Problem Of Terrorism Research Articles

INTERNET COMMUNICATION: NEW CHALLENGES FOR THE YOUTH

Many social scientists are deeply concerned with the problem of youth cyber dependency. It is primarily caused by people’s “submergence” into the newest technological gadgets and virtual reality. In sociological lexis one can even meet such a term like “youth go online”. The author proposes a definition for that term applied to describe people who use electronic smartphones most part of their day (in some cases even like a background all day long). However we can’t diminish all advantages associated with the Internet using. It is both quick access to any information and distance education, the possibility to transfer money in a second through the whole world and other. But here the author stresses upon another side of Internet using. The paper reveals some forms of social and psychological challenges and deviance behavior while active using of virtual mass communication tools. Moreover, the article observes the most fundamental research in the sphere of sociology of youth and mass communication conducted by famous Russian and International scientists. Their studies reveal that young internet users sometimes lose a strong connection with the real world which is caused by informational overloading or “computer hunger”. On the base of the empirical data made by the Sociological School of The Moscow State University of International Relations (MGIMO-University), there was made an attempt to clarify the youth understanding of such phenomenon like internet-responsibility for the content users post and what do students mean by the term “cybersecurity”? Besides above-mentioned personal security, special attention is paid to the problem of international cyber terrorism which can cause more damage not only to companies but the whole governments. In that connection the article discloses the functioning of international organizations like United Nations, European Union and Council of Europe aimed to the prevention of destructive forms of internet using and creation of global culture of cybersecurity.

Radicalism and Terrorism Problems in a Scientific Discourse of Russian Social Sciences

Abstract The article is devoted to the analysis of the range of questions connected with political radicalism and its extreme form - terrorism and also their reflection in a scientific projection. In Post-Soviet Russia, political terrorism is a new political problem connected with tendencies to separatism of certain regions and territories and is poorly investigated and therefore not understood as a social, psychological and cultural phenomenon. The article considers this new phenomenon in the context of modern theories of political violence. It deals with the carried out chronological comparison of official statistical data on the quantity of acts of terrorism and intensity of scientific researches of problems of radicalism and terrorism for this period. On the basis of the content analysis of research activity of scientists the article reveals the problematic distinctions in the publications of professional academic magazines. The author claims that Russian periodic scientific press hasn’t fully used the potential of timely, expeditious, preventive discussion of problems of terrorism. The share of publications considers the problems of tolerance consciousness formation, instead of counteraction to terrorism and localization of its preconditions. Discussion of the problems of radicalism has late effect. On the basis of the content analysis of dissertation researches (2000 - 2012) on radicalism and terrorism problems in the context of chronology of terrorism acts it is claimed that their maximum falls on the period of the minimum number of terrorism acts. Researchers fail to pay enough attention to the discussion of actual issues of terrorism in the regions of the Islamic right and culture (in the North Caucasus) within political science, law, sociology, philosophy. The psychology and pedagogics take the latest place in development of this perspective at dissertation level, but they take the leading place in publications of the scientific periodical press .

How has Indian Federalism Done?

Two tropes have dominated discussions of Indian federalism: fiscal and constitutional. Isolated exceptions aside, scholars have not linked India’s federalism to comparative theories of nationalism, or to a comparative exploration of national identities. To examine how India’s federalism has done, we may also need to ask what kind of nation India is. Once we answer that question, the oft-assumed binary—that the stronger the states are, the weaker the centre will be–loses its edge. Both can be simultaneously strong. The new exception may be the problem of cross-border terrorism, which indeed generates a binary for the new age. Secessionism also creates centre–state binaries, but that may be more on account of how the basic ideational principles of Indian nationhood have been violated, not followed, or about how far the historical process of nation-building penetrated the rebellious regions. Such problems have not been about the basic flaws of Indian federalism.

Los orígenes de la cooperacion internacional en materia de terrorismo. Las primeras respuestas internacionales

El nacimiento de un nuevo fenómeno de violencia y de terror, distinto a cualquier otro fenómeno histórico de violencia ha obligado desde sus orígenes a la Comunidad Internacional a desarrollar una serie de instrumentos legales ante el problema común del terrorismo. En este trabajo analizaremos los orígenes de la cooperación internacional en materia de terrorismo y cómo la Comunidad Internacional se ha visto obligada a dar una respuesta en diversos momentos históricos ante la amenaza de fenómenos basados en la violencia y el terror.

