Foreign Policy Priorities Research Articles

Сотрудничество Индии с ЕАЭС и ШОС

The article deals with the interaction between the Republic of India (RI) and the main Eurasian structures that operate in the space of the former Soviet Union – the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). With the emergence of a polycentric world order, marked, among other things, by the entry into the international arena of states that used to be categorized as developing, the study of their new role in the political, economic, and military-political spheres is of particular relevance. In this regard, identification of peculiarities of India’s interaction with the SCO and the EAEU is of specific importance in determining the role of India as a large state and an influential player both in the Asian region and in the world. Various aspects of India’s foreign policy activities at the historical and contemporary stages, including relations with Russia, have already received quite detailed coverage in Russian and foreign academic literature. Along with the consideration of individual aspects of India’s cooperation with the SCO, much attention is paid by IR and Oriental Studies researchers to India’s uneasy relations with China and Pakistan. At the same time, the problem of India’s participation in the implementation of Eurasian integration projects within the SCO and, moreover, the EAEU demands more attention. This has determined the aim of this article, which has several objectives: to analyze main historical stages of India’s interaction with Russia and the USSR; to study India’s foreign policy priorities in dealing with the SCO and EAEU; to reveal the influence of India, China, and Pakistan on the SCO activities and interstate relations within this organization; to determine India’s political-strategic, trade, and economic preferences in the Eurasian space. The relations with India, which is turning into new Asian giant, may in the future contribute to the establishment of both the SCO and the EAEU as influential world centers. The Indian participation may help in activating their internal and external potential, which will objectively contribute to a more dynamic formation of a new Greater Eurasia.

In the Middle of It All: Unpacking South Korea's Foreign Policy Priorities

In the Middle of It All: Unpacking South Korea's Foreign Policy Priorities

New trends in Russian diplomacy after February 24, 2022

The article examines the new trends in Russian diplomacy, which emerged after February 24, 2022. The diplomatic war launched against Russia by "unfriendly States" leads to the "zeroing" of ties between the Russian Federation and the States of the collective West - the Anglo-Saxon and European countries. In the context of the degradation of relations with the Euro-Atlantic region, there is a shift in the regional focus in Russia's foreign policy. Moreover, in order to make the implementation of foreign policy goals more efficient Russian intensifies the use of "new tracks" in addition to classical diplomacy. The purpose of the article is to identify the prospects for using the potential of diplomacy of dialogue structures as an auxiliary tool for promoting national interests in the international arena, strengthening Russia's position as an independent center of power in international relations. The theory of a two-level game developed by R. Putnam in relation to the practice of negotiating facilitates the explanation of the diplomacy of dialogue structures specificity. The theory of securitization of the constructivist school served as a theoretical justification for diversifying the global priorities of Russia's foreign policy. In the course of the study, the author came to the conclusion that the diplomacy of the dialogue structures of the Russian Federation is not developing in isolation, but it takes into account the strategic goals and objectives formalized at the official level in the basic conceptual foreign policy document. In particular, the central topics of the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum include sovereignty of the economy and the formation of a multipolar world. A series of regional forums and congresses reflects the priority desire of the Russian Federation to build up ties with partners from the CIS and BRICS countries. The “Pivot to the East” raises the profile of the Eastern Economic Forum. Particular attention is paid to the development of relations with the states of the Islamic world, Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean. It is noteworthy that regional platforms serve not only for the exchange of views, but also for the adoption of practice-oriented agreements in the field of politics, economics, culture and sports. The very holding of events on the territory of the Russian Federation contributes to the growth of the investment attractiveness of Russian cities and regions, as well as the formation of a favorable image of the country abroad.

