of Victorian civilization

This paper examines the relationship between the critique of civilization, anti-imperialism, gender and representative government in the political thought of the neglected communist, environmentalist, and gay liberationist Edward Carpenter (1844–1929). In recent years, there has been a dramatic growth in the historical literatures on anti-imperialism and representative government, yet these two topics are rarely connected. Meanwhile, a voluminous literature on the concept of civilization and its role in British imperialism has largely ignored its role in justifying social and political domination in Britain itself. Carpenter's writings on these topics are important because he offers a defense of the value of representative government that is grounded in his anti-imperialism. Furthermore, his critique of civilization led him to connect problems of social domination in India to the struggles of women, homosexuals, and the working class. These groups ought in turn to be enfranchised and given roles in the functioning of the state.

Examining recent initiatives to ensure labour rights for platform workers in the European Union to tackle the problem of domination

This article discusses how recent European Commission and European Parliament initiatives have taken two paths to protect platform workers from the domination of platforms and norms: clarifying who should have access to labour rights and removing the applicability of EU competition law. It will become clear that all the initiatives of both kinds face significant challenges, hampering their effectiveness in ensuring freedom from domination for platform workers. This article concludes by arguing that the best way to tackle domination of platform workers in the EU would be to put the idea of inequality of bargaining power at the centre of the analysis, making policy initiatives less dependent on elusive definitions and expanding the reach of labour law.

Domination and Independent Domination in Extended Supergrid Graphs

Supergrid graphs are derived by computing stitch paths for computerized embroidery machines. In the past, we have studied the Hamiltonian-related properties of supergrid graphs and their subclasses of graphs. In this paper, we propose a generalized graph class for supergrid graphs called extended supergrid graphs. Extended supergrid graphs include grid graphs, supergrid graphs, diagonal supergrid graphs, and triangular supergrid graphs as subclasses of graphs. In this paper, we study the problems of domination and independent domination on extended supergrid graphs. A dominating set of a graph is the subset of vertices on it, such that every vertex of the graph is in this set or adjacent to at least a vertex of this set. If any two vertices in a dominating set are not adjacent, this is called an independent dominating set. Domination and independent domination problems find a dominating set and an independent dominating set with the least number of vertices on a graph, respectively. The domination and independent domination set problems on grid graphs are known to be NP-complete, meaning that these two problems on extended supergrid graphs are also NP-complete. However, the complexities of these two problems in other subclasses of graphs remain unknown. In this paper, we first prove that these two problems on diagonal supergrid graphs are NP-complete, then, by a simple extension, we prove that these two problems on supergrid graphs and triangular supergrid graphs are also NP-complete. In addition, these two problems on rectangular supergrid graphs are known to be linearly solvable; however, the complexities of these two problems on rectangular triangular-supergrid graphs remain unknown. This paper provides tight upper bounds on the sizes of the minimum dominating and independent dominating sets for rectangular triangular-supergrid graphs.

Gender Differences in Language Use under Descriptive Perspective and Qur’anic Moral Values Education

Studies on the differences in the use of language by men and women are indeed very limited when viewed from a purely biological tendency. In fact, many studies have found that men's language is different from women's language socio-politically and culturally. This difference is constructed by the social order that is closely related to the problem of domination of power in the relationship between men and women. The study of gender differences in language under descriptive perspective aims to reveal the facts of social life in term of differences in roles and relations between women and men in the use of language. In addition, this research also discusses the perspective of moral values education, especially those from the Qur'an regarding the differences between women and men in terms of language use.

