Private Black Colleges Research Articles

“Building Bridges, Not Fences”: A History of Civic Engagement at Private Black Colleges and Universities, 1944–1965

HBCUs traditionally build bridges, not fences, for their neighbors.–Barbara S. FrankleIn its truest sense, higher education is aimed at fostering academic achievement and educating students for good and productive citizenship. With this purpose in mind, over the past few decades there has been a proliferation of research on civic engagement. Although substantial in size and reach, the civic engagement literature is limited in terms of depth and scope. Many scholars working in this area have sought to define civic engagement as well as service learning; service learning is believed to lead to greater civic engagement and to increase educational attainment by some scholars and practitioners. Of note, this scholarship aims to defend civic engagement by providing a philosophical justification for it, reclaiming the historic civic purpose of higher education, or providing an assessment of student outcomes, including participation in protest, voting knowledge and behavior, and the impact of service learning. The civic engagement literature also demonstrates the level of engagement among undergraduate students and provides in-depth case studies of college and university initiatives to engage local communities throughout the nation. Scholars of civic engagement have focused on many different types of majority institutions, including small private colleges, state universities, land grant institutions, and private research universities. Most of these studies draw on how the unique histories of these various sectors of higher education position them for civic engagement work as well as the institutional efforts to engage local communities.

Busting the Myth: Understanding Endowment Management at Public Historically Black Colleges and Universities

Allegations and assumptions of fiscal mismanagement at historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) have existed since their founding and continue today. There is little evidence that these claims, fueled by the media, legislatures, and often accrediting agencies, are actually truer than fiscal mismanagement at predominantly White institutions (PWIs). Using 18 years of Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS) data spanning 1991 to 2008 for 249 institutions in 46 states, this study utilizes panel data regression analysis to explore the fiscal management of public HBCU endowments to that of comparable public, predominantly White, institutions. The study finds that there is no difference in the fiscal management of public HBCUs as compared to public PWIs. Keywords: endowments, historically Black colleges and universities, predominantly White institutions, fiscal management State legislatures have historically underfunded Black colleges and universities in comparison to their predominantly White peer institutions (Brady, Eatmen, & Parker, 2000; Gasman & Drezner, 2010; Green, 2004; Jones, 2004; Kujovich, 1994; Minor, 2008; Sav, 1997, 2000) and allegations of inequitable funding of public Black universities continue today (The Coalition for Equity and Excellence in Maryland Higher Education, et al. v. Maryland Higher Education Commission et al, 2006). During the years after the Brown v. Board of Education (1954) decision, Black colleges faced a hard situation, for example, experiencing widespread deficits, fundraising struggles, low endowments, and receiving gradually more under-prepared students (Gasman, 2007a). Post-segregation fights over the need for Black colleges led to the starving of many institutions financially (Gasman, 2007a). Nearly 20 years after Brown, 31 of die private Black colleges were operating with deficits totaling $7.5 million (Holsendolph, 1971; Thompson, 1973; Trent, 1971). Private Black colleges had meager endowments adding up to $72,250,000. Even more disconcerting in these figures was that five of the private Black colleges held 62 percent of endowment funds (Trent, 1971). To provide context, the average endowment size of an individual predominantly White institution (PWI) in 1963 was $63,109,000 (Wingerd, 1993). This figure is only $9 million less than the combined total private Black college endowments. The picture is even grimmer for public HBCUs. A review of the public HBCU endowments, much like the holdings of public PWIs, shows smaller investments (DuBois, 1982; Townsend, Newell, & Wiese, 1992; Wagener & Smith, 1993; Wingerd, 1993). Furthermore, according to an analysis by Drewry and Doermann (2001) between the Brown decision and die mid-1970s, the market values of Black college endowments fell. In comparison, with the exception of two years (1962 and 1970), endowments at PWIs increased every year between 1961 and 1975 (Wingerd, 1993). Similarly to expanding personal wealth gaps between the most wealthy and those less fortunate - that are also often along the color line - endowments continually build on themselves making it nearly impossible to close the historic gaps and prior investments (Conley, 2003; Taylor et al., 2011). It is with this context tA¬iat the authors look at public HBCU endowments. Today, the world's markets are down significantly and fears of a double-dip recession are adding to institutions' concerns. As personal wealth is disappearing from portfolios, institutional endowments are succumbing to the wreaking of the markets as well. According to the annual National Association of College and University Business Officers' (NACUBO) endowment study, the average rate of return in the fiscal year ending June 30, 2008 was a three precent loss (NACUBO, 2008). Returns fell an additional 23 precent in the first five months of the FY 2009. While the economy is slowly recovering and, as a result, institutional endowments are beginning to regain some of their losses, the conditions of the market have led to budget cuts, hiring freezes, and other substantial reductions in non-mission critical expenditures. …