Greece: the persistence of political terrorism

Greece has one of the most sustained problems of political terrorism anywhere in the world. From the mid-1970s to the present, the country's political and socioeconomic institutions have been confronted by systematic terrorist violence mainly at the hands of revolutionary guerrilla groups. The long story of Greek terrorism was thought to have ended in the summer of 2002 with the collapse of the country's premier terrorist group and one of Europe's longest-running gangs, the notorious Revolutionary Organization 17 November (17N). 17N's dismantling and imprisonment, rather than demoralizing and emasculating the country's armed struggle movement, led instead to the emergence of new urban guerrilla groups and an increase and intensification of revolutionary violence. In consequence, the article places Greek extremist violence in a broader political and cultural perspective and explains why it has become a permanent fixture of national public life. Language: en

India–Bangladesh Border Governance

All Westphalian states have a right to demarcate and defend their borders in attempt to protect their sovereignty and territoriality. However, there is a significant variation in border control priorities. Military defence and economic regulations have traditionally been central border concerns, but due to the problems of trans-national migration, infiltration, terrorism and insurgencies, many of the states are re-tooling and reconfiguring their border regulatory apparatus. The complex nature of the India–Bangladesh border and its regulation/management has always been vital for both states. Nevertheless, the new definitions of security, emphasizing human security, combined with the forces of globalization have led to restructuring of the traditional notion of border management in the recent past. In delivery, the policies of promoting border trade, market, joint ventures and business-related infrastructure have become the priorities of the governments which will improve the Human Development Index and employability among the borderland people. Linkages between internal security and the regional security environment have made the border vital for the national security strategy. However, this has vitiated the environment and impeded the emergence of cordial and development-oriented India–Bangladesh relations.

The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and popular support: counterterrorism towards an insurgency nature

The PKK has been a prolonged problem in Turkey, and various measures have been adopted to diminish and end the violence. In addition to the impacts on violence, these policies have also had an impact on public opinion and ethnic awareness of Kurds in Turkey. This article analyzes these policies and their effects on electoral support for the PKK by examining the vote shares of the pro-PKK political parties in national and local elections. It concludes that Turkey has conceptualized the issue solely as a problem of terrorism, but the goal, strategy, organization, and format of violence used by the PKK reflect the nature of an insurgency. Therefore, it is argued that Turkey, by ignoring the insurgency features, has disregarded the legitimate parts of the cause and related popular support, and thus has responded mostly with deterrent measures apart from the reforms of recent years. Results have shown that policies of deterrence culminated in a steady level of support for the PKK indicating that low level of legitimacy – as they were perceived by the people – of the policies resulted in viable popular and political support for the PKK. Despite the recent accommodative reforms, the existence of pro-PKK parties rallying electoral support in the political arena provided sustained level activities in the conventional politics in Turkey's municipal and national political system, in which they pursue pro-PKK agendas, such as ‘Autonomy’ and ‘Confederation’ as well as activities to increase the distinction in identity around the ethnic consciousness for more popular support. Yet, no clear pattern is identified between violence level and popular support in the macro-scale.

