Private Property Relations Research Articles

INSTITUTIONAL GLOBALIZATION AS A SYSTEM OF INTEGRATION THE PHENOMENON OF THE POSTMODERN DEVELOPMENT

Purpose. Institutionalism is gaining strength as a dominant point of view on the world. Its philosophical basis is the postulate of the uncertainty of the development, which comes to replace the neoclassical certainty characteristic of industrial society. The postulate of uncertainty is closely connected with the idea of subjectivization and individualization of post-industrial society. All these were very important components of the new paradigm, although they do not exhaust the problem. In the heart of postmodernism is a mass identity as a spiritual substance, while the more recently mass of people to realize themselves as natural and social beings. Person has absolute freedom in the acceptance and rejection of culture and civilization; it is pluralistic in their actions and in their consciousness. It is the subject of history and it should be creative, fluent mastering all the achievements of culture. Methodology. The dialogue system of the Postmodern, which is the basis of human communication with another person, human with society is a model of convergent formation of the world community and world economy. The same model of rationalism and adequate industrial society is a monologue, which is easily builds a bridge to violence, even if it is carried out in the name of the man behind him and the pathos of the exaltation of man as the bearer of unlimited creation possibilities. However, it is very important not just to modify rationalism, and to understand the origins of civilization. Scientific novelty. The postmodern era begins is not easy. Modern defending, using all their reserves: public thirst for justice, the priority of rationality (at least in the economy), monologist public agencies and politicians in contrast to the dialogic postmodern imperative modality in the spiritual existence of man instead the freedom. Finally, the world of the story is set a trap – the anthropological paradigm of the globalization ideology formation. In this paradigm, people see materialistic rational measure of space and society building, i.e. the natural and social being, not a spiritual person. All this was evident in the course of transformation in Ukraine. Its main weakness is obvious. This narrows the field of mass participation in the market or by the adopted symbolism, the field of subjectivity. The population is invited to wait and endure, i.e. plays the role of the object of political and economic manipulation. Even more unacceptable monopolization of subjectivity government, for which everything is regarded as a subject of state regulation. Conclusions. For civilization of cardinal feature is the treatment of the person as the subject of history. The need for the development of civilization to increase the degree of subjectivity in an economy where people can express themselves freely and responsibly through a system of private property relations: economic entity is the subject of property. Policy enhancing the role of human rights and the development of the principle of subjectivity means deepening the democratic foundations of the state structure. In the social sphere the subjectivity is expressed in the individualization of the social existence of man and the personification of public relations and it is implemented through the mechanisms of liberal institutions. It seems that the civilizational unity of the economy, democratic state and liberal society has the value of a scientific paradigm. Whatever the great cultural peaks of the postmodern, the main processes of a new society formed at its foot: in the area of formation of public consciousness and public preferences with the mass participation of the individual in the economy (involving the mass of the individual in social production on the level of financial relations, which allow the maximum extent possible to include in the economy of free choice), in the field of state-building and the formation of social institutions on the principles of Amateur participation.

Between Boundaries: From Commoning and Guerrilla Gardening to Community Land Trust Development in Liverpool

Emerging in the cracks of the ownership model are alternatives to state/market provision of affordable housing and public/private-led regeneration of declining urban neighbourhoods, centred on commoning and collective dweller control. This paper explores how the community land trust model can become an effective institutional solution to urban decline in the context of private property relations. It explores a case study of a CLT campaign in Granby, a particularly deprived inner-city neighbourhood in Liverpool, England. The campaign seeks to collectively acquire empty homes under conditions of austerity, which have opened up the space for grassroots experimentation with guerrilla gardening, proving important for the campaign in gaining political trust and financial support. This paper discusses the potential of the CLT model as a vehicle for democratic stewardship of place and unpacks the contradictions threatening to undermine its political legitimacy.

Polyrational property: rules for the many uses of land

Land uses are what land users do. When spatial planners and other policymakers promote or preclude certain land uses, they interfere with the rights of the users of land, most notably with property. The technical term for what connects land uses, planning, and property is land policy. My paper has a simple message: Good land policy provides a diversity of land uses with plural property relations. No single kind of property rules fits the purposes of all types of land uses. A detached single family house is not like a community garden, nor a highway like a retail chain. Each land use needs its own property “fingerprint.” In everyday practice, private and common property relations often accommodate a wide variety of demands made by the owners and users of land. Many theories of property and land policy, however, fail to recognize plural property relations. The simple message of my paper seeks to reconcile practice and theory. A polyrational theory of planning and property identifies eight types of land uses, each type needing its own kind of property rules. The eight types of land uses are: insular, opportunistic, kinship, collaborative, corporate, structural, container, and environmental uses of land. Polyrational land policy makes sure that desirable land uses are enveloped by appropriate property relations.

