Presidential Candidates Research Articles

Terror Death of Election Officials: What Are the Effects of Stress and Hypoxia?: A Literature Review

Background: This essay examines the most recent news, namely the passing of a voting committee member (PPS) in the general election (Pemilu), which included candidates for president, vice president, and legislature (Caleg). PPS saw 35 fatalities and 3.909 illnesses. Given that the counting and recapitulation process is still in progress, the likelihood of deaths and illnesses will only rise. Objective: The aim of this research is to find the relationship between hypoxia and stress in PPS officers who died due to physical exhaustion during election activities in Indonesia Methods: Articles containing information on hypoxia, comorbidity, stress, physical exhaustion, and its connection to death were included as inclusion criteria. There was a total of 25 papers that met the inclusion criteria after the literature analysis procedure was completed. Result: Along with the comorbid status, physical exhaustion, and stress play a significant part (comorbidities). This connection arises from the fact that physical exhaustion and stress induce hypoxia, which in turn affects immunity. The drop in blood oxygen levels, or hypoxia, disrupts and dysregulates the innate and adaptive immune systems. The chance of dying can rise when hypoxia and ongoing stress are present. Writing this paper proposes more investigation into the role that hypoxia and stress play as death risk factors. Conclusion: Hypoxia results from stress. what makes HIF the primary transcription factor active. When PPS officers activate their HIF in order to fulfill their mandate and fulfill their obligations under Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, there is an elevated risk of death and morbidity.

Gemoy and Samsul: How The Propaganda Won The 2024 Indonesian Election

This study aims to determine the forms of political buzzer propaganda ahead of the 2024 election on Twitter/X. The research method used is a qualitative approach using content analysis and the type of data used is secondary data in the form of tweets or uploads that themed the 2024 presidential election. The data was inputted manually using Microsoft Excel and then analyzed systematically using the SPSS 25 program. The chi square test result is .001, which means that there are significant differences between candidates in the forms of propaganda. Tweets discussing Prabowo-Gibran were the most propaganda-laden which included name calling, transfer, testimonial, card stacking, and bandwagon, with the exception of plain folks, which is propaganda that shows the efforts of the presidential and vice presidential candidates' closeness to the public, in this category, candidate pair number three, namely Ganjar-Mahfud, is significantly higher than other candidate pairs, and gliterring generalities, namely propaganda with positive connotations on the presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs being discussed, in this case candidate pair number one Anies Imin is significantly higher than other pairs. Name-calling was the most significantly utilized in tweets discussing Prabowo-Gibran, compared to other form of propaganda in tweets discussing the other two candidate pairs. This highlighted the importance of spinning the unfavorable attributes to become a favorable one.

Digital Literacy Landscape of Novice Voters in the 2024 Election in Indonesia

Elections are one of the times when Indonesian democracy runs because the people themselves will choose a pair of president and vice president candidates along with the existing legislature. Voters need to have enough information about the candidates in order to choose the best among them, especially novice voters. Novice voters need to have good digital literacy in facing the upcoming 2024 elections. The 2024 election itself is mostly from young people who are novice voters. The purpose of this study is to determine the digital literacy readiness of novice voters in 2024 elections. In addition, it will also be known what factors influence this readiness and the impact of the readiness of novice voters on their participation in the election later. This study uses a quantitative approach with descriptive methods. Data collection was carried out using questionnaires as primary data and literature studies as secondary data. The results and conclusions obtained in this study are that the majority of novice voters use social media as an information platform about the 2024 elections with varying levels of trust in the information. Most of the respondents chose not to share the information obtained related to the verification of uncertain news.