“Romanian October” Means Breakthroughs and Revaluations in Romania’s Foreign Policy in the First Half of the 60’s of the 20th Century (From the Windows of the Polish People’s Republic Embassy in Bucharest)

After the breakthrough of Polish October 1956, the substantive value of the information contained in the documentation of PPR diplomacy has undoubtedly increased, allowing a better understanding of international relations also between communist countries whose sovereignty was limited. This also applies to the foreign policy of Romania, whose activity in the first half of the 1960s, in the opinion of many historians, led to the country gaining considerable – compared to other Kremlin satellites – independence. The purpose of this article, therefore, is to show, on the basis of surviving sources, how PPR diplomacy perceived and assessed the transformation of Communist Romania’s foreign policy goals, directions and priorities during this period. These eventually led to Romania’s opening up to wider contacts with Western countries, but most importantly to Bucharest’s attempts to undermine the Soviet Union’s dictates in Eastern Bloc foreign policy, through such actions as vetoing Khrushchev’s plans to reform the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and being cocksure about the Soviet-Chinese conflict. Changes also occurred on domestic grounds, mainly in the cultural sphere, in the form of a programmatic reduction of the influence of Russian and Slavic culture in general, a return to the world of Romanian culture, but also the rise of nationalist sentiment. The diplomacy observing the Romanian transformations and thus the PPR authorities generally supported the de-Stalinization of the “brotherly country” (it was even noted that Romanians referred to their own transition as the “Romanian October”), but were negative about any tendencies that challenged the Kremlin’s dominance in the Eastern Bloc’s foreign policy. The problem, however, was that at the root of the Romanian transition of the first half of the 1960s was also the desire of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej’s team to avoid a broader de-Stalinization campaign in order to continue in power.

Программа «Официальная помощь в целях безопасности» Японии: цели и перспективы в условиях новой геополитической реальности

The article analyzes the new program of the Government of Japan – “Official Security Assistance” (OSA). Its key concepts were published in April-July 2023. The purpose of the implementation of the OSA program is to create a group of ‘like-minded countries’, which share foreign policy priorities of Japan, primarily regarding China and Russian Federation, bilateral relations of Japan with these countries have deteriorated in the second decade of the 21th century. Philippines, Malaysia, Bangladesh and Fiji were selected as OSA recipient countries in 2023. The author analyzes numerous national security-related international cooperation programs of Japan, and compares OSA with the similar program aimed at socio-economic support for developing countries – “Official Development Assistance” (ODA). The author also determines the level of participation of Southeast Asian and Oceania countries in the above-mentioned international programs of Japan. The analysis of the socio-political discourse shows that the implementation of the OSA program may be held at the same time with the revision of the basic documents restricting the export of weapons from Japan. Other negative outcome is connected with strengthening of global negative perceptions of Japan as a country that has departed from the former principles of pacifism. The negative consequences of the OSA for the Russian Federation include the potential expansion of the pro-Japanese bloc in terms of number of member state, as well as the decision to include Ukraine as OSA recipient country.

Борьба за “ледяную Африку”? Гренландия между колониальным прошлым, интересами США и стратегической автономией ЕС

The article deals with the foreign policy priorities of Greenland as they are reflected in the perception and rhetoric of the contemporary Greenlandic elites. The special focus is on the current stage of the autonomous territory’s development, in particular the possibility of concluding a free association agreement, as envisaged in the draft constitution of Greenland, published in April 2023. With the 2019–2023 period as a basis, the article provides an insight into the key events of the following areas of Greenland’s foreign policy contacts: the Danish-Greenlandic relations, Inuit internationalism where the bonds with the Inuit of Canada are of most significance, Greenland's place in the US Arctic strategy and its great-power competition with China, and, finally, the increased interest of the EU and certain European countries in fostering relations with the Danish Arctic autonomy, which can contribute to developing the EU strategic autonomy. The study of the political discourse has shown that Greenlandic elites have been successfully using colonial ‘traumas’ and a growing circle of contacts with major external actors to exact pressure on Copenhagen and expand its political leverage despite the absence of substantial economic successes comparable to those achieved by the Faroe Islands, another Danish autonomy. Greenland’s desire to increase its own actorness on the international scene makes it difficult for Copenhagen to use the ‘Greenland card’ both in its relations with the USA to revitalize the special relations with the key ally and as a contribution to the EU strategic autonomy. The Danish leadership is thus entrapped by Greenland’s own economic and foreign policy potential, since the widespread use of Greenland in relations with the EU, NATO, the United States and other actors of world politics could potentially lead to the renewed mounting pressure on Copenhagen from Greenland and to the autonomy’s further alienation and diplomatic self-sufficiency.