Let's Care Together About Common Good: Review of The Platform Society: Public Values in a Connective World

<p>本書為關懷公共價值的三位歐洲傳播學者，省思當代多以經濟意義與獲利動機設立暨運作之平臺企業社會，檢視其概念、結構、機制與治理。專章說明重要平臺產業：一、新聞產業變化，二、城市交通現況，三、醫療照護與研究，與四、教育事業平臺化及顧慮，論述緊密扣連公共價值與市民社會需求。本文認為作者們提出全球平臺社會負責任之設計，關懷公共價值的實踐，兼論優質平臺社會之治理，惟較少著墨跨國平臺與社會對閱聽大眾的宰制關係。</p> <p> </p><p>Three European communication scholars who care about public values have co-authored this book that reflects the current platform businesses and platform societies, usually for profit and lucrative, and examines their concept, business structure, operational mechanism, and corporate governance. Four chapters are devoted to depict features of important platform industries: (1) the dynamic changing of the news industry, (2) the current condition of urban transport, (3) healthcare and health research, and (4) the "platformization" of education and related concerns. The discussions connect tightly with public values and the needs of the civil society. This review argues that the authors are successful in proposing the responsible design of global platform societies and raising awareness of public values practice and the corporate governance of high-quality platform societies. However, less attention is paid to the problem of domination of the cross-border platform businesses and the platform societies on the global audiences and the public.</p> <p> </p>

The Prospect of Pragmatic Confucian Democracy: Reply to Dryzek, Macedo, Ackerly, and Li

The Prospect of Pragmatic Confucian Democracy: Reply to Dryzek, Macedo, Ackerly, and Li

Interface‐Dominated Topological Transport in Nanograined Bulk Bi2Te3

3D topological insulators (TI) host surface carriers with extremely high mobility. However, their transport properties are typically dominated by bulk carriers that outnumber the surface carriers by orders of magnitude. A strategy is herein presented to overcome the problem of bulk carrier domination by using 3D TI nanoparticles, which are compacted by hot pressing to macroscopic nanograined bulk samples. Bi2 Te3 nanoparticles well known for their excellent thermoelectric and 3D TI properties serve as the model system. As key enabler for this approach, a specific synthesis is applied that creates nanoparticles with a low level of impurities and surface contamination. The compacted nanograined bulk contains a high number of interfaces and grain boundaries. Here it is shown that these samples exhibit metallic-like electrical transport properties and a distinct weak antilocalization. A downward trend in the electrical resistivity at temperatures below 5 K is attributed to an increase in the coherence length by applying the Hikami-Larkin-Nagaoka model. THz time-domain spectroscopy reveals a dominance of the surface transport at low frequencies with a mobility of above 103 cm2 V-1 s-1 even at room temperature. These findings clearly demonstrate that nanograined bulk Bi2 Te3 features surface carrier properties that are of importance for technical applications.

Central Margins: Paradox and Transformation of Dichotomies in Two English Language Novels by Mauritian Lindsey Collen

The Indian Ocean region embodies the paradox of a marginalized crossroads. Its islands and coastal societies reflect the multiple influences of its position as a commercial center during colonization and accompanying slave trade. Yet its island nations, particularly their literature, are little known relative to their mainland Asian and African counterparts. Mauritius further reflects these ironies. Although Mauritius has attained a positive reputation for stability, growth, and tourist appeal, deep inequalities resulting from economic globalization persist, to the detriment of its citizens. Uninhabited until the arrival of the Dutch in the sixteenth century, its national identity is the most multicultural of the Indian Ocean islands. Despite its history as a British colony and the designation of English as the language of school instruction and government administration, English-language Mauritian literature remains scarce. A primary exception is the work of novelist Lindsey Collen. This paper examines Collen’s There Is a Tide and The Rape of Sita as examples that reveal margin and center as imagined divisions, created by patriarchal assumptions about power and humans’ relationship to the earth. Theories of hybridity and postcolonialism, as well as of feminism, eco-feminism, and ecocriticism, introduced to challenge these assumptions, have revealed both deeply intertwined concepts and continuing problems of cultural domination, despite efforts to counter legacies of colonial injustices. The reactive nature of many of these theories and the advocacy on which they are based ironically often reinforce the aforementioned dichotomies between center and margins. Collen’s novels deconstruct and transform these dichotomies by narrating the human condition across gender, class, nation, and time in ways that are difficult (if not impossible) to do through theoretical categorization.