PERBANDINGAN PENDEKATAN KOMUNIKASI VISUAL POSTER KAMPANYE PASANGAN CALON PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN PEMILU TAHUN 2024

For the 2024 General Election (Pemilu) which will take place on February 14, 2024, the three pairs of President and Vice President Candidates for the 2024 Election are carrying out a campaign by distributing posters in various locations and media. These posters use various visual communication approaches, which can be examined in more depth in how the visual aspects and visual communication in them reproduce to form an image representing the identity of candidate pairs, and how the visual approaches used by the three pairs of President and Vice President Candidates in the 2024 Election compare. This research aims to describe the visual variety of posters for candidate pairs and to describe a comparison of the visual communication approaches for the posters of the three pairs of President and Vice President Candidates in the 2024 Election. This research uses qualitative methods. The data collection method was direct visual observation in Jakarta, documented using photography methods, while visual observation via the internet and social media was then documented using screenshot techniques. The visual objects used as poster model samples were selected using purposive sampling, namely with the aim of the diversity of visual communication approaches used on posters. The analysis was carried out in 2 (two) stages, the first was an analysis of the visual elements of each poster model based on the sequence of President and Vice President Candidate Numbers that had been determined by the General Election Commission of the Republic of Indonesia, and the second was a comparative analysis of the visual communication approaches carried out by each -each candidate. The results of this research are a comparative description of the visual communication approaches for the posters of the three President and Vice President Candidates which represent the figure of the candidate pair in the 2024 Election.

Pola Fungsi Kalimat pada Teks Pidato Capres RI 2024 dalam Berita Daring Detik News sebagai Sumber Bacaan Siswa Kelas 10 SMA

Everyone must have the ability to speak, especially a leader. When writing speech texts, you are expected to be able to write sentence patterns correctly and understandably. The aim of writing this article is to study the function patterns of sentences in the text of the 2024 RI presidential candidate's speech in the online news Detik News to broaden the insight of researchers and readers, especially as a reading source for grade 10 high school students. This research was conducted so that researchers and readers could compose speech texts and deliver speeches with a correct and appropriate structure. This research uses a pragmatic approach and carries out analysis by identifying sentence patterns in the text of the 2024 Indonesian presidential candidate's speech published in the online news Detik News. Information about the data taken is text that contains the sentence structure of speech texts in Indonesian language learning for class X students. This research uses a qualitative descriptive method and a syntactic method. The data collection technique uses listening and taking note techniques. After researching the text of the 2023 Indonesian presidential candidate's speech on the online news Detik News, various sentence patterns were found. These sentence patterns consist of, among others, single sentence patterns, equivalent compound sentence patterns, multilevel compound sentence patterns, and mixed compound sentence patterns. It is hoped that the results of the analysis from this article will increase students' knowledge in writing and analyzing speech texts well and correctly, and also not only writing and analyzing but also hopefully being able to give public speeches well and of course correctly.

Cyber Pragmatic Analysis of Impoliteness Strategies Used by Detractors and Supporters of Presidential Candidates in Online Conflicts

This research aims to analyze the synergistic impact between school leadership and stakeholder involvement in efforts to improve the quality of education at the Al Hijrah Integrated Islamic Middle School, Deli Serdang. A descriptive quantitative approach was used as a research method, and data was collected using questionnaires from respondents, namely the school principal and all school stakeholders. The results of the research show that school leadership that is synergistic and involves school stakeholders has a great influence on the management of improving school quality. Strong leadership and active stakeholder involvement have a significant positive impact on school-based quality improvement management. Visionary and learning-oriented leadership plays a key role in formulating a shared vision and strategy to improve the quality of education. The involvement of stakeholders, including teachers, parents, and the community, provides support, input, and active participation in the implementation of quality improvement programs. The synergy between effective leadership and involving stakeholders can create a collaborative and supportive learning environment. This leads to achieving the goals of better quality education, improving the quality of learning, and holistic development of student potential.

Winners always cheat? Regional identity and the myth of a rigged 2022 Philippine presidential election

This article draws its analysis from the results of an assessment conducted in October 2022 of the May 2022 presidential election. The 2022 presidential election in the Philippines is an historical turning point not only for marking the return of the Marcos family to the country's highest office but also due to the initial claim of electoral fraud that raised concerns about the integrity of automated polling in the country. In the context of the May 2022 election, our findings do not identify any clear demographic pattern linked to a lack of confidence or skepticism regarding the credibility of the election results. Instead, compelling evidence indicates that the belief in a rigged election is limited to a specific subset of voters aligned with the geographical support base of a defeated presidential candidate. The findings contribute to nuancing electoral dynamics in the Philippines in a number of ways. First, they dispel the myth of an impaired election floated by media and other international watchdogs immediately after the election. Second, the suggest that as citizens navigate their democratic responsibilities, their regional identity becomes a lens through which the fairness, transparency, and legitimacy of the electoral system are ultimately contested.