Switzerland-EU Relations – between economic integration and bilateralism

Switzerland’s foreign policy priorities include, among other things, relations not only with neighbouring countries, but also with the EU. Being a country which is located in the heart of Europe, Switzerland considers the relations with the European Union (EU) and its Member States to be of special importance. The paper aims to present mutual relations between Switzerland and the European Union over the past years, demonstrate benefits and threats arising from Switzerland’s decision to choose, as the only one of all third countries, a path of “bilateral agreements”, as well as describe possible scenarios for mutual relations following the rejection of an institutional agreement, which was expected to put that relationship on a new path. The strategy of bilateralism brings many bene fits to Switzerland. However, due to the firm position of the EU, it will be necessary to look for new scenarios for the development of mutual cooperation. Perhaps such a solution would be to renegotiate the free trade agreement with Switzerland and turn it into a next-generation trade agreement.

The Iranian Impact on Iraqi-Jordanian Relations after 2003

Objectives: The study aims to examine the possibilities and challenges associated with repairing ties between Jordan and Iraq. Additionally, it explores how Iraq's foreign policy priorities towards other nations are influenced, in part, by Iran. 
 Methods: The historical evolution of relations between Iraq and Jordan is tracked using the historical technique described in the first section of the article. The second section employs an analytical and descriptive technique to investigate the impact of the Iranian variable on the Iraq-Jordan relationship. 
 Results: Iranian influence on Iraqi political decision-making has significantly shaped Iraq's political, economic, and security orientations concerning other Arab nations. Iran assesses Iraq's international relations through the zero-sum game theory, viewing alliances between Iraq and its Arab neighbours or nations close to the United States as detrimental to its interests. 
 Conclusion: Since 2003, Iran has actively interfered in Iraq, directly impacting its foreign policy. The constraints on Iraqi political decision-makers limit their ability to advance Iraq's national interests. Consequently, the post-2003 relationship between Iraq and Jordan serves as a model illustrating the impact of the Iranian component in Iraq, leading to minimal changes in Iraq's foreign policy concerning the Arab regional environment.

Un diplomat de tranziție. Grigore C. Moisil ambasador la Ankara (1946-1948)

"At the end of the Second World War, in search of a favorable image on international level, the Romanian Government appointed four renowned intellectuals as heads of mission in the capitals who had priority in Romania's foreign policy: Simion Stoilov in Paris, Mihai Ralea in Washington, Tudor Vianu in Belgrade, Iorgu Iordan in Moscow and Grigore C. Moisil in Ankara. In the case of all of them it was the only experience as an ambassador. In this work, Grigore C. Moisil's mandate as ambassador to the Republic of Turkey is analyzed. The analysis has three main objectives. Firstly, the goals of his mandate as ambassador are examined. Secondly, his position regarding the Romanian diplomats in Turkey that refused to accept the authority of the communist Government in Bucharest is examined. Finally, the effects of the different orientations of Romania and Turkey in the new post-war configuration and the way in which this reality influenced the position and behavior of the Romanian diplomat are explained. The article is based on unpublished archival documents, documents from Grigore C. Moisil's personal archive kept at the Romanian Academy Library and his partially published correspondence."

Peculiarities of Europeana Metadata as a Set of Information for Describing Digital Cultural Heritage

The relevance of the research. European integration is the main and unchanging foreign policy priority of Ukraine. Further development and deepening of relations between Ukraine and the EU are the main direction of its development. A new stage in the development of EU-Ukraine treaty relations, which began with Ukraine’s accession to the EU candidate status in June 2022, requires further raising awareness of Ukraine’s European integration among all members of society. Libraries can contribute to the formation of objective motivations among the population by understanding the practical benefits of cooperation with the EU. One of the ways of such integration for Ukrainian libraries is to become part of the European library network.
 The purpose of research is to identify the features of Europeana metadata for further digitization of library collections in Ukraine in order to preserve cultural heritage.
 The methodology. To achieve this goal, theoretical and general scientific research methods, such as analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction, were used. The data visualization method and the method of generalization were used to present the Europeana data models.
 The results. The article defines the types of the Europeana operational model, provides a general overview of the classes defined in the Europeana data model and the process of interaction between Europeana data and wikidata.
 The scientific topicality. The article summarizes previous, primarily foreign, research on the peculiarities of the development of the Europeana funds. The article presents the data models of the Europeana that function to fill the web portal.
 The practical significance. The results of the research are presented in the form of Europeana data models and the definition of Europeana metadata types (descriptive, structural, administrative, markup language).
 The conclusion. The current operating model of Europeana uses the Open Archives Initiative’s Metadata Collection Protocol (OAI-PMH) and the Europeana Data Model (EDM) to import data through Metis, Europeana’s data collection and aggregation service. However, OAI-PMH is an outdated technology that is not web-oriented, resulting in high maintenance costs, especially for smaller institutions. Metadata can be divided into several categories, or types, for different data management purposes. Traditional library cataloging focuses, for example, on the identification and description of resources, but there are obviously other types of metadata that carry valuable information (structural, administrative, markup language).