Greater and Lesser Evils in the War on Terrorism and Beyond

Counter-Terrorism, Aid, and Civil Society: Before and After the War on Terror. By Jude Howell, Jeremy Lind . Houndsville, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. 242 pp., $95.00 hardcover (ISBN-13: 978-0-230-22949-5). Debating the War of Ideas. Edited by Eric D. Patterson, John Gallagher . New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009. 264 pp., $100.00 hardcover (ISBN-13: 978-0-230-61936-4). Exceptionalism and the Politics of Counter-Terrorism: Liberty, Security and the War on Terror. By Andrew W. Neal . London and New York: Routledge, 2010. 186 pp., $130.00 hardcover (ISBN-13: 978-0-415-45675-3). In dealing with the problem of terrorism, Paul Wilkinson warns, a liberal democracy must never resort to “methods which are incompatible with liberal values of humanity, liberty, and justice. It is a dangerous illusion to believe one can ‘protect’ liberal democracy by suspending liberal rights and forms of government.” Moreover, Wilkinson (2001:115) cautions that repressive responses “play into the hands of terrorists and, if prolonged, become totally counterproductive.” The books under review here contribute to the perennial debate about the nature, consequences, and pros and cons of Western responses to domestic and international terrorism. Following the attacks of 9/11, similar strikes thereafter, and the continuing threat of further terrorism, this debate has become more urgent and divisive. While focusing on different aspects of the post-9/11 “war on terrorism” and utilizing different methodologies, the three texts under review here deal in distinctive ways with the fundamental rights and values of liberal democracies and how those liberties and ideals figure, rightly or wrongly, into post-9/11 perceptions and justifications of formal and informal measures taken in the name of anti- and counterterrorism. Either fully or partially, each book addresses issues and problems involving Muslims in the Western diaspora and their brethren in the Muslim world. The studies by Andrew W. Neal, Jude Howell, and Jeremy Lind, as well as several chapter authors in the edited volume by Eric D. Patterson and John Gallagher underscore Wilkinson's concerns about the consequences of illiberal responses to terrorism; however, several contributors to Patterson/Gallagher are preoccupied with exposing Islam and the Koran as roots of Islamist terrorism. Debating the War of Ideas , edited by Patterson and Gallagher, is devoted to a far-ranging discussion of and comparisons between secular and religious principles of the West and the Muslim world. Counter-Terrorism, Aid, and Civil Society by Howell and Lind …

The Kurdish Issue in June 2011 Elections: Continuity or Change in Turkey's Democratization?

This article analyzes the Kurdish issue in various aspects before the June 2011 elections. The main research questions include what constitutes the major grievances of the Kurds; how the ongoing conflict is framed as “Kurdish issue” versus a “terrorism problem” and how major political parties in Turkey approach the issue and its solution in their 2011 election manifestos and rallies. This article contributes the literature on the Kurdish issue in particular and Turkey's democratic consolidation in general by identifying the problems and political views of all relevant sides. Finally, based on both a historical and empirical analysis, the article reflects on the reasons why the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi and Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi have become the major players in addressing the Kurdish issue after the 2011 election. The findings are relevant for Turkish democratic consolidation in particular and the democratization literature in general.

India and Australia: Security Dynamics in the Asia Pacific

India and Australia are rediscovering the vast potentials of maximizing mutual benefits that are inherent in their complementary economies. There is also a great deal of convergence of interests in the strategic domain. As an emerging power, India's profile has attracted attention by countries in the Asia Pacific region, which tended to neglect it in the past. The rise of China and its assertive stances have created an element of uneasiness in the region. Its military modernization and beefing up of naval capability are suspected to be behind enhancing its power projection capability. The strategic significance of the Indian Ocean for the region is huge. The region's growth is inextricably linked to the Indian Ocean. The littoral states in the region are home to 2.6 billion people, almost 40% of the world's population. The Indian Ocean is the world's third largest body of water, and the world's leading energy and trade seaway. The volume of global trade brings with it the re-emerging problems of terrorism and piracy, a shared policing challenge for all littoral states. The security of the Indian Ocean goes to the heart of both India's and Australia's national interests.

The Impact of Post-Enactment Review on Anti-Terrorism Laws: Four Jurisdictions Compared

This paper examines a significant legislative challenge in many jurisdictions around the world a decade on from the events of 11 September 2001. Using Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom as case studies, it aims to assess the relative effectiveness of regular and extraordinary review mechanisms at the national level in leading to the improvement of anti-terrorism laws. That such mechanisms often appear to meet with only muted success says something about their institutional weakness and also the tension that inheres in legislatures as simultaneously legal and political institutions. Further, it reflects the authority and legitimacy to which national security law quickly lays claim in a political culture. This makes it resistant to reform, even when aspects of it can be said to be part of the terrorist problem rather than its solution.

Are United States of America's Drone Targeted Killings within the Confines of the Law?

