Previous Administrations Research Articles

Variation in levels of professionalism in healthcare policymaking during the Obama, Trump, and Biden administrations.

During the Trump administration it was widely asserted in the news media that the administration's agency appointees were less professional than appointees from previous administrations. Using qualitative data from 35 interviews with lobbyists, congressional staffers, and executive branch officials, and quantitative and qualitative data on years of relevant experience and job type at the date of nomination, it is demonstrated that indeed the Trump administration attracted less talent than the Obama and Biden administrations, which resulted in less supply and demand for expertise and thus a diminished role of expertise in the policymaking process.

Conducting an objective structured clinical examination under COVID-restricted conditions

BackgroundThe administration of performance assessments during the coronavirus disease of 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic posed many challenges, especially for examinations employed as part of certification and licensure. The National Assessment Collaboration (NAC) Examination, an Objective Structured Clinical Examination (OSCE), was modified during the pandemic. The purpose of this study was to gather evidence to support the reliability and validity of the modified NAC Examination.MethodsThe modified NAC Examination was delivered to 2,433 candidates in 2020 and 2021. Cronbach’s alpha, decision consistency, and accuracy values were calculated. Validity evidence includes comparisons of scores and sub-scores for demographic groups: gender (male vs. female), type of International Medical Graduate (IMG) (Canadians Studying Abroad (CSA) vs. non-CSA), postgraduate training (PGT) (no PGT vs. PGT), and language of examination (English vs. French). Criterion relationships were summarized using correlations within and between the NAC Examination and the Medical Council of Canada Qualifying Examination (MCCQE) Part I scores.ResultsReliability estimates were consistent with other OSCEs similar in length and previous NAC Examination administrations. Both total score and sub-score differences for gender were statistically significant. Total score differences by type of IMG and PGT were not statistically significant, but sub-score differences were statistically significant. Administration language was not statistically significant for either the total scores or sub-scores. Correlations were all statistically significant with some relationships being small or moderate (0.20 to 0.40) or large (> 0.40).ConclusionsThe NAC Examination yields reliable total scores and pass/fail decisions. Expected differences in total scores and sub-scores for defined groups were consistent with previous literature, and internal relationships amongst NAC Examination sub-scores and their external relationships with the MCCQE Part I supported both discriminant and criterion-related validity arguments. Modifications to OSCEs to address health restrictions can be implemented without compromising the overall quality of the assessment. This study outlines some of the validity and reliability analyses for OSCEs that required modifications due to COVID.

Dimension of the Corruption in Pakistan

Corruption is an abomination of society that exists in every system in the globe, including the governance systems. Pakistan, being a part of global society, is also affected by it. Our legal system has a colonial feel to it and is rooted in the United Kingdom era. The governments of several eras established commissions, issued laws to combat this social ill, and vigorously prosecuted them in order to give the populace of the nation access to free and open justice. The goal of the current study, "Dimensions of the Corruption in Pakistan," is to categorize the various ways that corruption has affected Pakistan's government structure. It was also discovered that efforts have been made by both the current and previous Pakistani administrations to lessen corruption by means of the country's legal system. In this context, the 2009 judicial policy has been particularly beneficial.

#1950 Burosumab activity on osteomalacia—a TIO case report

Abstract Background and Aims Tumor-Induced Osteomalacia (TIO) is a rare paraneoplastic disorder caused by a tumor (PMT), usually of small size and benign, secreting FGF23. FGF23 suppresses the reabsorption of phosphate and the synthesis of 1,25(OH)2 vitamin D in the proximal tubular cells of the kidney; consequently, affected patients develop hypophosphatemia and osteomalacia, resulting in bone pain and pathological fractures. The treatment of choice is the surgical resection of the tumor, but when the latter is not detected or cannot be removed, phosphate salts and active vitamin D can be employed to improve TIO symptoms. Burosumab, a monoclonal antibody directed against FGF23 introduced for the treatment of X-linked hypophosphatemic rickets, has recently been tested for the treatment of TIO non-surgical patients with encouraging results, even if few data are currently available. Method Starting from January 2021, a 56M patient affected by TIO without identified PMT has been treated with burosumab at the dosage of 1 mg/kg s.c. every 4 weeks. Results Before the introduction of burosumab, his blood exams showed hypophosphatemia (1.9 mg/dL), low 1,25(OH)2 vitamin D levels (15 pg/mL) and hyperparathyroidism (81 pg/mL) secondary to previous administrations of phosphate salts. He also reported widespread bone pain, suspect of multiple fractures and pseudofractures, confirmed by whole skeleton bone scintigraphy (BS) as numerous areas of pathological accumulation in the ribs, sacrum, bilateral femur, right proximal tibia, sternoclavicular joint and vertebral bodies. After the initiation of burosumab, serum phosphate, PTH and 1,25(OH)2 vitamin D levels gradually normalized. The patient also reported an improvement in bone pain, and later BS described a notable and continuous reduction in pathological accumulations, which almost completely disappeared after 24 months, confirming the absence of new fractures and the improvement of existing ones. Conclusion Therefore, burosumab is suggested as an alternative treatment for non-surgical TIO patients, especially since, unlike conventional therapy with phosphate salts and active vitamin D, its therapeutic action seems to contribute to the further improvement of osteomalacia.