Social status of women in Ancient Sparta

The factors that determined the peculiarities of the social status of women in Ancient Sparta have been identified and analysed. It has been demonstrated that the establishment of community control over private life, namely: strict regulation of marriage and family relations, the compulsory nature of specific general education, which started for girls at the age of eight and lasted until marriage, determined that the national interests of women became a priority and dominated family values. It has been found that in Sparta, as in other polities of ancient Greece, childbearing was considered the most important function of women, as the offspring were to continue family traditions and take care of their elderly parents, conduct religious rites, etc. Only male children were seen as future citizens and defenders of the polis. In Lacedaemon, motherhood acquired a more accentuated meaning and was understood as service to the state. It became the basis of marriage and family relations, where polyandry was perceived as the norm. The Spartan woman was socially active. She was a direct participant in religious festivals and rituals, sports competitions. She publicly ridiculed the bachelors and cowards. If her own son turned out to be a coward, she could kill him herself. A mother did not bear any legal responsibility for the murder of a cowardly son. The economic rights of Spartans, which other women in ancient Greece did not have, have been investigated. Due to her husband’s military service, a Lacedaemonian woman managed not only his oikos, but also his cleris. Polyandry allowed a woman to unite two or more “houses” under her control and thus increase her influence in society. It has been noted that a strong economic foundation allowed wealthy women to have more freedom in society and even influence those in power in making responsible political decisions. With the loss of Messenia, women lose their economic freedom. The social status of women also changes, as they become more subordinate to men. It has been argued that in Sparta, the state minimised the private life of spouses. Under such conditions, a woman was socially active, knew the inner life of the polis well, and understood the foreign policy priorities of the state. She acted as a motivator and guide of Spartan ideology for the men of her family. And in this way, the Lacedaemonian woman was significantly different from other women in ancient Greece.

AGING AND FOREIGN POLICY: EXPERIENCING THE GLOBAL TRACK OF THE HEALTH AND AGING POLICY FELLOWSHIP

Abstract The Health and Aging Policy Fellowship includes a Global Track that provides fellows with the opportunity to shape global policy or U.S. foreign policy for an aging society. The author, a global health expert and 2022-2023 fellow, sought a fellowship placement with a member of Congress with jurisdiction over U.S. global health policy. Although global health is a significant foreign policy priority for the U.S. government, U.S. global health programs do not include dedicated funding for activities designed to benefit older adults or help development partners adapt to population aging. The result is that US-funded programs on issues from infectious disease to health systems strengthening to disaster relief lack a focus on older adults, despite their many links to this growing population. To help address this policy gap, the author secured a fellowship placement with Senator Benjamin Cardin (D-MD), a senior member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) and Chair of the SFRC Subcommittee overseeing the State Department, US Agency for International Development, and bilateral development assistance. With his track record of legislation and oversight on issues such as Medicare, health disparities, medical research, oral health, health systems strengthening, and retirement security, Senator Cardin is well positioned to help integrate the needs of older adults into U.S. development assistance. The author used his fellowship year to help advance the global health-related legislative priorities of Senator Cardin and his Health Team, bringing his expertise and perspective on aging to the policy table while gaining invaluable skills in the policy process.

Turkey - The West: exemplary antagonism?