Part One of this paper introduces this research by setting the stage through a background on the problem of terrorism and the recent response of the U.S with drone targeted killings. It also highlights key questions on the legality of drone targeted killings and how other scholars have responded to them. Further, it gives definitions on key terms; i.e. drones and what is meant by targeted killings. In Part Two the focus is on the determination of applicable law for ascertaining the legality of drone targeted killings. The prime argument in Part Two is that no one framework should apply to the exclusion of the other. Part Three focuses on whether drones are consistent with international human rights norms. The author argues that drone targeted killings are inconsistent with the jus cogent right to life. Part Four is an analysis of whether the use of drones is consistent with the principles of international humanitarian law. The author concludes that most of the U.S drone targeted killings are inconsistent with principles of IHL. This Part also contains the final conclusions and recommendations.

The Israeli Secret Services and the Struggle Against Terrorism (review)

Reviewed by: The Israeli Secret Services and the Struggle Against Terrorism Aaron M. Hoffman The Israeli Secret Services and the Struggle Against Terrorism, by Ami Pedahzur. New York: Columbia University Press, 2009. 215 pp. $22.50. On Thursday, April 12, 1984 four Fatah operatives commandeered the number 300 Egged bus en route from Tel Aviv, making hostages out of the thirty-four passengers on board. Although Israel had a unit within its police force (the "Yamam") that was specifically trained to deal with hostage events, Chief of Staff Moshe Levy "arbitrarily" called on Sayeret Matkal, a reconnaissance unit within the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), to conduct the rescue operation. Sayeret's mission ended after approximately nine minutes. During that time, two of the kidnappers and one of the hostages were killed and seven more passengers wounded. The remaining hostage takers were captured and summarily executed by operatives from the General Security Services acting on orders issued by GSS Chief Avraham Shalom. The 1984 hostage drama was neither the first nor the last time members of the Israeli government used the IDF's Sayeret Matkal instead of the more specialized Yamam to deal with Palestinian terrorism. Although Sayeret's forces often underperformed Yamam's and were occasionally responsible for political crises, Prime Minister after Prime Minister turned to the IDF for military solutions to Israel's terrorism problem. According to Ami Pedahzur, [End Page 163] in his fine book The Israeli Secret Services and the Struggle Against Terrorism, the Israeli government's preference for the "war model" can be traced to public pressure on democratic leaders to respond to terrorism decisively. The result is that the Israeli government consistently chooses counterproductive counterterrorism policies that help the Israeli public vent their collective spleen, but also provoke more terrorism and other political ills. Although Pedahzur's thesis about the problems associated with war-like responses to terrorism is not new, he approaches his analysis of Israel's counterterrorism dilemma in a novel way: through a series of original case studies of the Mossad's involvement in efforts to thwart Palestinian terror organizations. The case studies show the political tensions that shape Israeli counterterrorism policy and underscore Pedahzur's argument that the Israeli government remains committed to the war model even though the approach fails repeatedly. The case studies are the book's strongest suit, providing behind-the-scenes accounts of some of the Israeli secret services' finest moments (e.g., the rescue of a hijacked airliner in Entebbe) and humiliating defeats (e.g., the botched attempt to assassinate Khaled Mashal in Jordan). Pedahzur's narrative clearly benefits from interviews he did with members of the intelligence community that enable him to go beyond journalistic accounts of these events and provide an analysis of what went right and wrong during Israeli counterterrorism efforts. The Israeli Secret Service is less successful, however, at explaining Israel's attraction to the war model. Pedahzur argues the war model is ineffective as evidenced by the persistence of Palestinian terrorism even in the face of Israel's most aggressive efforts to prevent further attack. On the other hand, Israel's experiments with Pedahzur's favored "defensive" approach to counterterrorism produced a number of important successes. The most notable of these was the sharp reduction in suicide attacks after Israel constructed a separation barrier between it and the West Bank. Pedahzur reasons, therefore, that the war model's capacity to prevent terrorism cannot be its main selling point. The problem is that the evidence he marshals in support of this argument is not entirely persuasive. Demonstrating the weakness of the war model requires showing both that it failed to control Palestinian terrorism and that more effective alternatives were available. Pedhazur's evidence only addresses the first part of this formula. His argument that the separation barrier is proof of the superiority of the defensive model is convincing only if one ignores the daily rocket attacks that Hamas launched from Gaza in lieu of the suicide missions it previously conducted from the West Bank. Finally, Pedahzur's claim that democracies, like Israel, have a built-in inclination to rely on the war model overlooks the European experience with terrorism, which relied...

