Presidential Candidates Research Articles

Presidential candidates nobody wants?

AbstractIn a nationally representative study, we explore the public's views of the 2016 presidential nominees. Current measures generally focus on approval of given candidates with closed‐ended questions, but much can be learned by soliciting the public's unconstrained candidate preferences—not only in the direction of how they feel, but the depth of their views and who they really want to see in office. Employing open‐ended questions, we find that more than 75% of the voting public preferred an option other than what was offered. Even when constraining choices to politicians, the Democratic and Republican nominees were not preferred by the majority of the public, and this held true when restricting the analyses to partisans only. We further asked voters to express, in their own words, what they thought of the two candidates for president. The majority of the public described both candidates in negative terms. They spoke with deep disdain for the opposition's candidate, as well as their own party's candidate. The results add support to the view that US primary elections are failing to produce candidates who represent the public's interests and signal the potential for further instability in US government.

Framing Analysis of Presidential Candidate and Vice Presidential Candidate News From 2024 in Mainstream Media

Tahun 2024 merupakan tahun politik, dimana masyarakat Indonesia pada tahun 2024 ini kembali memilih presiden dan wakil presiden. Pemberitaan pada media massa juga tak kalah heboh menjelang Pemilu 2024 ini. Pada saat ini seluruh media massa, khususnya media elektronik, turut serta mensukseskan Pilpres dengan mensosialisasikan dan memperkenalkan kandidat-kandidat capres dan cawapres kepada khalayak. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis terhadap isi berita. Salah satu cara adalah dengan melakukan framing analysis dari Robert N, Entman. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian kualitatif yang bersifat diskriptif analitik dengan jenis penelitian document study. Data diperoleh dari artikel-artikel berita yang berhubungan dengan calon presiden RI 2024 baik dari media Metro TV maupun Kompas TV. Hasil penelitian ini, Metro Tv dalam membingkai berita “Golkar-PAN dukung Prabowo” sebagai bacapres, maka partai-partai yang mendukung Prabowo, diharapkan akan semakin berkurang dukungannya kepada Ganjar Pranowo karena masing-masing partai tersebut akan memiliki bacawapres sendiri-sendiri. Metro TV dalam membingkai berita tentang hasil survei, berpatokan pada “Indikator Politik Indonesia” dan “SRI” memperkirakan bacawapres ada empat kandidat. Kompas TV membingkai berita “Golkar-PAN dukung Prabowo” sebagai bacapres, merupakan hal yang biasa dalam proses demokrasi dimana setiap saat bisa terjadi dinamika politik yang berubah. Kompas TV dalam membingkai berita tentang hasil survei, mereka melakukan survei secara mandiri menyatakan bahwa kandidat bacawapres yang unggul hanya ada dua.

Candidates for President, 3rd Vice President, and Secretary

Candidates for president, 3rd Vice President, and Secretary

Critical Review of the Constitutional Court’s Decision on the Presidential Threshold

This article aims to enrich the literature on the threshold for presidential candidacy in Indonesia by: Firstly, summarizing the main criticisms of its implementation; Secondly, refuting the arguments of the Constitutional Court regarding the threshold’s potential to increase political support for the elected President and reduce the number of political parties. This research employs a qualitative methodology, utilizing a literature study design and case studies involving the Constitutional Court’s decisions on the presidential candidacy threshold, along with previous studies on the relationship between political parties and the President. In general, we have found that the primary criticisms of setting the presidential candidacy threshold revolve around its potentially unconstitutional implementation and its contribution to political oligarchy. In practice, setting the presidential candidacy threshold is entirely unrelated to an increase in political support for the President and cannot reduce the number of political parties.

Igbophobia and the Quest for National Cohesion in Nigeria: The 2023 General Elections in Perspective

The much anticipated 2023 general elections had come and gone but its effects toward nation building and national cohesion is sacrosanct. The emergence of the formal Governor of Anambra state, Peter Obi as the labour party presidential candidate, his popularity and acceptance among the youth in the country (Obedient movement) re-awakened an Igbophobic sentiment and hatred against Igbo people by the other ethnic groups. There were phobic comments that Igbos are trying to take over Nigeria and divide the country in order to create Biafra. The study examined Igbophobic sentiment during the 2023 general elections and its implications on the national cohesion. The data for the study were derived from the secondary source, while descriptive method of data analysis was used to analysed the data generated. The was study anchored on the Realist Group Conflict Theory (RGCT) which states that competition between groups for finite resources, power and fair of domination leads to inter group stereotype, antagonism and conflict. Findings reveal that, the fear of Igbo domination created the stereotype and Igbophobic attitudes among other ethnic groups. The study therefore recommends among other things; the rotation of the seat of presidency among the six geopolitical zones as this will give sense of belonging to other minority ethnic groups.