The Quest for Peace: Examining the Impact of Ethnic Federalism on Conflict Management in Ethiopia

The main objective of the study is to critically examine the impact of conflict management on conflict management in Ethiopia. The diverse policies that Ethiopia's previous administrations implemented have left both positive and negative legacies. In an attempt to promote national peace by addressing ethnic diversity and reducing conflict, the current regime has experimented with ethnic Federalism in a way never seen before since 1995. However, in Ethiopia, ethnic Federalism has not been able to resolve interethnic disputes. Ethnic group conflicts are become extremely widespread. People have died as a result of these wars, and other people have also been displaced and property destroyed. In addition, ethnic minorities are being driven out of different regions as a result of ethnic strife. Despite this, differing opinions persist regarding the purpose of Ethiopia's ethnic Federalism. Ethnic Federalism is seen favorably by some and is seen as a valuable instrument for resolving interethnic conflicts. However, several elites argue against ethnic Federalism as a policy and practice because they fear violence and the dissolution of the country. The study uses a qualitative content analysis design to address the paper's objective. Sociological and instrumentalist theories are also employed to address the issue. Consequently, this study has clarified how ethnic Federalism affects conflict resolution. The study implies that even if ethnic Federalism was implemented more than thirty years ago, it has not been able to resolve ethnic tensions throughout the nation.

U.S. Global Democracy Promotion: Change, Challenges, and Continuity

Every recent presidential administration praises global democracy, but how do they do in funding democracy-supporting activities? Building on analyses of the George W. Bush and Barack Obama presidencies, this essay looks at the disappointing landscape of international democracy, and then considers what the Donald Trump administration said, particularly in its National Security Strategy, and what it did in terms of funding of activities to support democracy abroad. Rooted in wider social science evidence, this analysis suggests that there are differences between top-down, bottom-up, and middle-range democracy promotion activities. It demonstrates that the Trump administration’s National Security Strategy privileged a holistic approach to democracy and human rights, and when it came to funding levels, according to government data, there was not the overall decline expected by many. The Trump National Security Strategy emphasized especially international religious freedom as fundamental to human rights and democratic governance in ways considerably different from previous administrations.

Validation of the cognitive section of the Penn computerized adaptive test for neurocognitive and clinical psychopathology assessment (CAT-CCNB)

BackgroundThe Penn Computerized Neurocognitive Battery is an efficient tool for assessing brain-behavior domains, and its efficiency was augmented via computerized adaptive testing (CAT). This battery requires validation in a separate sample to establish psychometric properties. MethodsIn a mixed community/clinical sample of N = 307 18-to-35-year-olds, we tested the relationships of the CAT tests with the full-form tests. We compared discriminability among recruitment groups (psychosis, mood, control) and examined how their scores relate to demographics. CAT-Full relationships were evaluated based on a minimum inter-test correlation of 0.70 or an inter-test correlation within at least 0.10 of the full-form correlation with a previous administration of the full battery. Differences in criterion relationships were tested via mixed models. ResultsMost tests (15/17) met the minimum criteria for replacing the full-form with the updated CAT version (mean r = 0.67; range = 0.53–0.80) when compared to relationships of the full-forms with previous administrations of the full-forms (mean r = 0.68; range = 0.50–0.85). Most (16/17) CAT-based relationships with diagnostics and other validity criteria were indistinguishable (interaction p > 0.05) from their full-form counterparts. ConclusionsThe updated CNB shows psychometric properties acceptable for research. The full-forms of some tests should be retained due to insufficient time savings to justify the loss in precision.