The Logic of Terrorism: Existential Anxiety, the Search for Meaning, and Terrorist Ideologies

Drawing from the work of political theorists, theologians, anthropologists, journalists, philosophers, and contemporary psychologists studying Terror Management Theory (TMT), it becomes possible to see that the concepts of existentialism and ideology may be useful for modern thinkers attempting to understand a problem such as terrorism. Integrating work from these fields makes it possible to see that terrorism may be driven by an existential-terroristic feedback loop: a cycle in which people support or engage in terrorism to alleviate existential anxiety but ultimately find this anxiety exacerbated in the wake of the violence they create or sanction. The loop is closed when this exacerbated anxiety compels them to reaffirm their support of, or participation in, terrorist violence. If this model is valid, then effectively addressing the problem of terrorism requires joining existing U.S. policies with policies that address ideologies. Specifically, policies must aspire to a) mitigate existential anxiety, b) provide a compelling counter-narrative, c) address environmental factors conducive to radicalization, d) prevent the formation of radicalized groups, and e) deradicalize existing ideologues.

Face to face with the Muslim “Other”

The bombings on March 11, 2004 in Madrid and on July 7, 2005 in London brought terror to the heart of Europe and amplified the feelings of fear, disbelief and suspicion developed as a consequence of 9/11 trauma. This article departs from Hollywood discourses on international terrorism to investigate how European cinema reflected upon these tragedies. Focusing on the films Fremder Freund (The Friend, Elmar Fischer, 2003)and London River (Rachid Bouchareb, 2009), it outlines the peculiarities of European cinema in dealing with international terrorism and thus analyses the representation of Islamic fundamentalism and more generally, Muslim communities. The films stimulate the public debate about contemporary society and the role of British and German institutions in developing “home-grown” terrorists. The article argues that these films avoid any explicit attempts of commemorating and memorialising these tragic events, but they contextualise the attacks engaging with issues of multiculturalism rather than commenting on the problem of international crime and terrorism.

India in the new South Asia: strategic, military and economic concerns in the age of nuclear diplomacy

In recent years, South Asia has become a flashpoint of conflict between the nuclear powers of India and Pakistan over the interconnected problem of Kashmir and cross-border terrorism. B.M. Jain here re-evaluates India's security, strategic and nuclear policy in the new South Asia of the post 9/11 era. He also provides a reappraisal of the regional security implications of India's turbulent relationships with Pakistan, Nepal, and Bangladesh. Furthermore, he examines the strategic engagement of America, Russia and China with South Asian states. This book will be invaluable for public policy-makers, researchers, and undergraduate and graduate students of South Asian studies.

Tinjauan Kritis Sosial: Terorisme di Indonesia

In the last few months, terrorism has become in interesting talks and debates. Unfortunately, terrorism study is minimum. Terrorism is an act or behavior that criticizes the existing civilization, especially west civilization. Terrorism topic could be studied from multidiscipline science, from social science, political, economical, and also religious. Terrorism study will be able to give contribution in solving terrorism problems accordingly. Terrorism problems involved complicated and wide dimension. In order to solve terrorism problems, it needs to be understood the way terrorism begins. Terrorism behavior is an act that must be its trigger. In order to solve terrorism overall, the trigger must be defined so the solution will be clear. Justice creates a world order, and is an important tool in reducing terrorist acts in addition to other efforts should also be made. This should be done immediately, because terrorism itself is due to many factors, and must also have interest in it.

Transnational terrorism, US military aid, and the incentive to misrepresent

This study proposes a strategic explanation for the USA’s continued provision of military aid to host states with problems of terrorism, despite its poor empirical record. Using a game theoretic model, I demonstrate that US military aid creates a moral hazard problem. If host states are provided with the tools to pacify their territory only if terrorist campaigns are ongoing, but will lose this aid once the problem of terrorism ceases, host states have little incentive to accelerate the demise of terrorist groups. However, the model demonstrates that while military aid does not accomplish the US goal of disarming terrorists, military aid is effective at preventing host states from negotiating with terrorist organizations. The provision of military aid provides a disincentive for host states to reach a negotiated settlement with terrorist groups, and therefore prevents terrorist organizations from altering the status quo that is favorable to the USA. This suggests that while military aid may not be effective at actually disarming terrorist groups, it can be effective at keeping terrorist groups out of power. These hypotheses are tested using the Jones & Libicki (2008) data on terrorism from 1997 to 2006. The empirical results support the conclusions of the theoretical model.

