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Recent Books on African American Educational HistoryWilliam H. Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954William H. Watkins, James H. Lewis, and Victoria Chou, eds., Race and Education: The Roles of History and Society in Educating African American StudentsKaren A. Johnson, Uplifting the Women and the Race: The Educational Philosophies and Social Activism of Anna

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Previous article No AccessRecent Books on African American Educational History William H. Watkins, The White Architects of Black Education: Ideology and Power in America, 1865-1954 William H. Watkins, James H. Lewis, and Victoria Chou, eds., Race and Education: The Roles of History and Society in Educating African American Students Karen A. Johnson, Uplifting the Women and the Race: The Educational Philosophies and Social Activism of Anna Julia Cooper and Nannie Helen Burroughs Anna Victoria Wilson and William E. Seagall, Oh, Do I Remember! Experiences of Teachers during the Desegregation of Austin's Schools, 1964-1971 Vivian Gunn Morris and Curtis L. Morris, The Price They Paid: Desegregation in an African American Community Adam Fairclough, Teaching Equality: Black Schools in the Age of Jim Crow Henry N. Drewry and Humphrey Doermann, Stand and Prosper: Private Black Colleges and Their Students Robert A. Pratt, We Shall Not Be Moved: The Desegregation of the University of Georgia Maurice C. Daniels, Horace T. Ward: Desegregation of the University of Georgia, Civil Rights Advocacy, and JurisprudenceV. P. FranklinV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 87, Number 4Fall 2002New Perspectives on African American Educational History A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/1562476 Views: 26Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: John A. Kirk THE NAACP CAMPAIGN FOR TEACHERS' SALARY EQUALIZATION: AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN EDUCATORS AND THE EARLY CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLE, The Journal of African American History 94, no.44 (Nov 2017): 529–552.https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv94n4p529

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  • Research Article
  • 10.1353/soh.2018.0218
The American Civil Rights Movement, 1865–1950: Black Agency and People of Good Will by Russell Brooker
  • Jan 1, 2018
  • Journal of Southern History
  • David T Ballantyne

Reviewed by: The American Civil Rights Movement, 1865–1950: Black Agency and People of Good Will by Russell Brooker David T. Ballantyne The American Civil Rights Movement, 1865–1950: Black Agency and People of Good Will. By Russell Brooker. ( Lanham, Md., and other cities: Lexington Books, 2017. Pp. xxx, 333. $100.00, ISBN 978-0-7391-7992-5.) Russell Brooker provides an accessible overview of the black freedom struggle from the Civil War to 1950. The American Civil Rights Movement, [End Page 771] 1865–1950: Black Agency and People of Good Will is a political science– influenced accompaniment to recent syntheses of the long black civil rights struggle, such as Stephen Tuck's We Ain't What We Ought to Be: The Black Freedom Struggle from Emancipation to Obama (Cambridge, Mass., 2010), though Brooker's account ends before African Americans made their most significant gains. His central argument concerns "people of good will"—black and white individuals who acted in African Americans' interests regardless of their motives. Black agency and pressure, not altruism, he contends, induced this conduct. The first half of his synthesis maps black activism alongside the behavior of these people of good will from 1865 to the racial nadir of the early twentieth century. The second half traces the struggle to 1950, when the southern caste system was "severely weakened" (p. xviii). The book concludes with an epilogue that reflects on connections between 1865 and 1950 and contemporary race relations. Brooker enumerates his major arguments at the outset, organizes chapters clearly, and writes in straightforward prose. He also quantifies shifting African American fortunes throughout his account, including helpful tables detailing Reconstruction-era African American college foundations, lynchings by race during "Redemption," twentieth-century black and white southern schooling data, and indices of the extent of racial segregation over time. Breaking with Tuck's nationally focused account and other scholarship examining racial unrest outside the South, Brooker portrays the civil rights struggle as a mostly southern phenomenon. His nonsouthern treatment includes shifting northern public opinion on race throughout the period, nationwide post–World War I race riots, legal decisions concerning racially restrictive covenants, and the activities of northern civil rights organizations in the South, not elsewhere. Yet while the North was a "safe haven" for African Americans in comparison with the Jim Crow South, the American civil rights struggle concerned more than destroying southern racial apartheid (p. xxi). Incorporating scholarship that examines nonsouthern civil rights struggles and that questions the nonsouthern racial consensus around the mid-twentieth century—like Thomas J. Sugrue's Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York, 2008)—would bring nuance to Brooker's analysis and enable him to explain with greater authority the subsequent nationwide white reaction to race that he hints at in the epilogue. Closer engagement with more recent historiography would also strengthen Brooker's discussion. First, Brooker'suse of civil rights movement to define activism between 1865 and 1950 welcomes a consideration of recent debates over the periodization of the civil rights movement—relevant works include Jacquelyn Dowd Hall's "The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past" (Journal of American History, 91 [March 2005], 1233–63) and Sundiata Cha-Jua and Clarence Lang's "The 'Long Movement' as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom Studies" (Journal of African American History, 92 [Spring 2007], 265–88). Yet in Brooker'stelling, thisworkissimply "about the civil rights movement … before it [the term] got capitalized" (p. xii). Second, given the book's justifiable emphasis on the centrality of violence in infringing on black freedoms, recent military-focused Reconstruction scholarship [End Page 772] would offer a counterpoint to Brooker's argument on the use of force to preserve black rights. The book's later portion effectively details civil rights gains and organization through the 1940s. Though social, economic, intellectual, and political developments undoubtedly weakened Jim Crow segregation by midcentury, Brooker might have engaged with works that problematize the relationship between World War II–era and later civil rights activism, such as Robert Korstad and Nelson Lichtenstein's "Opportunities Found and Lost: Labor, Radicals, and the Early Civil Rights Movement" (Journal...

