Principle Of Proportional Representation Research Articles

Криза парламентської демократії та спроби її подолання в Другій Речі Посполитій у 1924-1926 рр.

The purpose of the article is to study the crisis period in the process of establish- ing parliamentary democracy in the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1924-1926. Research methodology. General scientifi c complex research methods (empirical, comparative, theoretical, analysis method) are applied. In the process of research, the authors were guided by the principles of historicism, objectivism and systematicity, thanks to which the source and historiographical material processed and involved in this scientifi c investigation is reliable and representative. The scientifi c novelty of the article is determined by the fact that the authors have made an attempt to carry out a comprehensive analysis of the positions of the leading Polish political parties towards the current model of parliamentary democracy, as well as their proposals for its reform. Conclusions. Th e article highlights the political debate in the Polish po- litical space regarding overcoming the crisis of parliamentary democracy through the reform of the electoral legislation and the Constitution of 1921. The party debate on issues of state and the legal system of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1924–1926. The main propos- als for reforming Polish statehood are characterized. It was found that most of the Polish political parties considered the lack of conditions for the creation of a stable parliamentary majority to be the main problem of the crisis in the country’s public life, which would facilitate the imple- mentation of a consistent and long-term government policy. At the same time, the principle of proportional representation, the practice of which led to the emergence of an unreasonably large number of parliamentary factions, was considered the most important drawback of electoral law. One of the proposed options for overcoming the crisis was a transition to a majoritarian electoral system, which would favor large parties and the creation of a strong parliamentary majority and a government based on it.

ПРЕДЛОЖЕНИЕ ПО РЕФОРМИРОВАНИЮ ИЗБИРАТЕЛЬНОЙ СИСТЕМЫ РОССИЙСКОЙ ФЕДЕРАЦИИ

Introduction: the article analyzes the extent to which electoral systems meet different (mathematical and judicial) evaluation criteria. Purpose: to identify the fairest algorithm for mandate distribution when electing deputies and officials. Methods: apart from general scientific methods, we extensively used special scientific methods including comparative legal and systematic ones. Results: we have defined the range of mathematical criteria (the absolute majority rule, the Condorcet paradox, the principle of proportional representation of the parties, etc.) and legal criteria (the provisions of the principles of equal, free, and fair election). Preferential voting systems have been found to meet mathematical and judicial criteria most of all. A number of preferential voting systems meet the Condorcet paradox and ensure proportional representation of the parties. During such an election, free and equal participation of independent and party candidates is ensured. Many other systems of majoritarian, proportional, and mixed types do not meet the abovementioned criteria. Unfortunately, in particular cases the Condorcet paradox does not allow determining the candidate to be elected. Consequently, we suggest combining the algorithms developed by Tideman, Kemeny, Young, and Schulze in order to find the ‘strongest path’, or the most reliable way of determining the candidates’ positions in the election. Conclusions: the preferential voting system developed by us is universal and can be used while electing both officers (the president, the governor) and deputies. If it was implemented, electoral legislation would be standardized, as well as the operation of election committees. Such a unification would allow improving the level of citizens' electoral rights protection.

Wybory samorządowe w Norwegii. Przykład obywatelskości w ugruntowanej demokracji lokalnej

The main aim of this paper is to present the issues concerning local elections in Norway. The following timeframe was adopted: from the date of passing the first bill on local government (1837), to the comprehensive description of the municipal and provincial elections held in 2011, 2015, 2019. The electoral system for Norwegian local government allows all social groups and local electoral committees to be represented in local government. This is proved by: the ability to ‘create’ their own electoral registers by adding new names on ballots, a large number of political entities seeking mandates, the way of counting votes and the distribution of seats in councils. The proportional system of counting votes in Norway (applying the modified Sainte-Laguё method) is connected with the opportunity to cast an individual vote (the principle of proportional representation). This solution enables numerous political groups and local committees to stand for election. Moreover, women have a sufficient representation in local governments to exert a real impact on the decision-making process. Such an electoral system is open to foreigners who, after fulfilling specific requirements, have the right to vote and be elected.

Socio-demographic aspects and characteristics of gambling and betting among Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina

In the last few years, gambling and betting opportunities have been increasing in Bosnia and Herzegovina, leading to an increase in pathological gambling. Pathological gambling is considered by experts to be an instinct control disorder, i.e. the inability to refrain from an instinct that at the same time causes pleasure to a person, but is also dangerous for them and the people around them as it seriously disrupts not only the physical, emotional, mental and material state of the individual, but affects their families and friends also. In order to examine the most common forms of gambling and betting as well as socio-demographic aspects and their characteristics among Bosniaks in BiH, in the period April-May 2019, on a sample of N = 1520 respondents, a survey was conducted in 62 municipalities in BiH. Respondents ranged from 18-77 years old, of whom 568 were women and 927 were men. While defining the sample for the purposes of this research, a two-stage stratification was performed, namely: stratification at the administrative level of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the type of settlement, respecting the principle of proportional representation of municipalities within entity/cantons. Data was collected via a structured face-to-face interviews with closed questions to which handwritten answers were given. The data collection was done through the Network of Youth and Directorate for Religious Affairs of the Riyasat of the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The results suggest persisting differences in the perception of the most common forms of gambling and betting, where bingo, disposable lottery tickets/scrapers, lotto and sports betting are perceived to be the most common. The most widespread types of gambling are influenced by the socio-demographic variables such as gender, place of residence, level of education, age and monthly household income.