US–China policy amid a persistent strategy: is conflict over Taiwan inevitable?

PurposeThis research aims to examine the US–China policy shift from Obama to Biden emphasizing the centrality of Taiwan question in the geostrategic competition with Beijing and its prospect if the US strategy remains unchanged.Design/methodology/approachA conceptual framework is outlined, illustrating how the US grand strategy is driven by the ideological foundation of Exceptionalism. The paper highlights the associated US policy changes that evolved from Obama to Trump and then Biden to advance Washington's strategic interests in its rivalry with China over Taiwan.FindingsBiden's policy led to an escalating geopolitical competition with Beijing over Taiwan to maintain US supremacy. The Biden administration is more stringent than the previous administrations on the Taiwan question and there is the conviction that the USA must not back down on Taiwan because the alternative will be a retraction of US world primacy to Beijing. With Washington's persistent hegemonic strategy, the US–China confrontation over Taiwan seems inevitable.Originality/valueThe research highlights how the Biden administration managed a perpetuated Ukraine crisis and forged unprecedented high-level ties with Taiwan, indicating the administration's determination to exacerbate contentions with Beijing over Taiwan rather than de-escalate.

Onabotulinumtoxin-A: Previous Prophylactic Treatment Might Improve Subsequent Anti-CGRP Monoclonal Antibodies Response in Patients with Chronic Migraine.

The aim of the present study was to evaluate whether previous preventive treatment with onabotulinumtoxin-A might influence subsequent clinical response following a switch to anti-CGRP monoclonal antibodies (mAbs). The present retrospective study was conducted at the Headache Centre-Neurology Clinic at the Spedali Civili Hospital of Brescia between November 2018 and May 2023. The primary objective was to assess clinical outcome (monthly headache days (MHDs), monthly migraine days (MMDs), mean analgesics consumption, and clinical disability according to Migraine Disability Assessment (MIDAS)) following three months (T3) of preventive treatment with anti-CGRP mAbs comparing patients who did and those who did not previously receive treatment with Onabotulinumtoxin-A. Moreover, we aimed to evaluate whether the clinical response to anti-CGRP mAbs was affected by the number of previous Onabotulinumtoxin-A administrations. At T3, compared to Onabotulinumtoxin-A naïve patients, patients who previously received Onabotulinumtoxin-A documented fewer MMDs (3.3 ± 3.7 versus 5.2 ± 5.0; p = 0.017) and a lower MIDAS score (23.2 ± 20.9 versus 37.4 ± 39.6; p = 0.013). Patients who received at least 3 onabotulinumtoxin-A administrations documented, at T3, lower MMDs compared to those who received fewer cycles (respectively, 2.1 ± 2.7 vs. 6.5 ± 4.4; p = 0.024). In conclusion, according to our data, previous treatment with onabotulinumtoxin-A might improve subsequent response to anti-CGRP mAbs preventive treatment.

5 Normative Data Collection for the Multicultural Neuropsychological Scale (MUNS)

Objective:Despite the array of neuropsychological tests available, these assessments are largely made and developed for use in WEIRD (western, educated, industrialized, rich, democratic) societies (Fernandez, 2019; Ponsford, 2017). The Multicultural Neuropsychological Scale (MUNS) was developed with underrepresented groups in mind as a universally valid neuropsychological assessment which can be used across cultures and adapted to different languages. To assist with the validation of the MUNS as a cross-cultural instrument, investigators administered the MUNS to a cognitively 'healthy’ college-aged population in the United States as a means of collecting normative data. Results were compared to samples taken from an Argentine university, Universidad Catelica de Cerdoba, and combined with another American university, Marymount Loyola University. The goal of this comparison was to provide evidence supporting the validity of the MUNS as a universal, cross-cultural neuropsychological assessment battery.Participants and Methods:Students from James Madison University (JMU) in Harrisonburg, Virginia (N = 24, Age = 20.083 1.93, Female = 87.5%) were recruited via a campus-wide email. Students who met inclusionary criteria were selected for MUNS administration. Students completed a background questionnaire and effort measure (REY-15; Rey, 1964) before completing the MUNS battery, consisting of eight subtests with four delayed trials. Descriptive statistics of the group were assessed, and one-way ANOVAs were conducted on the various subtests to determine whether differences exist between the American and Argentine samples.Results:No significant difference between groups was found for seven subtests. A difference existed on the Attention subtest between the American (f (1, 106) = 45.409, p < .001).Conclusions:The results show support for the cross-cultural validity of the MUNS. The only significant difference was found in the Arrows (Old) subtest. This is in alignment with previous administrations of the MUNS (Fernandez et al., 2018). Further studies are needed to assess potential bias within this subtest, as well as to pursue comparison studies for the New Arrows subtest administered within this USA sample. The present findings provide further evidence that the MUNS can be applied as a neuropsychological assessment across a variety of populations.