The problem of property in industrial fisheries

Fisheries systems are widely considered to be ‘in crisis’ in both economic and ecological terms, a considerable concern given their global significance to food security, international trade and employment. The most common explanation for the crisis suggests that it is caused by weak and illiberal property regimes. It follows that correcting the crisis involves the creation of private property rights that will restore equilibrium between the profitable, productive function of fishing firms and fish stocks in order to maximize ‘rent’. In this approach, coastal states are seen as passive, weak, failed and/or corrupted observers and facilitators of the fisheries crisis, unless they institute private property relations. This paper offers an alternative analysis by using the perspective of historical materialism to re-examine longstanding debates over the problem of property and its relation to ground-rent in industrial fisheries. It identifies coastal states as modern landed property, enabling an exploration of the existence of and struggles over surplus value, and drawing attention to the role of the state and the significance of the environmental conditions of production in understanding political-ecological conditions in fisheries. As on land, property in the sea is a site of social struggle and will always remain so under capitalism, no matter which juridical interest holds the property rights.

The Secret, Cultural Property and the Construction of the Spiritual Commodity

A randomised survey in Texas found that 22 per cent of the public identified themselves as consumers of New Age media. Despite widespread recognition of the ‘spiritual supermarket’ there has been little sustained analysis of the production of spiritual commodities and related issues of cultural property. This article presents a case study of the bestselling spiritual self-help book and DVD The Secret, which features various teachers and sacred wisdom traditions seen to hold the key to the meaning of life—but which has also been the subject of copyright disputes. Through this example the article examines ways informational commodities are produced by transforming freely available spiritual traditions into intellectual property for a contemporary market in self-help products. Two related tensions raised by this reconstruction are explored. The first is between cooperation and competition in the liberal New Age milieu where entrepreneurs present marginally differentiated goods and services side-by-side. In contrast with exclusionary organisation of religious doctrine, freedom to adapt the lingua franca of holistic spirituality allows for coefficiency among providers, but also new forms of ownership distinction, as exemplified by The Secret. The second tension is between these private property relations and the corporate cultural property of the custodians of knowledge traditions that are commodified. The Secret, as with much New Age syncretism and multiculturalism, depends upon particular processes of transvaluation that inscribe diversity as positive by rendering selected instantiations of it equivalent—in this case through universalising the therapeutic value of specific traditions have for modern life. Drawing in particular upon debates about New Age use of Indigenous Australian knowledges, the author questions how the reworking of wisdom into a commodity may bear upon the ethnocultural significance of sacred traditions and upon other attempts to fashion their roles in contemporary public spheres

Scarcity, Neoliberalism and the ‘Water Business’ in Lima, Peru

Water scarcity is a widespread phenomenon that still affects many cities and settlements around the world. Situations of scarce water resources are not external to society, but are directly and indirectly caused by deliberate attitudes towards nature and society. Conditions of water scarcity go beyond the physical insufficiency of resources to vividly contain the long-term inadequacy of social institutions. In the case of Lima, the capital of Peru, the material and discursive elements of scarcity have been exacerbated by political and ideological affirmation of market-based institutions and private property relations. Rather than being an extreme hydrological event, water scarcity is part of the urbanisation and modernisation of Lima under the sphere of influence of neoliberal policies. Scarcity has been constantly recreated and, in the end, has served as a legitimating tool to maintain social and spatial inequalities. The evolution of water infrastructure and the formulation of public policies have consolidated the patterns of discrimination, fragmentation and risks that characterise everyday life in the Peruvian capital. Understanding water problems ultimate requires a class-based approach that connects the local, national and global scales of interaction, which should be articulated together with considerations of culture and the micro-dynamic of power. Only through a political ecology approach it is possible to explain the synergistic ontology of water scarcity and the persistent obstacles to democratising water and the waterscape.