A Continuum of Electoral Systems? (Or, Why Law and Legislation Need Typologies)

Constitutions of several countries have provisions prescribing that elections to their parliaments be held in accordance with the principle of proportional representation, but they usually do not define “proportional representation”. It is a task for ordinary legislators to decide which proportional system shall be adopted. At the same time, one of the strongest trends within electoral studies in recent decades is to reject a dichotomous classification of electoral systems (majoritarian and proportional). According to this trend, electoral systems should be organised along a continuum. In this article I advocate three main theses on the continuum of electoral systems. Firstly, I argue that the tenability of such continua is undermined by their organisation grounded exclusively in indices of disproportionality. Secondly, I claim that the fact that electoral systems may be organised as a continuum does not preclude the necessity of a typology of electoral systems. Thirdly, I argue that, because continuum theories are divorced from legal and legislative vocabulary, they are useless to serve as basis for legal or legislative decisions.

La descentralización de los procesos de selección de candidatos en los partidos y su impacto en la nominación de mujeres en los Congresos Estatales de México

The analysis of state democratization includes recent studies of the methods by which political parties are selected, and their possible effect on the political participation of women. Considering the renewal of Mexican federalism, which took place since the dismantling of the presidential regime at the end of the 1990s, this article brings together issues of decentralization and party nomination processes, as well as “selectorate agencies” and the formal institutions that limit them in order to question the effect of the combined presence of these factors on women’s political participation patterns. The article analyzes local election data from twelve states in Mexico, focusing on the period 1998 to 2012. The evidence reveals that in the case of Mexico, decentralization has had no effect on nominations made by a relative majority. Furthermore, it suggests that centralization in decision-making is an important factor in achieving the nomination of more women based on the principle of proportional representation.

Voting Paradoxes under Proportional Representation: Evidence from Eight Danish Elections

We analyze voter preferences for eight General Elections for the Danish parliament by using survey data to investigate the possible presence of five types of social choice paradoxes that may occur in list systems of proportional representation. Two serious paradoxes fail to manifest themselves, while three others occur with different frequencies. One paradox always occurs, namely for the social ordering of political parties based on pair-wise comparisons to be significantly different from that of the allocation of seats according to a principle of proportional representation. This result challenges the common view that a party that receives more votes than another must be presumed to be the one preferred by a majority.

Proportional representation in Scotland: public reaction and voter behaviour

This article addresses two questions. How has the public in Scotland reacted to the experience of proportional representation? And how has the system influenced their voting behaviour? Support for the principle of proportional representation was no stronger in 2003 than it was in 1999, while doubts about the merits of the additional members system in particular appear to have grown. Understanding of how the system works appears to have declined, though whether this has resulted in confusion in the polling station is less clear. There is only limited evidence that voters used the ability of the system to vote in a more sophisticated manner than is possible under single‐member plurality.

The End of Italy’s Referendum Anomaly?

The referendum of 18 April 1999 was intended to force parliament, by pressure of public opinion, to revise the mixed electoral system in a more decisively anti-proportional direction. The existing system, introduced in 1993, was a compromise outcome which had resulted from a similar mobilisation against the still powerful parliamentary elites of the so-called First Republic. Subsequently, supporters of proportionality had sought to reinforce their position and the principle of proportional representation, for example via new legislation on party financing. With the failure of the third attempt at constitutional reform via parliament (1997–8) and continuing government instability exemplified by the change of prime minister and cabinet in October 1998, many despaired of the establishment of the much invoked and much contested Second Republic. The failure of the 1999 referendum to reach the quorum, despite a huge majority in favour of its majoritarian implications, led many to conclude that a cycle of referendum-driven reform had come to an end, and with it the chance of achieving a new institutional framework for the Republic. The pressure for reform remained strong, however, and new referendum campaigns for electoral and wider reform were immediately launched.

Détente: Models and Strategies

Increasing tensions in NATO over détente demonstrate that the Harmel formula 'Defense and Détente' has become controversial. Europeans think about the 'Europeanization of Europe' and a strengthening of the 'European identity' vis-à-vis the superpowers. Here a détente model is outlined which is based on European interests. Scientific conceptions of the fifties and sixties are recalled which have widely fallen into oblivion. The model consists of the following elements: (1) a pluralistic security system, defined by the compatibility of central values, the consideration of the interests of the other side, and the anticipation of the reactions of all the partners (based on K.W. Deutsch, whose model of a developing Atlantic Community is transferred to the European East-West conflict); (2) functionalism according to which cooperation in as many areas as possible plays a tension- reducing role; (3) consociational systems which settle conflicts in their internal relations with a minimum of force and are stable even though they are very fractionated culturahy, according to living standards, ethnic groups, and basic ideological positions or religion. Consociational systems normally have broad coalition governments, mutual vetoes of important interest, ethnic, or religious groups, the principle of proportional representation, and the autonomy and self-management of each group. The basic pattern of conflict resolution is 'package dealing'. The model is illustrated by examples which demonstrate an embryonic European East-West security system. The article ends with — still abstract — recommendations for a new structure of détente policy, e.g. defensive policy, functionalist approach, multilateralization, dispersion of bi-polarism, and conflict resolution by package deals.

Electoral procedures and political parties in Chile

The role that formal electoral procedures do or should play in the operation of a political system is yet a matter for conjecture and investigation. The merits of proportional representation, single-member plurality or various hybrid systems, have been hotly debated. 1 Some have maintained that adopting a proportional representation system is doing little more than dignifying anarchy and restricting the possibility of effective government. Others maintain that there is a sort of inherent justice in the principle of proportional representation in that it is more likely to represent in a democratic fashion the variation in attitude of the electorate.