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  • 10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.4.0574
Remembering Alton Parker Hornsby, Jr., 1940–2017
  • Sep 1, 2017
  • The Journal of African American History
  • Jacqueline A Rouse

Remembering Alton Parker Hornsby, Jr., 1940–2017

  • Research Article
  • Cite Count Icon 149
  • 10.1086/jaahv92n2p265
The "Long Movement" as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom Studies
  • Jan 1, 2007
  • The Journal of African American History
  • Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua + 1 more

Previous articleNext article No AccessSymposium on African American HistoriographyThe "Long Movement" as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom StudiesSundiata Keita Cha-Jua and Clarence LangSundiata Keita Cha-Jua Search for more articles by this author and Clarence Lang Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 92, Number 2Spring 2007 A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv92n2p265 Views: 1346Total views on this site Citations: 8Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright ASALHPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Ashley Howard Whose Streets? Wielding Urban Revolts as Political Tools, The Journal of African American History 107, no.22 (May 2022): 238–265.https://doi.org/10.1086/719000Danielle Wiggins “Save Auburn Avenue for Our Black Heritage”: Debating Development in Post–Civil Rights Atlanta, The Journal of African American History 107, no.11 (Mar 2022): 79–104.https://doi.org/10.1086/717346Mary Frances Berry On the Editorship of The Journal of African American History, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 301–306.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0301 Alec Fazackerley Hickmott Black Land, Black Capital: Rural Development in the Shadows of the Sunbelt South, 1969–1976, The Journal of African American History 101, no.44 (Nov 2017): 504–534.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.101.4.0504 Larry O. Rivers The Morehouse College Scholar-Activist Pedagogy and Boston Personalism, The Journal of African American History 101, no.44 (Nov 2017): 535–546.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.101.4.0535 Jonathan B. Fenderson "When the Revolution Comes": New Perspectives on Black Student Activism and the Black Studies Movement, The Journal of African American History 98, no.44 (Nov 2017): 607–622.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.98.4.0607 Philip F. Rubio "Who Divided the Church?": African American Postal Workers Fight Segregation in the Postal Unions, 1939-1962, The Journal of African American History 94, no.22 (Nov 2017): 172–199.https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv94n2p172 V. P. Franklin Jackanapes: Reflections on the Legacy of the Black Panther Party for the Hip Hop Generation, The Journal of African American History 92, no.44 (Nov 2017): 553–560.https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv92n4p553

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  • Cite Count Icon 4
  • 10.5323/jafriamerhist.98.4.0562
INTRODUCTION: REFLECTIONS ON THE LEGACY OF MALCOLM X
  • Oct 1, 2013
  • The Journal of African American History
  • V P Franklin

Previous articleNext article No AccessINTRODUCTION: REFLECTIONS ON THE LEGACY OF MALCOLM XV. P. FranklinV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 98, Number 4Fall 2013Reflections on the Legacy of Malcolm X A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.98.4.0562 Views: 82Total views on this site Citations: 3Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 2013 The Association for the Study of African American Life and HistoryPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Bettye Collier-Thomas A Life of Research and Writing on the Civil Rights Movement, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 294–300.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0294 Jed B. Tucker Malcolm X, the Prison Years: The Relentless Pursuit of Formal Education, The Journal of African American History 102, no.22 (Jan 2018): 184–212.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.2.0184 Raymond A. Winbush Malcolm X: A Living Icon in his Own Words, The Journal of African American History 100, no.22 (Nov 2017): 290–293.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.2.0290