Taking the Pulse of Historically Black Colleges

The federal Higher Education Act of 1965, as amended, defines a “historically” black institution of higher education as “any historically black college or university that was established prior to 1964, whose principle mission was, and is, the education of black Americans.” They are usually referred to as HBCUs. Most private black colleges originated in the nineteen southern and border states after the Civil War during and after Reconstruction (1867–1890). They were started by white northern missionaries and white and black church groups, aided in the early years by the Freedmen’s Bureau, and in the later years by white philanthropic foundations funded by Nelson Rockefeller, Andrew Carnegie, Julius Rosenwald, and others. Most public black colleges, with the exception of federally funded Howard University, were started after passage of the Second Morrill Act in 1890 that provided federal funds for land grant colleges. Over time many black colleges closed or changed their mission and curricula, and others were established. In 1900 only about 4,000 black college students were enrolled in HBCUs, the great majority in the South. Because of the prohibition against educating slaves before 1865 and the meager resources provided for black education during Reconstruction, by 1900 only fifty-eight of the ninety-nine HBCUs had college-level curricula, Acad. Quest. (2009) 22:327–339 DOI 10.1007/s12129-009-9116-8

Fundraising for Black Colleges During the 1960s and 1970s

The purpose of this article is to examine the fundraising approaches and challenges of the Hampton Institute during the 1960s and 1970s—a time of racial turmoil and great change throughout the country. This turmoil, combined with a push for integration within the larger Black community and among White liberals, made for an uncertain fundraising environment. In addition, this article explores Hampton Institute’s decision to withdraw from the United Negro College Fund, a fundraising organization for private Black colleges, in 1968 and the impact of this action on Hampton’s ability to raise necessary funds.

White Corporate Philanthropy and Its Support of Private Black Colleges in the 1960s and 1970s

This paper traces the rise of corporate philanthropy in terms of its support of Black colleges, explores financial support overall of Black colleges during the 1960s and 1970s, and describes the relationships between corporations and private Black college leaders.

Toward an Empirical Corpus of Literature on Historically Black Colleges and UniversitiesHenry N. Drewry and Humphrey Doermann, Stand and Prosper: Private Black Colleges and Their Students. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), xxvii+288 pp., notes, index, $60.00 (cloth), $19.95 (paper);Albert L. Samuels, Is Separate Unequal? Black Colleges and the Challenge of Desegregation. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004), 240 pp.,

Previous articleNext article No AccessReview EssayToward an Empirical Corpus of Literature on Historically Black Colleges and Universities Henry N. Drewry and Humphrey Doermann, Stand and Prosper: Private Black Colleges and Their Students. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), xxvii+288 pp., notes, index, $60.00 (cloth), $19.95 (paper); Albert L. Samuels, Is Separate Unequal? Black Colleges and the Challenge of Desegregation. (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004), 240 pp., $34.95 (cloth).M. Christopher Brown II and Trimika M. YatesM. Christopher Brown IIAmerican Association of Colleges for Teacher Education and The Pennsylvania State University Search for more articles by this author and Trimika M. YatesFrederick D. Patterson Research Institute Search for more articles by this author American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education and The Pennsylvania State UniversityFrederick D. Patterson Research InstitutePDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Education Volume 112, Number 1November 2005 Sponsored by the Penn State College of Education Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/444526 Views: 32Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref © 2005 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:M. Christopher Brown The Black College Mystique, The Journal of Higher Education 78, no.55 (Oct 2016): 604–609.https://doi.org/10.1080/00221546.2007.11772332