Civilising African Cities: International Housing and Urban Policy from Colonial to Neoliberal Times

Scholars of global governmentality and the neo/liberal project in Africa have exposed the ambitions of change directed at individual, institutional, societal, political and economic levels contained within international development policies. This article examines international agendas and interventions in the realm of housing and urban governance in Africa, as a distinct component of broader ambitions to build liberal states and civil societies. International development policy today includes a specific focus on African cities, most visible in ‘slum upgrading’ policies. In order to reveal the politics and specificity of current international urban policy the article traces a longer trajectory of the mentality and ambition of Western powers with regard to the government of African cities, from one of racial exclusion to homeownership on the basis of self-help and in a framework of private property relations and market provision—the core building blocks of a liberal social order.

Globally Segmented Labor Markets: The Coming of the Greatest Boom and Bust, Without the Boom

A world social structure of accumulation (SSA) is forming based on global segmentation of labor, financialization, and a neoliberal trade regime. Unlike its Fordist era counterpart, this SSA lacks a corresponding regime for consumption because it has outsourced production to low-wage authoritarian regions. This is resulting in inadequate purchasing power within developed nations for whom global production is intended, raising the potential of global crisis. In fact, these emerging structures may implode before any significant accumulation occurs when the US consumer debt bubble that has been fueling consumption bursts. The article concludes that the emerging system is intensifying class contradictions embedded in private property relations that will lead to intensified downturns. Therefore, the only structural solution is not reform but fundamental reorganization of socioeconomic relations. However, this requires a new transnational labor-activist movement willing to challenge the legitimacy of capitalism with radical counter-ideology and militant direct action.

Nicht nach Design: Rekombiniertes Eigentum im osteuropäischen Kapitalismus

We should not be surprised that reorganization in Eastern Europe is yielding new property forms that are neither statist nor private. The economies of East Central Europe are evolving in forms that are neither state capitalist nor market socialist. These are mixed economies not because there are state-owned firms and privately owned firms but because the typical firm is itself a combination of public and private property relations. What we find are new forms of property in which the properties of private and public are dissolved, interwoven, and recombined. Property in East European capitalism in recombinant property.

“People at Work”: Lowell Conference on Industrial History

power and gain control of a majority of delegate positions in the TUC. In analyzing independent trade unionists' shift away from labor strategies grounded in parlia mentary democracy and conventional relations between unions and political parties, Gopaul highlighted the precipitative role played by a series of unsuccess ful Guyanese court battles over antilabor government policies, during which initially favorable Court of Appeal decisions were revoked by act of parliament. In?s Murillo (Honduras, International Committee for the Defense of Human Rights in Honduras) built on this discussion by affirming the need to incorporate the national experiences of the popular classes into critiques of conventional understandings of democracy. In a brief discussion of the political economy of Honduras under both democratic and dictatorial governments, Murillo noted that the problem of widespread poverty has remained a constant. On the basis of escalating human rights violations and the growing militarization of Honduras since the reestablishment of formal democracy in 1980, Murillo further argued for a significant recasting of the democracy/dictatorship dichotomy. Alejandro Rojas (Canada, York University) further extended the reconceptualization of democracy by calling into question the model of socialist democracy advocated by trade union movements throughout Latin America. He noted that the goals of modernization, widespread urbanization, and technological progress that permeate the vision of future society articulated by the region's labor movements do not depart radically from the character of postindustrial capitalist society. While differences exist in class relations and in the exploitation of labor, consumptive and appropriative relations with nature are common to both projects. Summarizing his position, Rojas underscored the need to incorporate the struggle against private property relations with struggles against centralism, racism, sexism, and other modes of domination.