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  • Cite Count Icon 10
  • 10.5323/jafriamerhist.97.1-2.0001
INTRODUCTION—AFRICAN AMERICANS AND MOVEMENTS FOR REPARATIONS: FROM EX-SLAVE PENSIONS TO THE REPARATIONS SUPERFUND
  • Jan 1, 2012
  • The Journal of African American History
  • V. P. Franklin

Previous articleNext article No AccessINTRODUCTION—AFRICAN AMERICANS AND MOVEMENTS FOR REPARATIONS: FROM EX-SLAVE PENSIONS TO THE REPARATIONS SUPERFUNDV. P. FranklinV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 97, Number 1-2Winter-Spring 2012African Americans and Movements for Reparations: Past, Present, and Future A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.97.1-2.0001 Views: 124Total views on this site Citations: 4Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 2012 ASALHPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Nicola Frith and Joyce Hope Scott National and International Perspectives on Movements for Reparations, The Journal of African American History 103, no.1-21-2 (Jun 2018): 1–18.https://doi.org/10.1086/696363Mary Frances Berry On the Editorship of The Journal of African American History, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 301–306.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0301Pero Gaglo Dagbovie Over Forty Years of “Defending the Race” and Writing Black History, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 319–340.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0319 Lynda Morgan REPARATIONS AND HISTORY: THE EMANCIPATION GENERATION'S ETHICAL LEGACY FOR THE 21ST CENTURY, The Journal of African American History 99, no.44 (Nov 2017): 403–426.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.99.4.0403

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  • Cite Count Icon 6
  • 10.1086/jaahv93n2p149
Introduction: Discourses on Race, Sex, and African American Citizenship
  • Apr 1, 2008
  • The Journal of African American History
  • Melinda Chateauvert

From mid-19th century and even earlier, African Americans have demanded first class citizenship, the full works ... with no reservations ... and nothing less, as black labor leader A. Philip Randolph asserted in 1942. (1) But what exactly is What rights are conferred by citizenship? What obligations are exacted by citizenship? At most basic level, citizenship defines a person's relation State. When Dred Scott sought assert his rights as a citizen in 1857, Supreme Court Justice Roger B. Taney posed question: Can a Negro, whose ancestors were imported into this country, and sold as slaves, become a member of political community formed and brought into existence by Constitution of United States, and as such become entitled all rights, and privileges, and immunities, guaranteed by that instrument citizen? Among those privileges, Taney continued, was privilege of suing in a court. In his opinion, African Americans, both free and enslaved, were not citizens. (2) The Civil Rights Act of 1866, 14th Amendment, ratified in 1868, and 15th Amendment, ratified in 1870, recognized African Americans as citizens, and granted African Americans rights--that is, rights sue in court and participate in civil affairs on equal terms. Civil rights in 19th century were defined in federal Civil Rights Act of 1866 as right to make and enforce contracts, sue, be parties, and give evidence, inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property, and full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for security of person and property. (3) These civil rights are central public realm and for economic transactions, but contract and due process rights do not protect privacy, nor do they envision social equality or personal freedom in sexual matters. Without right sexual privacy and self-determination, African Americans remained second-class citizens even as black men exercised vote, bought land, and established families. In aftermath of Reconstruction, loss of civil and political rights came after a campaign of terror that used rape and lynching as its weapons. As essays in this Special Issue of The Journal of African American History show, continuing vulnerability of African Americans accusations of sexual crimes or improprieties compromised their citizenship rights. The five historians whose essays appear in this Special Issue challenge traditional constructions of citizenship through their explorations of gender and sexuality in African American history. Destabilizing rigid categories of race that were one result of interracial sexual relations is not a new project as we are reminded in Ann S. Holder's important essay, What's Sex Got Do With It? Race, Power, Citizenship and 'Intermediate Identities,' in Post-Emancipation United States. Commentators, including Frederick Douglass, Ida B. Wells, Anna Julia Cooper, T. Thomas Fortune, and Richmond, Virginia, editor John Mitchell challenged slavery and segregation by reminding their readers that certainty had be forged from a landscape of indeterminancy. Deploying community gossip and local traditions about sexual liaisons of white politicians, Mitchell's Planet undermined their blustering rhetoric of racial purity. In a democracy, citizenship and public service could only be non-racial, Mitchell argued, because all people contributed. Holder also provides a succinct and important chronology that traces ideological and legislative evolution of prohibitions on interracial sex from colonial times 20th century. Lynn Hudson points out in Entertaining Citizenship: Masculinity and Minstrelsy in Post-Emancipation San Francisco, even asking for a glass of whiskey in a saloon on San Francisco's Barbary Coast was an assertion of black manhood and citizenship. In public spaces, arenas which have not traditionally been understood as political, in streets, at theater, and at public entertainments, African American men negotiated citizenship against derogatory images of minstrelsy. …