THE POLICY OF CONTAINING IRAN BY THE ADMINISTRATION OF DONALD TRUMP (2017-2021)

Since President Donald Trump assumed his constitutional duties in January 2017 and ended his term in January 2021, he adopted strategic goals that were generally characterized by hardening towards Iran, which did not differ from the majority of previous administrations, even of president’s Barack Obama, who agreed with his predecessors on the goals, but differed in his ways to reach them. In the same context, the national security document, which was approved by the us administration, in December 2017, did not depart from the previous framework. Iran was present within its content, which reflected a hard-line image of Iran by focusing on what the latter poses as an increasing threat to American interests, as well as to its allies and the security and stability of the Middle East region in general. The document outlined the Iranian danger, describing it as “a dictatorial regime that seeks to undermine the region and destabilize its security, threaten the allies of the united states, and commit brutal acts against its people.” This strategy was, in terms of form, closer in many of its elements to what is generally accepted than the outcomes of successive administrations towards Iran. These were the same goals that the majority of US administrations had long been striving for, especially since the beginning of the new millennium and the exposure of the Iranian nuclear program, but the difference, as well as in the details and implementation mechanisms, are the paths and steps taken to achieve the goals.

Beyond the override: Using evidence of previous drug tolerance to suppress drug allergy alerts; a retrospective study of opioid alerts

ObjectiveDespite the extensive literature exploring alert fatigue, most studies have focused on describing the phenomenon, but not on fixing it. The authors aimed to identify data useful to avert clinically irrelevant alerts to inform future research on clinical decision support (CDS) design. MethodsWe conducted a retrospective observational study of opioid drug allergy alert (DAA) overrides for the calendar year of 2019 at a large academic medical center, to identify data elements useful to find irrelevant alerts to be averted. ResultsOverall, 227,815 DAAs were fired in 2019, with an override rate of 91 % (n = 208196). Opioids represented nearly two-thirds of these overrides (n = 129063; 62 %) and were the drug class with the highest override rate (96 %). On average, 29 opioid DAAs were overridden per patient. While most opioid alerts (97.1 %) are fired for a possible match (the drug class of the allergen matches the drug class of the prescribed drug), they are overridden significantly less frequently for definite match (exact match between allergen and prescribed drug) (88 % vs. 95.9 %, p < 0.001). When comparing the triggering drug with previously administered drugs, override rates were equally high for both definite match (95.9 %), no match (95.5 %), and possible match (95.1 %). Likewise, when comparing to home medications, overrides were excessively high for possible match (96.3 %), no match (96 %), and definite match (94.4 %). ConclusionWe estimate that 74.5% of opioid DAAs (46.4% of all DAAs) at our institution could be relatively safely averted, since they either have a definite match for previous inpatient administrations suggesting drug tolerance or are fired as possible match with low risk of cross-sensitivity. Future research should focus on identifying other relevant data elements ideally with automated methods and use of emerging standards to empower CDS systems to suppress false-positive alerts while avoiding safety hazards.