Obidient Movement and Political Change in Nigeria: The Journey So Far.

The failure of successive governments to bring about inclusive governance through credible elections has always been the bane of youth restiveness in most part of the country. This accounted for the reasons why all and sundry especially the youths have taken the bull by the horn in an attempt to change the status quo in the political landscape of Nigeria. This paper focuses on the emergence of the Obidient Movement to mobilize support for the presidential candidate of Labour Party, Mr. Peter Obi in the 2023 general elections and how it has altered the political trajectory in the Country. The paper relied on secondary data sources and adopted the Resource Mobilization Theory as a framework of analysis. This study found out that the emergence of Mr. Peter Obi reawakened the political interest of majority of Nigerians, especially the millennial, lead to massive mobilization of support from Nigerians at home and abroad, and that the Peter Obi effect lead to the political fortunes of many candidates that contested in the general elections on the platform of the Labour Party. Importantly, this study discovered that a mass movement with little history behind its existence could alter the political trajectory of the Country as result of the general disenchantment by the citizens towards the present crop of leaders. It was recommended amongst other things that the Obidient Movement should sustain the tempo of its activities across the country even after the general elections to keep the elected office holders on their toes, establish strong presence in every part of Nigeria to ensure a holistic restructuring of the Country leading to the emergence of new crop of leaders committed to the provision of the dividends of good governance.

Age Limitations for Presidential and Vice Presidential Candidates Post Constitutional Court Ruling Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 A Democratic Perspective

The constitutional right to vote or be elected is a realization of a democratic government system. Freedom exists for every citizen or government to be able to participate in the advancement of a nation. Nominating the head of state in Indonesia is a big part of political participation for every citizen nominated by their political party to be able to run for president. However, in Indonesia, certain conditions must be met for citizens running for President, one of which is a minimum age limit. This age restriction became an academic debate until the Petitioner was tested at the Constitutional Court, where he had potential disadvantages, namely not being able to run for president even though he had experience or expertise in the world of government. This research is legal research with towards statutory case analysis. The results of this research explain that the age restrictions for presidential nomination requirements in Indonesia are not only bound by formal provisions, but the Court provides an alternative consideration regardless of the age of a presidential candidate who can nominate if they have experience or are currently serving as regional heads. The implications of the Constitutional Court's Decision Number 90/PUU-XXI/2023 regarding the alternative in the form of age quality for Presidential candidacy wishes of the Community in performing their political rights

Sentiment Analysis of the Popularity of Parties Supporting the 2024 Presidential Candidates on Twitter Using the Naive Bayes Classifier Algorithm

In accordance with the democratic system of government, Indonesia allows each political party or combination of parties running in the general election to nominate its own presidential and vice presidential candidates, as long as these candidates meet legal requirements. Presidential elections are scheduled for 2024. A political figure who wants to run for president at that time will have to rely heavily on public opinion for support. As the 2024 election approaches, political parties are increasingly turning to social media to spread their messages and increase their support. The aim of this research is to compare the level of support for the two leading candidates for president and vice president in 2024 on Twitter to determine the proportion of tweets that are positive, negative, or neutral.The aim of this research is to compare the level of support for the two main candidates for president and vice president in 2024 on Twitter to determine the proportion of tweets that are positive, negative, or neutral.

Sentiment Analysis of Prabowo Subianto as 2024 Presidential Candidate on Twitter Using K-Nearest Neighbor Algorithm

The presidential election is one of the most talked topics at this moment. Based on many surveys, Prabowo Subianto is one of strongest candidates for the upcoming 2024 presidential election. This research aims to see how the public sentiment towards Prabowo Subianto as the presidential candidate tends to be positive or negative. Sentiment classification was conducted using the K-Nearest Neighbor (KNN) algorithm. This algorithm classifies sentiment based on the k value of the nearest neighbor. This analysis was conducted in several stages such as data collection, text preprocessing, data labelling, data classification using the KNN algorithm, and evaluating the accuracy of the model in classifying sentiment. In this research, the results of the sentiment classification were 2731 positive sentiments and 76 negative sentiments. Where the accuracy rate produced by the model using the value of k = 3 on the division of training data and testing data of 80:20 is 97,33%.