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  • 10.1086/705534
“Down Where the South Begins”: Black Richmond Activism before the Modern Civil Rights Movement, 1899–1930
  • Jan 1, 2020
  • The Journal of African American History
  • Marvin Chiles

“Down Where the South Begins”: Black Richmond Activism before the Modern Civil Rights Movement, 1899–1930

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  • Cite Count Icon 133
  • 10.1086/494526
Womanist Consciousness: Maggie Lena Walker and the Independent Order of Saint Luke
  • Apr 1, 1989
  • Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society
  • Elsa Barkley Brown

We take our stand on the solidarity of humanity, the oneness of life, and the unnaturalness and injustice of all special favoritisms, whether of sex, race, country, or condition. If one link of the chain be broken, the chain is broken. ... We want, then, as toilers for the universal triumph of justice and human rights, to go to our homes from this Congress, demanding an entrance not through a gateway for ourselves, our race, our sex, or our sect, but a grand highway for humanity. The colored woman feels that woman's cause is one and universal; and that not till ... race, color, sex, and condition are seen as the accidents, and not the substance of life; . . . not till then is woman's lesson taught and woman's cause won-not the white woman's, nor the black woman's, nor the red woman's, but the cause of every man and of every woman who has writhed silently under a mighty wrong. Woman's wrongs are thus indissolubly linked with all undefended woe, and the acquirement of her "rights" will mean the final triumph of all right over might, the supremacy of the moral forces of reason, and justice, and love in the government of the nations of earth.8 7 Chikwenye Okonjo Ogunyemi, "Womanism: The Dynamics of the Contemporary Black Female Novel in English," Signs 11, no. 1 (Autumn 1985): 63-80. 8 May Wright Sewall, ed., World's Congress of Representative Women (Chicago, 1893), 715, quoted in Bert James Loewenberg and Ruth Bogin, eds., Black Women in Nineteenth-Century American Life: Their Words, Their Thoughts, Their Feelings

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  • Cite Count Icon 2
  • 10.1086/702437
Challenging Dissemblance in Pauli Murray Historiography, Sketching a History of the Trans New Negro
  • Mar 1, 2019
  • The Journal of African American History
  • Simon D Elin Fisher

Challenging Dissemblance in Pauli Murray Historiography, Sketching a History of the Trans New Negro

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Charisma and the Fictions of Black LeadershipExodus Politics: Civil Rights and Leadership in African American Literature and CultureMartin Luther King Jr., Heroism, and African American Literature
  • Sep 1, 2016
  • American Literature
  • Stephen Knadler

Charisma and the Fictions of Black LeadershipExodus Politics: Civil Rights and Leadership in African American Literature and CultureMartin Luther King Jr., Heroism, and African American Literature

  • Research Article
  • 10.1086/701090
David L. Chappell, Waking from the Dream: The Struggle for Civil Rights in the Shadow of Martin Luther King, Jr. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. 266. $23.95 (paper).
  • Jan 1, 2019
  • The Journal of African American History
  • Ian M Mcdowell