Stand and Prosper. Private Black Colleges and Their Students

Stand and Prosper. Private Black Colleges and Their Students

Stand and prosper: Private black colleges and their students (review)

Stand and prosper: Private black colleges and their students (review)

How do These Colleges do It?

How do These Colleges do It?

Will Private Black Colleges Survive in the Twenty-First Century?

Will Private Black Colleges Survive in the Twenty-First Century?

The Early Years of the United Negro College Fund, 1943-1960

At least during these critical times a unified financial campaign for several Negro Colleges seems to be idea worth toying with. Frederick D. Patterson, 1943 In early 1940s, private higher education for African Americans was deeply in crisis. During two decades from 1920 to 1940, contributions from foundations and wealthy benefactors had plummeted. Many former sources of support for private black colleges dwindled due to Great Depression and World War II. Yet, need for these schools was at all time high, because they were only private colleges open to African Americans in South. They were educating 50 percent of all African Americans enrolled in college at that time, many of whom in turn would become future African American leaders. Dr. Frederick D. Patterson, third president of Tuskegee Institute, was extremely concerned with financial problems facing black colleges. To gain more information about this issue, he wrote to private college presidents to find out if their financial situations were as bleak as Tuskegee's. Indeed, this was case and Dr. Patterson published his findings in January 30, 1943, issue of Pittsburgh Courier. In his article he urged private black colleges and universities to pool their small monies and make a united appeal to national conscience. (2) As Dr. Patterson recalled ten years later, black colleges had three choices: (1) to go out of existence entirely, (2) to accept partial or total subsidy from public funds, (3) or to unite in annual appeal for current funds to end of broadening base of support while reducing costs of appeal promotion. (3) It must be noted that not all private black colleges were included in proposed United College Drive. Only those insti tutions possessing a quality A rating would be considered for inclusion. On March 9, 1943, Dr. Patterson discussed proposal for a united campaign on part of private colleges with members of General Education Board (GEB), including William H. Baldwin III, John Price Jones, Jackson Davis, and Dr. A. R. Mann. He found them unanimous in feeling that this was a worthwhile undertaking. At time, John Price Jones was one of leading commercial fund-raisers in country, and he was optimistic about united campaign. During this meeting, Jones stated: People with less than $5000 a year annual income gave away over four hundred million dollars yearly. These figures were taken from income tax blanks and we know that many people until very recently have not filed income tax blanks and that these same people are liberal givers to their churches, fraternities, fraternal organizations, etc. (4) John Price Jones further pointed out that the average man now is making more money than he has ever made in history of this country, that priorities, rationing, etc. are forcing him to save this money and that this is best possible time to enlist his aid. Jackson Davis added that an effort of this kind would provide form of expression which is needed to promote better interracial relations and that there are many people who would find this most desirable way possible to express their good will toward Negro. (5) As both men were presumably correct in their assessments, Dr. Patterson decided to write to nineteen presidents of other private black colleges summarizing what occurred in March 9, 1943, meeting with GEB members. In his letter he invited each of these college presidents to attend a meeting on Monday, April 19, 1943, at Tuskegee Institute. Realizing this was short notice, Dr. Patterson was trying to take advantage of fact that John Price Jones would be in Nashville on April 16 for Fisk University's Board of Trustees meeting. He invited Jones to attend meeting on April 19 and Jones accepted. Among those in attendance at United College Drive Conference at Tuskegee Institute on April 19, 1943, were R. …