The Relevance of Presidential Threshold Implementation in the 2024 Concurrent Elections

The strengthening of the presidential system of government in Indonesia was carried out after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution from 1999-2002. The affirmation of this presidential system is manifested, one of which is that the President is not a mandatary of the People's Consultative Assembly anymore. This is in line with the commitment of the Indonesian nation to realise a democratic rule of law. The president as the head of government is directly elected by the people. The first direct presidential election was held in 2004. In presidential elections, a threshold is applied known as the Presidential Threshold. In the 2024 election, the presidential threshold provision is still maintained where the pair of presidential candidates proposed by a political party or a combination of political parties participating in the election who meet the requirements of obtaining at least 20% of the total DPR seats or obtaining 25% of the valid votes nationally in the previous DPR member election. Presidential threshold in elections in Indonesia raises pros and cons. On the one hand, the presidential threshold can simplify political parties so as to strengthen the presidential system. In addition, the implementation of the presidential threshold can realise government stability, especially in relations between executive and legislative institutions. But on the other hand, the application of the presidential threshold in simultaneous elections needs to be reconsidered because it is based on the votes in ,the previous election. This is allegedly able to reduce the people's right to nominate alternative presidential candidates.

교수의 자유에 대한 제한과 그 한계

This paper attempted to identify the possibilities and limits of restrictions on the freedom of professor’s lecturing, which is a constitutional right under the Korean Constitution, through a commentary on the Supreme Court's 2014Do3923 decision.
 The core issue of the 2014Do3923 decision commented in this paper is whether the professor's conduct of lecturing by distributing press articles unfavorable to a presidential election candidate as part of the lecture content and method can be considered a violation of the Public Official Election Act, in relation to academic freedom, especially the freedom of professor’s lecturing.
 Among academic freedoms, which are constitutional rights guaranteed under the Korean Constitution, there is little in-depth prior research on the scope or degree of protection, restrictions, and limits on the freedom of professor’s lecturing.
 The significance of the Supreme Court's 2014Do3923 decision is summarized as follows.
 First, this decision is significant as the first Supreme Court’s ruling regarding restrictions on the freedom of professor’s lecturing and its limits. In particular, there were almost no court rulings or decisions of the Constitutional Court that directly address the relationship between the freedom of professor’s lecturing and positive law or deal in depth with the content, possibility of restrictions, and limits of the freedom of professor’s lecturing. In this respect, the Supreme Court's 2014Do3923 decision directly addresses the relationship between the freedom of professor’s lecturing and the Public Official Election Act, and argues in depth the content of the freedom of professor’s lecturing, the possibility of restrictions, and its limits. It can be positioned as the ‘first’ Supreme Court ruling that ‘directly’ addresses the possibility of restrictions, and its limits.
 Second, the legal principles regarding the restrictions on the freedom of professor’s lecturing and their limits presented in this ruling can present theoretically and practically meaningful judicial judgment standards in actual cases related to the freedom of professor’s lecturing in the future.

Fertility Rates in Red and Blue States: Before and After COVID-19

The fertility rate is a common measure of population growth or decline. Before the pandemic, the U.S. fertility rate steadily declined and dropped an additional 4 percent in 2020, the year the first case of COVID-19 was reported in the U.S. Fertility rates in 2021 rebounded 1 percent from the rate in 2020, but did not move in tandem across all states. This study aims to determine how fertility rates changed one year before, during, and after the pandemic between red states and blue states that voted, respectively, for the Republican or Democratic presidential candidate in the 2016 and 2020 U.S. elections. Fertility rates were, on average, significantly higher all three years in red states than in either blue states or purple states, namely states that changed color from red to blue between 2016 and 2020.

How Did Voters Decide in the 2012 and 2016 Presidential Elections in Ghana? The Implications for Future Elections

This paper analysed the determinants and citizens’ choice of a presidential candidate in the Ghanaian 2012 and 2016 elections. The analysis utilised survey data obtained from respondents in the study areas. It examined perspectives of the individual voters on various issues matters pertaining to elections as well as their sentiments regarding personal and communal socio-economic outcomes. The findings revealed that voting for a presidential candidate in an election is influenced by individual voter access to income, education level, employment status, and development policy in the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections. The results also revealed that voters are influence by other factors such as the candidate's capacity to enhance and advance the national economy, political party affiliation, candidate orientation and likability. The findings of the analysis suggest that political parties and presidential candidates in an election in Ghana should give careful consideration to the elements and issues identified. Based on the findings, the we recommended that presidential candidates/or political parties should prioritise the issues identified in their campaign strategies and policy agendas.