The plains truth: The impact of colonialism on Indian women

Somewhere between fact and fancy, between competing perspectives and interpretations, lies the truth. No extreme position can totally reflect the data, but neither does interpretation collapse into relativism. In these pages I have noted that as Plains society became increasingly enmeshed in production for the fur trade, a simple yet significant degree of specialization of labor emerged, forged along traditional lines. Women were precluded from contributing to hunting, a situation fostered by the effects of the horse on their foraging economy. Private property relations both resulted from and compounded this situation by assuring men a degree of control over distribution, exchange, and production unknown in the previous century. The result was the relative decline in the position of women. An historical materialist framework succeeds here. In adopting it we avoid outlining the problem in a one-dimensional way by interpreting homeostatic function and conflict diachronically. Most significantly, historical materialism does not present the problem in a simplistic (either functionalism/or conflict theory) framework, but rather seeks to argue from the former to the latter via an examination of the relations of production. In tribal society, unlike class society, relations between the sexes do not lend themselves to overt political expression in the context of massive movements which have revolution or social change as the sole end. The institutions of kinship and family, and their reproductive functions, effectively prohibit this antagonistic splintering of society Patricia C. Albers, \ldExpansion and Flexibility in Dakota Familial Structure,\rd paper delivered to the Family History and Heritage Symposium, Brigham Young University, 1975. . And this is even more the case where we find both family and wider kin groupings looming importantly in economic matters. Contemporary society can readily make for feminist issues, precisely because families are increasingly superfluous; the result being that the exploitative relations between the sexes are more sharply defined and given expression. In tribal society, however, kinship is the fulcrum of social life and is the modality of all institutions. To the degree that Plains Indian women could seek status within, and identify with, the domestic unit or band, the social schisms forming in Plains society could remain smoldering beneath the surface. The very nature of kinship society precludes the kind of class conflict which occurs in centralized or formative state systems. But it is no guarantee against structurally significant discontent.

The Republican Party of the United States in Search for an Alternative to the "New Deal"

The economic crisis of 1929 shook to its foundations the entire system of private property relations in the United States, and showed that the monopolies by themselves were totally incapable of satisfactorily resolving the problems facing American society. It posed squarely the question of the need for regulating socioeconomic relationships. However, neither the Republicans nor the Democrats could solve this problem to the degree to which the emergency situation of those years required. Governmental regulatory measures of socioeconomic processes did not fit into their political philosophy, which rested upon Social Darwinist and individualist notions. And this meant that the two-party system had lost the ability to carry out effectively its most important task — to safeguard the dominance of the monopolist bourgeoisie.

The Oedipus complex or hey, Mom. Where is Daddy?

After investigating as much literature as I could on the Oedipus Complex or whatever name is interspersed, such as sex-role differentiation, identification, etc. the following conclusions were significant. Possible disturbance in sex-role identification, child develops avoidance systems and rejects parents, homosexuality, emotional maladjustment, shyness, resentfulness, dependency, harder to train, not "manly enough", apprehension, immaturity, compensatory masculinity, anti-social behaviour such as truancy, damaging or destroying private or public property, having premarital and extra matital sex relations and theft of property. Father's presence then, is of the utmost importance in the rearing of their children, particularly sons. They are necessary in the sharing with mothers of all phases of child.

The Civil Code of Soviet Russia

At the fourth session of the ninth Congress of the All Russian Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, held in October, i922, the Civil Code was passed, to take effect on the first of January, 1923. The very fact of the adoption of a code of laws intended to uphold and regulate private property relations in Soviet Russia is a striking indication of the departure of the governing party from the communistic experiment which had been carried on by it during the first three and a half years of its rule. The ideas underlying that experiment justified a system of universal nationalization of all economic relations in the business life of the country, in the domain of production as well as in that of distribution. All forms of extractive and manufacturing industry, all forms of commercial intercourse, the means of production, not only of large scale industry, but even of the small handicrafts, all stocks of raw materials and manufactured products, all real propertynot only that intended for industrial purposes but that intended for dwelling purposes as well-in short, all material goods were exempt from private ownership and were subject to nationalization. All things were to be under the full control of the state, which thus appeared as the only subject of property rights vested with the exclusive authority to manage all matters pertaining to the industrial life of the country. The realization of that system in practice was not confined tohnationalization in the scientific sense of the socialist theory, that is, to the socialization of productive forces and relations, but under the influence of revolutionary slogans, was supplemented by confiscation of personal property intended for household needs and personal consumption, such as furniture, wearing apparel, money in Russian and foreign currency, ornaments, pictures, books, and so forth. All that in excess of a fixed amount, and at times regardless of any fixed amount, was subject to be removed from private ownership. Of private property relations there could be no question, since with the abolition of private property even within the household, the citizen being in effect deprived of the power to enter contractual relations, both fundamental elements of private property relations-the subject as well as the object thereof-were destroyed. Private property relations were destroyed even in that field which generally does not lend itself to socialization, namely, in the field of personal labor. This was accomplished by the militarization of labor and by the practice of the labor duty, wherein the relations between the state as employer and the wage earners and salaried employees, that is