Transatlantic Relations in the New Strategic Landscape

Security policy is the area in which Canada's growing estrangement from Europe is the most visible. While political and cultural affinities between the former Franco- British colony and the old continent remain strong, and while trade relations are again high on the agenda with the negotiation of an economic agreement, Canada's status has changed, in fewer than 20 years, from power - with several thousand troops stationed in Europe between 1952 and 1994 - to friendly but distant cousin. In part, this is due to demographic and political shifts in Canada as well as in Europe. While Canadians increasingly came to accept their dependence on the US and began to pay more attention to Asia, Europeans were fixated on eastern enlargement for the greater part ofthe 1995-2010 period. But, as we argue in this article, Canada- Europe security relations have been mostly affected by the evolution ofthe strategic landscape, an evolution in which Washington inevitably played the main part and capitals assumed a wide cast of supporting characters. Unable and unwilling to find a role suitable to its middle-power ambitions, Ottawa simply left the centre of the transatlantic stage.By strategic landscape, we mean the way political elites perceive and construct the nature of security challenges. Of course, the nature of security challenges tends to be shaped by the powerful, and among them the US is paramount. But, in a transatlantic security community where, even today, a sense of collective identity remains perceptible, smaller powers (say, France or Canada) have also been able at times to resist, reinterpret, and occasionally even reshape US security perceptions.1 In particular, we identify four problem areas that have dominated transatlantic relations over the past io years: the move from territorial defence to counterterrorism, the security architecture of Europe, the emerging balance of power, and political relations in a transatlantic security community. For each problem area we discuss where Canada fits in EU-US relations. The other transatlantic relationship must indeed begin with an understanding of the normal transatlantic relationship.We conclude on a fairly upbeat, though not a totally optimistic, note in respect ofthe ongoing quality of Canadian- strategic cooperation. Currently, both Canada and Europe are undergoing periods of inwardlooking attention that are not conducive to great joint endeavours. The improving state of EU-US relations since Barack Obama's election has also made the European character of Canada less salient compared to the Bush era. But diminishing strategic interdependence between Canada and Europe will not necessarily affect the quality of their political, cultural, and social relations. On the contrary, it may even contribute to improving them by erasing potential irritants in the realm of security. In our view, the CanadaEurope relationship is an illustration that a certain sense of collective identity (we-ness, in Karl Deutsch's words) does not have to be based only on common interests.FROM TERRITORIAL DEFENCE TO COUNTERTERRORISMBy one reading of events, terrorism might be said to be one indisputable key characteristic ofthe new strategic landscape. Indeed, for many it is not only easy but also necessary to believe that with the disappearance of the greatpower threats of yore that so marked the geopolitical landscape in the 20th century - starting with Germany and the Nazis and continuing with Russia and the Communists - there was only one real problem left on the strategic horizon, the problem of terrorism, conventional in the first instance, and nuclear in its most nightmarish variants. But were we to go back a bit more than a century ago, we would realize that the terrorist challenge of today is not something unknown in transatlantic affairs, and that it may not be as serious a challenge as that earlier one, which bore the descriptive label of the anarchist threat. …

PERKEMBANGAN KONSTELASI POLITIK INTERNASIONAL DAN IMPLIKASINYA TERHADAP POLITIK HUKUM NASIONAL INDONESIA DALAM PEMBERANTASAN TERORISME

The problem of terrorism has now become one of the few global issues which are very much talked about and greatly affect international relations. Actually, when the United States (U.S.) makes the issue of terrorism as the main agenda of foreign policy (polugri) country and invite / pressing other countries to support it, almost all world countries basically agree, agree. The problem then arises when the execution was terrorism that will be the common enemy of mankind and must be fought together it is terrorism by political interests, and ideology economi U.S. Key words: Terrorism, global issue, US foreign policy, political, economy and ideology of US.