Persuasive Strategies Used by Indonesian’s Presidential Candidate Ganjar Pranowo in His Speech

Persuasive Strategies Used by Indonesian’s Presidential Candidate Ganjar Pranowo in His Speech

Implementasi Algoritma Naive Bayes untuk Analisis Sentimen Terhadap Program Makan Siang Gratis

The work program promised by the 2024 Presidential Candidate and Vice Presidential Candidate pair, namely, Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka, one of which is a free lunch program, this program is an effort to improve community welfare, but this has attracted public attention on social media, one the other is platform X. The public response to the free lunch program is the main focus. In this research, researchers analyzed sentiment related to the free lunch program using the Naive Bayes method using the Python programming language on Google Colab to analyze sentiment towards social media users. X. the results obtained from 920 tweets data, there are 167positive value tweets, 744tweets are negative. The evaluation results with the confusion matrix showed an accuracy of 86.95%, with precision 93%, recall 61%, and F1-Score 65%.From the results of this research it can be concluded that the majority of the public who commented on social media X gave a negative response to the free lunch program. These results can be used as material for government evaluation in determining effective and efficient policies for society.

Two terms of endearment? Incumbent-party performance in US presidential elections

Abstract Presidential elections are arguably the most consequential recurring political event in the United States. Understanding the factors that determine their outcomes, therefore, is of substantial importance. One proposed factor pertains to presidential candidates' incumbency status, yet its nature is complex and difficult to study with observational data. In particular, the individual-level mechanisms underlying incumbency effects remain unclear. This study proposes many citizens generally believe that, ceteris paribus, presidents should be afforded two terms. Crucially, such a norm implies that incumbency status possesses an inherent effect, operating independent of other mechanisms that may stem from incumbency. A large, pre-registered survey experiment was therefore employed to isolate the effect of incumbency status on presidential vote choice. The experiment finds strong evidence that one-term incumbent candidates have an inherent advantage against their non-incumbent opponents. The results also clarify that the two-term disadvantage present in observational data is not inherent, and is perhaps better understood simply as the absence of the one-term advantage. The study thus points toward a micro-foundational mechanism underlying incumbent-party performance in presidential elections. Finally, analyses of panel data explore which voters may be systematically inclined to vote based upon the incumbency status of presidential candidates.

Economic Impact of United States Presidential Election Years: A Comparative Analysis

The United States Presidential elections are held every four years, and they bring a time of economic uncertainty that raises many questions domestically and internationally. In this essay, the relationship between the economy and the presidential election years will be analyzed. Some of those include changes in the investment markets like stocks and real estate, the expectation of the president's policies and how they will affect the economy, what the consumers should expect, how each presidential candidate (Donald Trump and Kamala Harris) has different policies, and how those policies will affect the economy of the US and internationally. By looking at stats from past elections and trends, the confusing connection between the economy and the years that have a presidential election can be further understood, showing how the outcome of United States presidential elections impacts the growth and the power of the economy.

Image Framing of Indonesia's Constitutional Court in Tempo.co News (18-27 October 2023)

The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia (MK) plays a crucial role in reviewing laws against the 1945 Constitution and resolving election disputes, ensuring adherence to constitutional principles. Tempo.co, a prominent media outlet, has extensively covered the MK, especially following the recent controversy over the Court's ruling on age limits for presidential and vice-presidential candidates. This research examines how Tempo.co frames its coverage of the MK using Robert N. Entman’s framing analysis model, alongside agenda-setting theory and media reality construction theory. Applying a qualitative methodology, the study analyzes Tempo.co’s news articles from October 18 to October 27, 2023. The analysis reveals that Tempo.co employs various framing techniques consistent with Entman's model, which influences public perception through agenda-setting by emphasizing specific aspects of the MK’s activities. Additionally, the coverage constructs a particular narrative about the MK's role and decisions. To ensure data validity, thorough checks were performed. Findings indicate that Tempo.co’s headlines generally maintain neutrality and do not exhibit overt political bias, focusing on the institution’s functions. This research offers insights into how media framing, through Entman's model, agenda-setting, and reality construction, shapes the portrayal of significant constitutional issues and affects public understanding of the MK.