AN EXAMINATION OF THE BENEFITS AND CHALLENGES OF THE FUEL SUBSIDY REMOVAL ON THE NIGERIAN ECONOMY IN THE FOURTH REPUBLIC

The removal of fuel subsidy has emerged as a persistent issue in the second quarter of Nigeria's Fourth Republic. Despite the long-term benefits of the policy, Nigerians have consistently resisted attempts by the regime to revert to it. However, this government policy has received negative feedbacks from the public, public institutions, professional associations, and labour unions. The recent pronouncement by the newly inaugurated administration of Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu as President elect of the Federal Republic has resulted to high prices of petrol and transportation fares all over the nation, even if it has not been fully implemented. It is based on this development that this study examined the benefits and challenges of fuel subsidy relapse on national economy. Descriptive analysis was adopted, and qualitative method of data collection was utilised to collect data for the study. Secondary sources of data, notably, books, journals, dailies, periodicals, and internet materials were utilized to obtain data. It was found out that several attempts by the previous administrations to reverse fuel subsidy policy have high negative effects on the citizens because prices of petroleum products, food items and transportation increases. The study recommends among others that the central government should pay special attention to the effects of the policy on the masses by providing palliatives to alleviate the sufferings of the people. In addition, government should provide steady electricity, regulate prices of goods and services, including transportation fare and provide adequate social amenities and infrastructures to cushion its effects on the citizens.&#x0D; Keywords: Subsidy, Fuel, Fuel subsidy, Subsidy Removal, Nigerian Economy, Regime, Benefits, Challenges.

Biden Administration’s Nuclear Posture Review: Analysis and Assessment

ABSTRACT The Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) by the Biden Administration was published in October 2022. What is its focus and how should we evaluate it? How is it different from previous administrations? Does the NPR reflect Biden’s proactive statements before its publication? This article introduces and examines pressing issues of the international security environment and threat perceptions, nuclear deterrence, declaratory policy, arms control, and nuclear capability as reflected in the NPR. Analysis is presented from two aspects, military and diplomacy, as the NPR emphasizes to “put diplomacy first”. The military aspects of the NPR, to strengthen and modernize nuclear deterrence as the main role of nuclear weapons, is strongly emphasized. On the other hand, diplomatic aspects of the NPR are narrowly and superficially treated, and it does not include proactive proposals. Future NPRs should include military and diplomatic positions more equally.

A Long War and a Short Temper: A Bureaucratic Politics Analysis of the Trump Administration’s Policy in Afghanistan

ABSTRACT During the 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump made clear that he loathed the nation-building missions that previous administrations had initiated and continued; chief among them was the then 15-year-old war in Afghanistan. Despite his oft-stated desire to end the war, during his first year in office, Trump decided to maintain the U.S. presence in Afghanistan and added thousands more soldiers to the conflict. Later in his term, the U.S. signed a peace agreement with the Taliban and began a phased withdrawal in 2020. However, when Trump left office in January 2021, 2,500 U.S. soldiers remained in Afghanistan. To explain the gap between the President’s clearly stated preferences and U.S. policy, I employ the bureaucratic politics model of foreign policy analysis. I examine two crucial intra-administration debates over the future of the U.S. presence in Afghanistan. The first occurred in 2017 when the new President ordered a comprehensive review of U.S. involvement in Afghanistan. The second covers the period from 2018–2020, when the Administration pivoted to seeking a diplomatic solution to the conflict and debated the pace of U.S. withdrawals. In both instances, I find that members of the President’s national security team successfully persuaded the President that the political and strategic risks of a total withdrawal from Afghanistan were prohibitively high.

“A cold, hard asset”: Conservation resource spectacle in Chilean Patagonia

Chile’s public conservation estate has expanded by unprecedented margins in recent years, following the creation of several mega projects. One such project is the Route of Parks of Chilean Patagonia, a public–private partnership to protect nearly 30 million acres of land across 18 national parks at the bottom of the South American continent. The partnership, over two decades in the making, was proposed by the U.S-based philanthropic foundation Tompkins Conservation but rejected by previous presidential administrations before finally being accepted in 2017. This article traces the role of two complementary forces behind the project – big philanthropy and big conservation – showing how both shaped the state’s eventual decision to take historic action for environmental protection. I argue that resource spectacle is key to understanding the ‘how’ and ‘why now’ of this mega project. Whereas traditional resource spectacles are conjured to court buy-in from private actors for extractive projects, a conservation resource spectacle is conjured in this case to court buy-in from the state for a large-scale national parks project. Big philanthropy emphasizes the spectacular investability of national parks by selling them as “a cold, hard asset,” akin to Chile’s other natural resources. It does this by rendering the value of protected nature legible and consumable through the same resource-making techniques that define extractivism. Yet, these resource-making techniques when applied to environmental protection not only establish perverse incentives for action, they also help fuel the convergence of conservation and extraction.

Fumio Kishida’s first year in PM office: Is Abenomics to end or stay?