Foreign Policy Approaches in the US Political Parties Platforms in the XXI Century: Similarities and Differences

The article examines such a phenomenon of American politics as the party platform. The article reflects its features in comparison with European interpretations of the concept of “party program”. The author’s definition of the concept “party platform” is given, which is based on a consideration of the definitions of domestic and foreign policy researchers of the concept “party program”. The article focuses on the foreign policy parts of the platforms of the main US political parties. The ideological approaches and conditions that influence the formation of the foreign policy part of the party platform are considered (from factors such as political expediency to the personal views of US presidential candidates). An example of a comparative analysis of the foreign policy parts of the platforms of the US Republican and Democratic parties is given. Based on a comparative analysis of the foreign policy parts of the platforms of the main US political parties, the author proposes his own methodology for determining the similarities and differences of party platforms. This methodology allowed the author of the article to plot the similarities and differences in the foreign policy approaches of the US Republican and Democratic parties from 2000 to 2020. The comparative analysis carried out by the author allows us to say that the platforms of the main US political parties can be used to analyze the foreign policy course of different US administrations and make forecasts on Washington’s foreign policy.

Political communication patterns of the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Candidates via Instagram social media

Political communication patterns of the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Candidates via Instagram social media

Robert Entman’s Framing Analysis: Female Representation in 2024 Presidential Candidates on Republika.com and Sindonews.com

Women’s participation in the presidential election is still low, and they rarely appear in surveys and news as candidates for the 2024 Presidential election. Women are often considered more suitable to lead in the domestic sphere and less suitable for the public sphere. The role of the media in shaping people’s views on women in politics is crucial. This study uses a qualitative approach and Robert M. Entman’s framing analysis to examine news from Republika.com and Sindonews.com related to the presence of female candidates as 2024 Indonesian presidential candidates. The results showed that Sindonews.com tends to highlight the existence of female candidates positively but too narrowly focuses on gender aspects and stereotypical views of women as vice presidential candidates. Meanwhile, news from Republika.com focuses more on analyzing electability factors and political party support for female candidates, presenting a positive view of women as alternative presidential candidates. The role of the media in constructing reality must positively impact increasing women’s representation in Indonesian politics. However, the media must also be able to avoid bias and present objective and consistent information.

Political Partisanship and Union Representation Elections

Voting behavior in union representation elections is influenced by rational and non-rational choices alike. This study shows a correlation between one nonrational choice, political partisanship, and such voting behavior. Comparing general election support for Democratic U.S. Presidential nominees where union representation elections occurred—a proxy for political partisanship—with support for a union in those representation elections shows positive, highly statistically significant correlations between Democratic support and union support in every consecutive twelve-month period between the 2008 and 2020 general elections. Furthermore, between 2008 and 2020, the magnitude of this correlation increased to a statistically significant degree.

Political Memoir, Celebrity, and the Reclamation of Feminism: Gendered Self-representation in Julia Gillard’s My Story and Hillary Clinton’s What Happened

Abstract Offering a close textual analysis of My Story (2014), the memoir of Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, Julia Gillard, and What Happened (2017), by the 2016 US Democratic Presidential nominee, Hillary Clinton, this article explores their attempts—as is becoming common for celebrities—to use the memoir form to attempt to regain some control over their public personas and their feminisms. Focusing on the kind of feminist selves they seek to bring into being through these memoirs, this article examines the rhetorical strategies they each deploy to disrupt the dominant gendered narratives that came to circulate during their time in power and beyond.

Dramaturgy: Imaging Prabowo Subianto on Twitter as 2024 Presidential Candidate

Dramaturgy: Imaging Prabowo Subianto on Twitter as 2024 Presidential Candidate

Nahdlatul Wathan and The 2019 Presidential Election

This study aims to determine the existence of the Nahdlatul Wathan Islamic community organization and its impact on the election of President and Vice President in the 2019 simultaneous general election in Pringgasela Village. The analysis in this study uses Social Movement Theory and Rational Choice Theory. This study used a qualitative approach, with data collection techniques obtained from observations, interviews of data sources, and documentation. By using an attractive model consists of three stages: data reduction, data presentation and conclusions. The results of this study show that the existence of the Nahdlatul Wathan organization in Pringgasela Village cannot easily affect the victory of the presidential and vice-presidential candidates’ number 01 in 2019 in Pringgasela Village. The factors that led to the defeat of the Presidential and Vice-presidential candidates’ number 01 (Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin) such as the mobilization of the Nahdlatul Wathan management were not optimal, the influence of the media at that time, antipathy towards Jokowi, people who voted with calculation and suitability.