The article examines the Western direction of Turkey's foreign policy and its relations with its three key actors: the United States, NATO and the EU. By its centenary, which Turkey is celebrating on 29th of October, 2023, Ankara seeks to approach the status of an independent supra-regional power. For a long time, Turkey has served as a "junior ally" of Washington, but in the era of the polycentricity’s construction, it has significantly changed its foreign policy priorities. Relations with the United States have moved from an "exemplary partnership" to the rank of an exemplary antagonism and the path to "united Europe" has turned out to be more problematic and not profitable for Ankara from the point of view of its national interests. The NATO bloc has lost its primary importance due to Turkey's development of its own military-industrial complex and growing contradictions with existing and potential members of the alliance. Nevertheless, the West still has a great influence on economic and other related fields affecting the well-being of Ankara. In this regard, building constructive relations with the West remains one of the tasks of Turkey's foreign policy. The authors conclude that under current circumstances the complete political sovereignty of Ankara and its separation from the West can only occur within the framework of the "independence through dependence" model since Turkey due to the lack of its own resources for crisis-free existence will need the support of other stronger world players, such as Russia and, for example, China.

Russia specialists panel of the Trump administration national security council

The article presents the state of the Russia Group (Russia specialist’s panel) of the National Security Council (NSC) Staff in the Donald Trump Administration term. The point at issue is officer’s group in charge of US-Russian relations. The article chronological framework - from January 2017 to January 2021. The essay’s focus on the personalities who held the Senior Director for European and Russian Affairs incumbency in the NSC office. Fiona Hill, Timothy Morrison, Andrew Peek, Tom Williams and Ryan Tully held it position the period under review. The article consciously thinks the NSC Russia Ring main functionality and its role in the Donald Trump Administration foreign policy priorities. The special attention had given to the NSC Russian Directorate personnel changes under the Donald Trump Cabinet. Their main reasons are considered. The research paper also analyzes the US National Security Advisors and Senior Directors for European and Russian Affairs relationship system under the Donald Trump presidency. The article considered the National Security Advisor John Bolton influential role on the NSC Russia Group political mood and professional activities.

Russia Group of the Biden Administration’s National Security Council Staff (2021-2022)

Russia is among the Joseph Biden Administration foreign policy priorities. The article presents the Russia Group (Russia specialist’s panel) of the Joe Biden Administration National Security Council (NSC) Staff process of formation. The point at issue is officer’s group in charge of US-Russian relations. The article chronological framework - from January 2021 to January 2022. The focus of the research paper on the personalities composed the American-Russian relations responsible officer’s body in NSC. Inclusive of Senior Director for Russia and Central Asia. Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Eric Green held it position the period under review. The article consciously thinks the NSC Russia Ring main functionality and its role in the Joe Biden Administration foreign policy machine. The special attention has been given to the NSC Russian Directorate process of changes under Joe Biden Administration. Inclusive of Senior Director Job title and regions wise terms of influence. The article is also reviewing the United States Intelligence Community officers’ political role in US-Russian relations during the Joe Biden Administration.

On some aspects of economical diplomacy and foreign economical priorities of Iran's government

The article discusses some aspects of economic diplomacy and the main foreign economic priorities of the Government of Iran headed by President E. Raisi and its activities for their implementation. It is noted that economic diplomacy occupies an important place in the foreign policy of the current government of the country, because it can really contribute to expanding the export opportunities of the Iranian economy, fi nding new markets for Iranian goods, attracting foreign investment to the country, as well as neutralizing the negative eff ect of long-term anti-Iranian sanctions of the West. The article analyzes the main problems of the Iranian economy, which have a direct impact on economic diplomacy. As part of the implementation of the main foreign policy and foreign economic priorities — "development of relations with neighboring states" and "multilateral economic integration" — Iran seeks to expand cooperation along the so-called "axis of resistance" with Iraq, Syria and Lebanon and due to this factor, under the conditions of Western sanctions, to increase signifi cantly the volume of its economic cooperation with the above-mentioned countries. Another priority foreign economic direction of the Government of Iran is the course to intensify cooperation with interregional and global integration organizations (SCO, BRICS, ECO, EAEU) in such areas as the development of transit potential and the implementation of the North–South project, the construction of new transport communications, coordination of actions in the oil and gas sector and the electric power industry, in the fi eld of fi nance and banks, customs interaction. The Government of President E. Raisi seeks to build and intensify Iran's political and economic strategic cooperation on a long-term basis with such friendly and influential states as China and Russia. The article highlights some aspects and prospects for the development of Russian-Iranian relations at the present stage.