Recent Books on African American Educational HistoryWilliam H. Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954William H. Watkins, James H. Lewis, and Victoria Chou, eds., Race and Education: The Roles of History and Society in Educating African American StudentsKaren A. Johnson, Uplifting the Women and the Race: The Educational Philosophies and Social Activism of Anna

Previous article No AccessRecent Books on African American Educational History William H. Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954 William H. Watkins, James H. Lewis, and Victoria Chou, eds., Race and Education: The Roles of History and Society in Educating African American Students Karen A. Johnson, Uplifting the Women and the Race: The Educational Philosophies and Social Activism of Anna Julia Cooper and Nannie Helen Burroughs Anna Victoria Wilson and William E. Seagall, Oh, Do I Remember! Experiences of Teachers during the Desegregation of Austin's Schools, 1964-1971 Vivian Gunn Morris and Curtis L. Morris, The Price They Paid: Desegregation in an African American Community Adam Fairclough, Teaching Equality: Black Schools in the Age of Jim Crow Henry N. Drewry and Humphrey Doermann, Stand and Prosper: Private Black Colleges and Their Students Robert A. Pratt, We Shall Not Be Moved: The Desegregation of the University of Georgia Maurice C. Daniels, Horace T. Ward: Desegregation of the University of Georgia, Civil Rights Advocacy, and JurisprudenceV. P. FranklinV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 87, Number 4Fall 2002New Perspectives on African American Educational History A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/1562476 Views: 26Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: John A. Kirk THE NAACP CAMPAIGN FOR TEACHERS' SALARY EQUALIZATION: AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN EDUCATORS AND THE EARLY CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLE, The Journal of African American History 94, no.44 (Nov 2017): 529–552.https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv94n4p529

Collegiate Desegregation and the Public Black College

Introduction There is a growing corpus of literature that details the contemporary and historical importance of America's black colleges and universities (M. C. Brown, 1999; Brown & Freeman, forthcoming; Foster, Guyden, & Miller, 1999). In recent years, depictions of black colleges and universities have even found a home in popular media outlets (e.g., School Daze, A Different World, The Cosby Show). The national publicity given to the successful capital campaigns at or for private black colleges (e.g., Spelman College, Hampton University, College Fund/United Negro College Fund) has also fueled a broader recognition of these institutions by society. There is however, a quiescence about the unique position of public black colleges and universities (e.g. Grambling State University, Alcorn State University) within state systems of higher education despite this new found celebrity among many private institutions (e.g., Fisk University, Morehouse College). In order to chart prudently the future of public historically black co lleges and universities, research must be framed with a comprehensive and cogent understanding of the nexus between these institutions and collegiate desegregation compliance. Public black colleges appear to be at a crossroads in their academic history (M. C. Brown, 1995a, 1999; Brown & Hendrickson, 1997). More than forty years of confusing and sometimes conflicting collegiate desegregation compliance initiatives as well as an unjustified reliance on enrollment by policymakers as the measure of compliance have rendered public black colleges the sacrificial lamb in the quest to desegregate public systems of higher education (M. C. Brown, forthcoming). While the issue of collegiate desegregation continues to be adjudicated in 4 states (Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Tennessee), state and national policymakers continue to struggle toward developing policies that can guide all 19 Southern and border states involved toward compliance. Consequently, the mandate to desegregate Southern higher education systems presents fundamental policy questions regarding institutional missions, curricula, admissions policies, and fiscal appropriations. Each of these issues challenge the historic mission and character of the public black college. The limited extant research on how to attain collegiate desegregation compliance may be an acknowledgement of the difficulty of investigating this complex educational and public policy issue. Though it is possible to ferret out the differing perceptions of the courts, government administrators and state policymakers when examining the legal history of desegregation (M. C. Brown, 1999; Preer, 1982), there is an absence of consensus regarding which policies are necessary to overcome the continuing effects of historical segregation in higher education institutions. This void may result from an unwillingness of researchers and policymakers to confront the unique positionality of public black colleges in relation to all public institutions. Consequently, higher education continues to struggle with outlining attainable desegregation compliance activities. This article documents the scope of collegiate desegregation compliance and explores critical policy questions that persist. The article also identifies policy concerns for future commentary and investigation. As such, it is not intended to advocate the maintenance of public black colleges, but to ask policy questions from the vantage of that distinctive group of institutions which heretofore have been left out of the policy discussion. Following a brief review of the literature, collegiate desegregation compliance will be placed in its proper historic context, examined for critical underlying issues, and then redefined for effective application to public historically black colleges. Highlights from the Research Literature The literature on collegiate desegregation includes myriad theoretical perspectives and positions. …