Previous articleNext article FreeBook ReviewsDavid L. Chappell, Waking from the Dream: The Struggle for Civil Rights in the Shadow of Martin Luther King, Jr. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2014. Pp. 266. $23.95 (paper).Ian M. McDowellIan M. McDowellTexas Tech University Search for more articles by this author Texas Tech UniversityPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditEmailQR Code SectionsMoreDavid L. Chappell’s Waking from the Dream: The Struggle for Civil Rights in the Shadow of Martin Luther King, Jr. is a work of historical recovery, reinterpretation, and continuity of the Civil Rights Movement from 1968 through the early 1990s. Chappell’s primary purpose is to expose the actions of civil rights activists following Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination, which were substantial yet overlooked. He maintains that the advances made after 1968 are often eclipsed by the enormity of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the symbolism of King’s leadership. However, Chappell argues that “history changing acts like those of 1964 and 1965 are extremely rare,” and they should not confine the memory of the struggle for civil rights (26). Chappell contends that a “fresh look at the post-King era” is needed, one that exposes how activists “tested the limits of equality and black power” and how “the continuing struggle for rights and equality after 1968 is central to the meaning of freedom in America” (xii–xiii).Chappell utilizes a wide range of primary sources including news articles, presidential papers, congressional records, and speeches. He draws from fifteen different archives and libraries for research including the Library of Congress, the National Archives, and the presidential libraries of Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter. Chappell’s analysis of articles and studies provides perspectives of both activists and their opposition. Also, a wide variety of secondary sources are utilized to both provide background on important civil rights actors, actions, and opponents as well as to highlight how such history has been depicted. Chappell presents his findings in six chapters covering the Civil Rights Act of 1968, the 1972 and 1974 National Black Political Conventions (NBPC), the fight to pass a full employment act, the creation of the Martin Luther King Jr. holiday, the 1984 and 1988 presidential campaigns of Jessie Jackson, and discourse and publications concerning King’s infidelity and plagiarism.Chapter 1 and its assessment of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 is one of the most intriguing in Chappell’s book. Chappell argues that the 1968 Fair Housing Act “was a substantive answer to some of King’s most radical demands and his last real victory” (3). Chappell shows that for King a housing bill was important and would have been one of the demands at a mass demonstration King proposed for late April of 1968. Chappell maintains that King’s assassination is what made the passage of a fair housing bill possible. King’s death is shown to have fostered significant sympathy, or at least “the political need to express sympathy,” allowing the act to pass into law shortly after his death (21). Chappell argues that the bill was important upon signing because it helped to make common discriminatory actions such as redlining and blockbusting illegal while also improving African American access to financing and rental properties. While the Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965 are most associated with the memory of the Civil Rights Movement and King, Chappell contends that the 1968 act “is more properly his legacy” and “significant as the beginning of the post-King era” (25–26).One theme Chappell illustrates persistently is the power of the black vote—including its limitations and potential. Chappell shows that the desire to win black votes played a role influencing many conservatives and moderates to display sympathy and pass the housing act. Chappell demonstrates in chapter 2 how the black vote helped elect African Americans like Richard Hatcher of Gary, Indiana, and Carl Stokes of Cleveland as mayors. However, he contends the lack of unity shown at the NBPC’s conventions of 1972 and 1974 illustrates how institutions could not muster mass voting power. Chappell maintains only when attacked did black voters “rally at the polls to rebuff the assault” (62). In chapter 3 the black vote is shown as crucial to President Jimmy Carter’s victory in the 1976 election. Also, growing black political power is illustrated as helping garner Carter’s support for a full employment bill. The bill put into law made employment a right. However, Chappell argues the final bill might have been stronger if more blacks had registered to vote. In chapter 4 Chappell shows that black political power played an important role in drawing support for a Martin Luther King Jr. holiday and in helping to “keep opponents of King’s work in check on major, headline generating legislation” (123). Chappell’s emphasis on the importance of growing black political influence is perhaps best illustrated in chapter 5 with the presidential campaigns of Jessie Jackson. Chappell shows that Jackson’s charisma, voter registration drives, and the significance of an African American running for president helped boost black registration “in 1984 to an all-time high of 66.3 percent of those eligible” (145). Chappell argues that this growth helped push through legislative changes such as the Civil Rights Restoration Act in 1988 and a Fair Housing Act amendment, which made the 1968 act more enforceable.Chappell recognizes there was truly no leader with King’s combination of charisma, organization, and accomplishments following his assassination. However, Chappell argues that his successors continued the struggle for civil rights and justice. Chappell’s findings show that, while not united, the movement still had some leaders. Among them, King’s widow Coretta Scott King fought resolutely for full employment legislation and a Martin Luther King Jr. holiday. Jessie Jackson became the charismatic voice of many African Americans, and his presidential campaigns brought increased black voter participation and political influence. Chappell maintains that the “major victories that King represented was history’s great exception” and that it should not diminish or mask recognition of the accomplishments of those who followed (91). Chappell’s book exposes an overlooked period of the struggle for civil rights, one in which courageous and significant achievements were made by less celebrated yet equally determined actors. Previous articleNext article DetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 104, Number 1Winter 2019 A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/701090 For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