The Islamic State and the independence referendum: The role of foreign policy in maintaining the de facto Kurdish entity in Iraq

AbstractThe onslaught of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (hereafter ISIS) on the Kurdish de facto entity in Iraq in 2014 and the independence referendum in 2017 constituted two important episodes that impacted on the foreign policy of the Kurdish entity in multiple ways. This article analyzes and describes the foreign policies of the entity during and after these two episodes until the end of 2022. It attempts to answer the following two questions: How did the ISIS offensive briefly change the priorities of the Kurdish entity's leadership in terms of its foreign policy goals? Secondly, how did the independence referendum in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the subsequent events shape the foreign policy priorities of the Kurdish entity in Iraq? Through conducting interviews with high‐level Kurdish politicians and using recently published secondary source materials, this article argues that foreign policy and paradiplomacy played vital roles in the preservation of the KRI during these two very tough periods and that the Kurdish entity had to alter its domestic policy goals to achieve its foreign policy aims and ensure the survival of the Kurdish facto entity in Iraq.

Strategi Diplomasi Ekonomi Republik Indonesia terhadap Persatuan Emirat Arab tahun 2020-2022

Economic diplomacy plays a central role for Indonesia in facing inter-state contests at the global level, particularly in political and economic interests. Economic diplomacy in Indonesia garners special attention from the Government of the RI and stands as one of the 4+1 Priorities of Foreign Policy. The Government of RI places emphasis on market expansion in potential non-traditional countries, notably the United Arab Emirates (UAE), with the aim of advancing national interests in the trade, tourism, and investment sectors, alongside optimizing the domestic market at hand. This research focuses on the economic diplomacy strategies employed by the Government of RI concerning the UAE from 2020 to 2022, utilizing insights from the economic diplomacy strategies of developing countries presented by Kishan S. Rana. The methodology employed in this study is qualitative, with primary data acquired through interviews and secondary data garnered through literature review. The research findings demonstrate that the economic diplomacy strategies pursued by the Government of RI towards the UAE align with Rana's conceptual framework, encompassing 4 stages, namely economic salesmanship, networking and advocacy, image building, and regulatory management. The most prominent stage within Indonesia’s economic diplomacy strategy is economic salesmanship, particularly evident through the World Expo 2020 Dubai. Conversely, the stage that exhibits suboptimal perfomance is regulatory management concerning the IUAE-CEPA, which as of the present, has not been ratified by the Government of RI.

Domestic Debate and International Office: Sweden in the UN Security Council 2017–18

Abstract Through an explanation of the domestic political controversy that surrounded the most recent Swedish candidature and subsequent membership of the UN Security Council 2017–18, this article contributes to our understanding of the domestic–foreign policy nexus in two respects. First, it conceptualizes a domain of foreign policy priorities. Issues within this domain are likelier to deviate from a consensual pattern of foreign policy by sparking conflict, as they provoke competing national role conceptions among the foreign policy elite. Second, it refines results from previous study on the executive–legislative relationship in foreign policy. It confirms the association between party conflict on substantive foreign policy and a higher level of parliamentary control on the government. The conflict on substance leads to a decline in trust among members of parliament in opposition, which may motivate the continuation of parliamentary control through available instruments also after the conflict on substance is settled. The analysis is conducted in three descriptive steps: (1) the domestic-institutional context of decision-making, (2) partisan divides, and (3) the executive–legislative relationship. It utilizes a variety of sources, including parliamentary debates, governmental and parliamentary assessments, and interviews with diplomats and senior officials.

British media policy: Regulations, management, strategies and approaches

The great powers utilized media as a tool of political communication and propaganda after the First World War. The leading role of propaganda during the Second World War enabled them to use media and develop media policy. The United Kingdom, as a pioneer of political communication, used the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in order to influence public opinion. The BBC has developed since its inception and now plays an inimitable role in the UK media policy and diplomacy. This article examines the British media policy including regulations, approaches, management and strategies to clarify how the United Kingdom designs and operates its media-based policies in order to play effectively in the media back grounds. It uses the documentary method to answer the questions: what are the organizational and management structures, regulations, strategies and approaches of the British media policy? And how has the British media policy been developed to surmount the media regulation problems and challenges? This research indicates that the development of a smart-organized and well-regulated system of media policy enables the United Kingdom to utilize media to promote the priorities of the British foreign policy and influence public opinion around the world as well as to play a crucial role in media wars to protect its interests in international system.