Private Black Colleges in Texas, 1865-1954.

Comparing the private black colleges of Texas with its public institutions and with other black colleges across the nation, Michael R. Heintze convincingly supports the revisionist view of these schools as valuable social institutions instead of the corrupt and inadequate imitations critics have called them. In his comparisons, Heintze discusses historical backgrounds, curricula, and finances. He concludes that despite poor financing, limited facilities, and shortages of teachers and equipment, the independent black colleges in Texas made vital, unique, and lasting contributions.

Private Black Colleges in Texas, 1865-1954

Private Black Colleges in Texas, 1865-1954

Private Black Colleges in Texas, 1865-1954

Private Black Colleges in Texas, 1865-1954

Private Black Colleges in Texas: 1865-1954.

Private Black Colleges in Texas: 1865-1954.

Difficult Times for Private Black Colleges

T A A he nation's historically black colleges and universities were established in the middle to late nineteenth century for one principal reason: black people could not attend white colleges. From the beginning, these colleges were generally open to both sexes and all races of people. Later, in most southern states, legislators passed laws which restricted the mixing of the races in the same school; such legislation established a pattern of de jure segregated higher education that has been in existence for most of the last one hundred years. Not until 1964 were significant efforts made to dismantle this de jure, and in some cases de facto, segregation. What has been the result of these efforts? What are the status and future prospects of independent black colleges which face a changed environment where they must compete against all colleges for students and resources and not just among themselves and the once badly financed public black colleges?

Book Review Section: The Education of Black Folk: The Afro-American Struggle for Knowledge in White America, Black Manifesto for Education, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality, Racism in American Education: A Model for Change, Private Black Colleges at the Crossroads

Book Review Section: The Education of Black Folk: The Afro-American Struggle for Knowledge in White America, Black Manifesto for Education, Simple Justice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Struggle for Equality, Racism in American Education: A Model for Change, Private Black Colleges at the Crossroads

The Black Private College and Strategies for Its Survival

The continued existence of the historically black institution of higher learning has been threatened jand challenged by the multifaceted nature of change; change in the context of integration, merger, reduced status or outright abolition in the public as articulated by Eggerton,' and change in the context of poverty, geographic and academic isolation, inadequate plants and facilities, antiquated curricula in the private sector as stated by Thompson.2 In spite of these overwhelming odds, black institutions of higher learning have exhibited a tenacious will to survive. Nevertheless, if these institutions are to survive meaningfully, they must make a realistic appraisal of their overall role and scope in light of the available resources to do the job. Only after such appraisal can these institutions get to the job at hand-the development of strategies for preparing black people with the essential skills to govern and compete in the black community and the American society at large. The black private college is enmeshed in such appraisal now. Tilden and Wilbert LeMelle, noted scholars and researchers on the black college, gave considerable credence to the preceding statement, when they indicated that: Like other small colleges, the private black colleges have traditionally provided an educational opportunity for a scattered and largely rural population with limited transportation facilities. These conditions have changed with a rapidly expanding urban mobile black population that is now looking toward the urban centers for higher education. As the trend continues, the small liberal arts college will be further isolated and, with a loss of