The Costs of Voting and Voter Confidence

We revisit the effect of ballot access laws on voter confidence in the outcome of elections. Previous research found weak or no relationship between voter confidence and election laws regulating ballot access. We argue this non-finding is conditioned by partisanship. Democrats and Republicans view election laws through a partisan lens, which is especially triggered when coalitions lose. Republican voters see ballot restrictions as a means of securing the vote against fraud; Democratic voters see ballot restrictions as voter suppression. We maintain that the conditional partisan effect that election laws have on voter confidence is triggered or attenuated when partisans’ candidates lose elections. We find that in states where ballot access is costly, voter confidence among partisans and supporters of the losing Presidential candidate is significantly higher for Republicans and significantly lower for Democrats than their counterparts in states with less costly ballot access laws. These effects are greater for Republican than Democrats. We discuss the implications of our findings on election ecosystems and voter confidence.

Practice of Presidential Threshold in the Implementation of Presidential and Vice Presidential General Elections and Its Implications on the Political Rights of Citizens and Political Parties in Indonesia

The presidential threshold is a rule that becomes a political requirement for a political party to carry presidential and vice presidential candidates. The existence of this rule can potentially cause restrictions on citizens in running for president and restrictions on political parties in carrying their candidates to the presidency and vice presidency. The presidential threshold journey in coloring the elections in Indonesia has also undergone material testing and a lawsuit by the Constitutional Court. Therefore, this study aims to discuss the practice of the Presidential threshold in the implementation of elections in Indonesia and its relation to the political rights of citizens and political parties in Indonesia. This study is a field research study with a study into the field and using a non-doctrinal approach that is the enactment of law. Primary Data was obtained by interview techniques to the KPU RI, political parties, and legal experts. Furthermore, the secondary data consists of primary, secondary, and tertiary legal materials. This legal research uses descriptive analysis to obtain research results. The results showed that the practice of Presidential threshold has existed since the enactment of the first presidential and vice presidential elections. The political rights of citizens and political parties do not necessarily disappear, they only become conditional. Political parties also have the same opportunity to nominate the president and vice president by carrying their own or joining and forming coalitions with other parties.

Political Branding via Social Media: Analyzing Computer Mediated Communication of 2024 Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates on Instagram

Political Branding via Social Media: Analyzing Computer Mediated Communication of 2024 Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates on Instagram

To caucus or primary? Why state parties change their presidential nomination contests

AbstractPresidential nominations are generally perceived to be under the control of primary voters and caucus‐goers, with party organizations themselves largely powerless to steer outcomes. However, parties are highly active in the background, often switching contests between primaries and caucuses or vice versa in order to influence the nomination. Despite the popular narrative of parties becoming more internally democratic and abandoning caucuses, we find numerous instances of states moving from primaries to caucuses. We examine state party switches between caucuses and primaries between 1980 and 2024, testing various theories of party change. This approach yields few systematic conclusions. Therefore, we shift to examining contemporaneous coverage of state party switches using an inductive qualitative approach, revealing a complex and dynamic nomination system and a variety of reasons why state parties choose one form of contest over another. These findings catch state parties in the act of trying to control nomination contests in surprisingly overt ways.

Measuring the Strength of Presidential Campaign Funding, Political Party Advertising Shopping 2024

The General Election Commission has released a report on the campaign funds of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates for the 2024 election. Prabowo Subianto - Gibran Rakabuming Raka was recorded as the largest, far surpassing Ganjar Pranowo - Mahfud MD and Anies Baswedan - Muhaimin Iskandar.The advertisements were created to get the audience to increase the party's popularity. Golkar is the political party with the highest advertising spending on social media over the last three months, disbursing funds amounting to IDR 3.74 billion. This figure is quite far apart when compared to the advertising costs of other political parties. I am following in second place with a nominal advertising expenditure of IDR 785.6 million. National Awakening Party and Gerindra with advertising costs on social media amounting to IDR 195.7 million and IDR 49.18 million respectively. PSI is in first place with the most advertisements, namely 1,277 advertisements on television amounting to IDR 42.84 billion, Perindo is in second place for the party with the most advertisements on TV, IDR. 82.73 billion and 1,220 advertisements. The electability of the political parties PDIP and Gerindra compete closely in the female voter group, these two parties were both chosen by 18.8% of female voter respondents. Gerindra's electability reached 19.5%, slightly ahead of PDIP which obtained 19.3%. In the election of 5 major political parties, namely Gerindra, PDIP, Golkar, PKB and PKS, Gerindra was the party most chosen by young people under 30 years of age, with a vote share of 24.6%.