The article addresses the experience of Fumio Kishida’s first year as Prime Minister of the Japanese government with respect to its economic policy vision and implementation. The latter is presented by comparing it to the policy pursued over the past ten years by PM Kishida’s predecessors in the office, on the one hand, and to the commitments he announced during the 2021 election campaign, on the other. The paper notes that, in its basic moments, the economic policy of the cabinet of the new leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party continues the course previously maintained by the team of then-PM Shinzō Abe, known as Abenomics. This manifests itself in the specifics of the use of basic tools of macroeconomic policy, monetary and tax instruments to be named first, as well as in choosing priorities for the policy stimulating consumption and economic activity. The continuity of the course can be particularly illustrated by loose monetary policy; positive view of the depreciation of Japanese national currency; moderately expansionary fiscal policy relying on domestic borrowing; preference given to the interests of the corporate sector. Legacy inherited from previous administrations also includes the government striving to revitalize private demand; promoting investment in R&amp;D, venture and innovating enterprises with particular stress on regional economies. Kishida’s particular emphasis on invigorating redistributive mechanisms and increasing labor share in national income has not yet led to material decisions and actions by the government. Nor did Kishida make progress with his commitment to expand the ring of beneficiaries of the capitalist market system, as part of his idea of “new capitalism”.In recent months, the attention of the government and its economic team has been largely focused on overcoming the consequences of the disruption of transnational chain lines in production, trade, and logistics, as a result of the coronavirus pandemic and rising geopolitical tensions. In addressing this issue, they prioritized subsidizing businesses and households to partially offset energy and food price hikes; securing diversification or localization of critical links of trade and production chains, as well as the exclusion of politically undesirable or unstable locations from them. At this stage, however, the actions of the government are limited to setting relevant goals and plans to provide finance for programs with effectiveness yet to be proved.

The Trump era and counter migrant smuggling: a new geopolitical order on the US–Mexico borders?

ABSTRACT The Trump administration decided to pursue a different set of policies toward Mexico compared to the previous administrations. Immigration and border security policies toward Mexico and the southern US border constituted a significant pillar of Trump’s “America First” concept. Due to the intensification of US immigration and security policies on the border, migrant smuggling increased significantly during the Trump era. However, there is little evidence of the impact that these policies had on the Mexican counterpart. What are the effects of Trump’s immigration and border security policies on the US–Mexico borderline? Drawing on qualitative data from interviews with high-profile Mexican officials, this article aims to explore the intersection of the impact that Trump’s policies had on the US–Mexico border and the migrant smuggling activities from the Mexican perspective.

Quo Vadis, America? U.S. National Security Strategy under President Joe Biden

The research purpose of the paper is to analyze the key assumptions outlined in the US National Security Strategy 2022. The paper will look for answers to the following questions: What is national security strategy? Is it an important document? What and for whom does it matter? What direction will US policy take under Joe Biden’s administration? What tools and methods will be used? What are the goals and priorities set in the document? Which countries are among the closest allies and biggest adversaries? What impact had the Russian aggression against Ukraine on the shape of the US National Security Strategy 2022? The main research method will be source analysis and criticism, as well as a comparative method to contrast the current NSS with previous ones. The research thesis assumes that the priority of the current US security strategy remains the one initiated during previous White House administrations – the rivalry with China, which in tandem with Russia aims to change the modern international order, threatening the national interests of the United States of America. The conducted analysis, on the one hand, confirms the thesis, and, on the other hand, points to inconsistencies in US strategic thinking (which takes the form of a “wish list”), which can significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of the set goals and objectives.

사립대학 거버넌스 개혁 방안으로서 재정 이사제에 대한 정의와 도입 가능성

This paper aims to define the finance director system as a way of reforming the governance of private universities and to diagnose the possibility of introduction. To this end, first, a clear concept is defined on the premise of appointing a finance director to the board of directors of the private school, and the issues derived accordingly are pointed out, and as a specific example, the discourse on the financial status of the private school founder is introduced. Next, financial-related policy changes centered on the revision of the Private School Act are reviewed, and the possibility of introducing a financial director system is diagnosed. In detail, it studies the history of the previous administrations' revision of the private school law, the economicization and openness of private school governance, the introduction of an open director system and efforts to preserve private school independence, and the possibility of using the financial director system under the current law. In addition, overseas cases are considered to find the justification and method of introducing the fiscal director system. This paper will help prepare self-rescue measures for private universities in the non-capital metropolitan area, expecting follow-up studies to examine the effectiveness of the phenomenon that will occur after the introduction of the finance director system in private universities.