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  • Cite Count Icon 28
  • 10.1086/jnhv81n1-4p1
Biography, Race Vindication, and African-American Intellectuals: Introductory Essay
  • Jan 1, 1996
  • The Journal of Negro History
  • V P Franklin + 1 more

Previous articleNext article No AccessBiography, Race Vindication, and African-American Intellectuals: Introductory EssayV. P. Franklin and Bettye Collier-ThomasV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author and Bettye Collier-Thomas Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 81, Number 1-4Winter-Fall 1996Vindicating the Race: Contributions to African-American Intellectual History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/JNHv81n1-4p1 Views: 12Total views on this site Citations: 4Citations are reported from Crossref Journal History This article was published in The Journal of Negro History (1916-2001), which is continued by The Journal of African American History (2002-present). Copyright 1996 The Association for the Study of African American Life and HistoryPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Bettye Collier-Thomas A Life of Research and Writing on the Civil Rights Movement, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 294–300.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0294Pero Gaglo Dagbovie Over Forty Years of “Defending the Race” and Writing Black History, The Journal of African American History 102, no.33 (Mar 2018): 319–340.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.102.3.0319 Justin Behrend FACTS AND MEMORIES: JOHN R. LYNCH AND THE REVISING OF RECONSTRUCTION HISTORY IN THE ERA OF JIM CROW, The Journal of African American History 97, no.44 (Nov 2017): 427–448.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.97.4.0427 V. P. Franklin Introduction: Symposium on African American Historiography, The Journal of African American History 92, no.22 (Nov 2017): 214–217.https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHv92n2p214

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  • Cite Count Icon 5
  • 10.5323/jafriamerhist.96.1.0044
PAN-AFRICAN CONNECTIONS, TRANSNATIONAL EDUCATION, COLLECTIVE CULTURAL CAPITAL, AND OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION CENTERS INTERNATIONAL
  • Jan 1, 2011
  • The Journal of African American History
  • V P Franklin

Previous articleNext article No AccessPAN-AFRICAN CONNECTIONS, TRANSNATIONAL EDUCATION, COLLECTIVE CULTURAL CAPITAL, AND OPPORTUNITIES INDUSTRIALIZATION CENTERS INTERNATIONALV. P. FranklinV. P. Franklin Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 96, Number 1Winter 2011 A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.96.1.0044 Views: 41Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 2011 ASALHPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: Dionne Danns and Michelle A. Purdy Introduction: Historical Perspectives on African American Education, Civil Rights, and Black Power, The Journal of African American History 100, no.44 (Nov 2017): 573–585.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.4.0573

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  • Cite Count Icon 18
  • 10.2307/3559062
Chicago High School Students' Movement for Quality Public Education, 1966-1971
  • Apr 1, 2003
  • The Journal of African American History
  • Dionne Danns

Previous articleNext article No AccessChicago High School Students' Movement for Quality Public Education, 1966-1971Dionne DannsDionne Danns Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 88, Number 2Spring 2003The History of Black Student Activism A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/3559062 Views: 106Total views on this site Citations: 3Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: V. P. Franklin Documenting the Contributions of Children and Teenagers to the Civil Rights Movement, The Journal of African American History 100, no.44 (Nov 2017): 663–671.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.4.0663 Dionne Danns and Michelle A. Purdy Introduction: Historical Perspectives on African American Education, Civil Rights, and Black Power, The Journal of African American History 100, no.44 (Nov 2017): 573–585.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.4.0573 Elizabeth Todd-Breland Barbara Sizemore and the Politics of Black Educational Achievement and Community Control, 1963–1975, The Journal of African American History 100, no.44 (Nov 2017): 636–662.https://doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.100.4.0636

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  • Cite Count Icon 3
  • 10.2307/2713692
The Movement of Negroes from the East to the Gulf States from 1830 to 1850
  • Oct 1, 1923
  • The Journal of Negro History
  • Alrutheus A Taylor

Previous articleNext article FreeThe Movement of Negroes from the East to the Gulf States from 1830 to 1850Alrutheus A. TaylorAlrutheus A. Taylor Search for more articles by this author PDF Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of African American History Volume 8, Number 4October 1923 A journal of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.2307/2713692 Views: 16 Journal History This article was published in The Journal of Negro History (1916-2001), which is continued by The Journal of African American History (2002-present). Copyright 1923, 1951, 1969 The Association for the Study of African American Life and History Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

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