Kesantunan Berbahasa Prabowo Subianto pada Closing Statement Debat Capres 2024

Language politeness is one of the crucial issues, especially by public figures in public spaces. This is because he is a role model for the general public. Moreover, a public figure who wants to become the number one person in Indonesia. This research examines language politeness from the perspective of Leech's politeness maxims. The purpose of this study is to describe the language politeness practiced by Prabowo Subianto in the closing statement of the 2024 presidential candidate debate. The type of this research is qualitative descriptive method. The data collection method uses tapping, listening, and recording techniques. Based on the data, out of 25 sentences in the closing statement, 20 or 80% of the identified data fulfill the principles of politeness. While 20% are neutral. Based on the main ideas, out of 10 main ideas, there are 8 or 80% of them are identified as polite speech, while 2 or 20% of the main ideas are neutral. Based on Leech's maxims of politeness, there are six forms of politeness shown in the speech, namely tact maxim, generosity maxim, approbation maxim, modesty maxim, agreement maxim, sympath maxim.

KONSTRUKSI HUKUM PENCALONAN PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN YANG MENCERMINKAN DEMOKRASI PANCASILA BERDASARKAN UU NOMOR 7 TAHUN 2017

This study aims to examine and determine the Legal Construction of Presidential and Vice Presidential Nominations that reflect Pancasila democracy in relation to the provisions of Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections. The formulation of the problem that the author poses is, What is the Ideal Legal Construction of Presidential and Vice Presidential Nominations to Realize Pancasila Democracy? The research method used is normative where the data used is secondary data in the form of legal materials. In addition to using secondary legal materials, this study also uses several theories to dissect the problems in this study. The results of the study obtained are that the nomination of the president and vice president is regulated in Article 6A paragraph (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, namely "The presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs are proposed by political parties or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election before the general election is held". Regulations regarding the mechanism for nominating the presidential and vice presidential positions are stated in Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections, Article 222 regulates the same thing regarding filling the presidential and vice presidential positions. The presidential threshold has violated political rights, including the right to be elected and to elect the people protected by the constitution. This restriction on alternative candidates certainly means limiting the people's political channels and to a certain extent can result in an increase in the number of abstainers or white groups in the election. In addition, the opportunity for the people to be elected as candidates is also limited because not all political parties participating in the election have the right to nominate presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs because they are constrained by the Presidential Threshold requirements. The policy of direct presidential elections within the framework of simultaneous elections is still problematic. The existence of a threshold for political parties to have the right to nominate presidential and vice presidential candidate pairs (Presidential Threshold) in the General Election held simultaneously, has legal implications, namely violating the 1945 Constitution concerning the Presidential System, contrary to Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution.

Who votes for populist presidential candidates? Differential support among US-based Latin American diasporas

What explains diaspora support for populist presidential candidates? Existing findings suggest most diaspora voters are less likely to support populist candidates. However, there are notable exceptions among Latin American diasporas. We posit educated diasporas will be less likely to support populist candidates and political socialization in destination countries with successful populists will increase support for populist candidates in origin-country elections. We use origin-country candidate-level election data from 13 Latin American diasporas residing in the United States to test these claims. Our data covers 172 candidates from 45 first-round presidential elections. We connect this voting data to time-variant demographic data from the American Community Survey (ACS) for US respondents born in our thirteen Latin American countries of interest. Our results complicate existing findings as only some diasporas have less support for populist candidates than domestic voters, while others have relatively more support. We find weak origin-country state capacity, manifested by non-reporting of consulate-level election results, explains this variation. Diasporas from weaker states leave earlier in life and are more politically socialized in the destination country, yet likely vote for populists out of a desire to restore order in their country of birth.