Freedom and domination through time: Jean-Paul Sartre’s theory of the plurality of temporalities

The plural, impure or discordant nature of time has become an important theme in recent critical social and political theory. Against Althusser’s dismissal of Sartre’s presumedly Hegelian understanding of time and history, this article establishes Jean-Paul Sartre as a key figure in this debate on the plurality of temporalities. Especially in the Critique of Dialectical Reason, Sartre understands history and the social in terms of a multiplicity of uneven and non-synchronous temporalisations, rejecting an notion of time as a universal container within which events take place. The originality of Sartre’s approach is that it establishes a link between the notion of the plurality of temporalities and the problem of freedom and domination. His mature social and political theory allows us to understand temporalisation as a strategy for domination, and objective social temporality (e.g. the time of the economy or of machine systems) as key to a form of anonymous or structural domination. A reconstruction of this highly complex and sophisticated approach to thinking domination through time can also shed an original light on the temporal dimension of democracy and totalitarianism.

On the Very Idea of Civilisation

The concept of civilisation is a controversial one because it is unavoidably normative in its implications. Its historical associations with the effort of Western imperialism to impose substantive conditions of life have made it difficult for contemporary liberalism to find a definition of “civilization” that can be reconciled with progressive discourse that seeks to avoid exclusions of various kinds. But because we lack a way of identifying what is peculiar to the relationship of civilisation that avoids the problem of domination, it has tended to be conflated with other ideas. Taking Samuel Huntington's idea of a “Clash of Civilisations” as a starting point, this article argues that we suffer from a widespread confusion of civilisation with “culture,” and that we also confuse it with other ideas including modernity and technological development. Drawing on Thomas Hobbes, the essay proposes an alternative definition of civilisation as the existence of limits on how we may treat others.

1956, 1968, 1981: The Faces of Central-European Memory: A Postcolonial Perspective

This article deals with two issues. The first concerns the problem of collective memory of the past, which is divided here into shared memory, separate memory and non-memory. Shared memory plays a lesser role in Central Europe than separate memory, the latter being the core of national and social identity. Shared memory is an unattainable ideal proposed by some politicians and cultural researchers. A significant role is played by non-memory, which temporarily annihilates difficult matters related to the past. History vies with collective memory in Central Europe as a means of preserving the past. This is the result of centuries-old conflicts, changing political systems, shifting borders and, above all, many nations losing their sovereignty. This situation made the problem of domination and subordination a fundamental problem of history and collective memory. For this reason, the second part of the article focuses on the postcolonial aspects of collective memory, and in particular on its relation to the events of 1956, 1968, and 1981 connected with the military reaction of the communist system to attempts at reform. These events, with all their historical differences, are caused by external violence (1956, 1968) or by internal violence caused by external pressure (1981). Central European societies also shape mutual relations through their attitudes to selected elements of the past. The author of the article depicts the inconspicuous aspects of shared internal and international memory by means of an analysis of four aspects: ressentiment, unremembering, historical politics and aesthetisation.An analysis of the events that took place in 1956, 1968, and 1981 in the context of these four aspects of postcolonial memory reveals the fragile (moderately strong) existence of common areas. These areas are dominated by non-memory and separate memory, which deform historical realities. This proves that it is difficult for Central European societies to move beyond slogans and general declarations. True shared memory is the task for the future.

Work, Domination, and the False Hope of Universal Basic Income

Universal basic income (UBI) is increasingly proposed as a simple answer to the problem of domination at work—one policy whose knock-on effects will transform the balance of power between workers and employers. I argue against such ‘UBI-first’ approaches. Compared to UBI proposals for other purposes, a UBI sufficient or near-sufficient for minimising domination at work would be especially demanding in two ways. First, the level of the grant would be more demanding compared to UBIs suitable for other purposes, in order for workers to be able to credibly threaten to leave their jobs. Secondly, the maintenance of the grant must also meet strict criteria. The demanding level of the grant must be effectively secured against reduction, allowing workers to plan on its long-term acceptability; and in order to avoid increased state domination it must assume the status of an entitlement rather than a gift that may be withdrawn, through stabilisation against political change or some other means. These difficulties render UBI-first approaches doubtful at best, and an unhelpful distraction from other, more fruitful strategies at worst.