Presidential Administration Research Articles

Institutionalizing Projectification—The Case of Kyrgyzstan

The extent to which projects are established as an organizational form in society to cope with various challenges has been analyzed extensively in research under the term ‘projectification’. However, it remains unclear how the projectification at the level of society begins and which actors are involved in its institutionalization. Drawing on an explanatory case study in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, responses are provided to these questions and propositions for further research. The country is undertaking reforms as part of its ongoing transformation, which includes the professional implementation of projects, particularly in the public sector. These activities are, to some extent, based on the developments in project management in neighboring Kazakhstan, where a presidential decree also constituted a first step towards the institutionalization of projectification. It later found its way into relevant sectors and to key actors via the presidential administration, primarily through regulative and normative institutions. Because of increased international cooperation, the number and importance of projects in Kyrgyzstan will continue to increase in the coming years, requiring greater emphasis on projectification. The results are informative for research into projectification and for those involved in countries with comparable situations.

A recipe for advocacy

First paragraphs: Before turning her attention to food and becoming a vice president of the James Beard Foundation, Katherine Miller advised left-leaning political campaigns and foundations on strategy and advocacy. We can be thankful she focused her attention on food and, while the title of the book suggests that it is a guide for chefs, anyone in the good food space can learn her methods of advocacy. Miller begins by explaining how chefs some­times do not realize that they have influence and access that most people do not because of the nature of their work. Everyone eats and influential people usually like to eat well. Using your access in an intimate setting to highlight the issues you care about is powerful. A chef’s platform can also gar­ner publicity against those you disagree with—remember in the last presidential administration when members of the cabinet were refused service at several high-end restaurants. . . .

The Impact of Former President Trump’s Presidential Agenda on the U.S.-Mexican Border

This paper argues that to understand the impact of former U.S. President Donald Trump on the U.S.-Mexico border, his presidential agenda needs to be compared with other presidential administrations from the 1990s to the present. It looks at presidential policy agendas, as seen in executive orders, legislative policies, binational initiatives, deployment of the National Guard and military, presidential visits, and use of the bully pulpit with visits to the border region. These are compared to border operations indicators, highlighting formal and informal crossings of people and movement of goods. Though Mr. Trump has been specifically negative and aggressive toward the border, the securitization of the region has been part of presidential agendas since the 1990s. A key takeaway is to think about and discuss these results to ensure the border is livable, manageable and ready for the challenges of the 21st century.

The impact of presidential elections on workplace satisfaction in the U.S. federal agencies: A longitudinal study (2004–2019)

While job satisfaction has been widely studied by public management scholars, little research has examined the impact of external political events on the federal workforce, and specifically how presidential elections might affect satisfaction over time. Using Federal Employee Viewpoint Survey data spanning sixteen years (2004–2019) and three U.S. presidential administrations (Bush, Obama, and Trump), we employ hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) to investigate how presidential elections affect workplace satisfaction at the agency level. We find that workplace satisfaction does shift in response to presidential elections, decreasing during the first terms while increasing in the second terms. We further find workplace satisfaction is largely unaffected by federal agency’s ideological alignment with the President’s party. These findings suggest that neutral competence endures among civil servants over time and points to the federal bureaucracy’s resilience in the face of ongoing political change.

Biographer’s Appraisal in Joko Widodo Biography “Man of Contradiction and the Struggle to Remake Indonesia”

This study explores the biographer’s appraisal towards Jokowi’s contradiction and struggle to remake Indonesia. The data were obtained purposively from the chapter five of the biography “Man of Contradiction: Joko Widodo and the Struggle to Remake Indonesia” (2020) and were analyzed by applying Martin and Rose’s appraisal framework (2007). The findings reveal that positive judgments were used to assess Jokowi's actions when he became his company CEO, business association chairman, Surakarta mayor, Jakarta governor, and Indonesia president; and negative judgments to criticize his leadership style and his administration’s weaknesses and strengths. The positive appreciation was given to Jokowi’s efforts on his decision to build infrastructures throughout Indonesia, while negative appreciation on Jokowi's administration that was deemed to have covered up cases of deaths and victims of the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, to indicate his feelings towards Jokowi, the biographer uses affect that covers the desires, self-confidence, worry, fear, happiness, sadness, security, insecurity, and unhappiness Jokowi experienced during his presidential administration.

The Transaction Costs of the Administrative Presidency: Evidence From a Trump-Era Clean Water Act Enforcement Reduction

Over the last two decades, political polarization has gridlocked federal congressional capacity to meet environmental regulatory demands. As a result, presidential authority has expanded to overcome this legislative impediment leading to a new era of “administrative presidency.” In this new era, presidents have increasingly used their administrative authority to meet politically driven environmental goals. Yet, we still know little about how federal-level executive political actions impact the outcomes and operations of local regulatory environmental systems. This study fills this scholarly void by empirically testing the effect of a federal COVID-19 Clean Water Act (CWA) enforcement reduction on Safe Drinking Water Act (SDWA) implementation outcomes for local community water systems (CWSs) sourcing from surface waters (SWs). Using a framework grounded in transaction cost federalism, we argue that a politically motivated executive reduction in federal CWA enforcement is associated with poor local SDWA implementation outcomes. We test this assumption with a differences-in-differences econometric approach using data drawn from the federal Safe Drinking Water Information System database. Our findings suggest that the CWA enforcement reduction resulted in an over 50% increase in SDWA health violations by CWSs sourcing from SWs. The implications of this study extend to U.S. water policy and environmental federalism, highlighting the need for better coordination between the CWA and SDWA and the potential risks associated with relying on broadened executive actions to drive U.S. environmental policy. Further research is warranted to understand the consequences of administrative policy changes on U.S. environmental governance.

Fit for purpose? ‘One China’ Policy and security in Sino-American relations

Abstract Nominally, the policy of the United States towards the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan is governed by the ‘One China’ Policy (OCP). However, the conditions under which OCP was originally formulated have long since given way to substantial growth in the economic and military power of the PRC and the democratisation of Taiwan. These changes raise several questions regarding the viability and applicability of OCP. Drawing on securitisation theory, this article examines discourses across three US presidential administrations to assess the trajectory of socio-political constructions of the PRC, Taiwan, and OCP. Three case studies suggest substantial challenges for OCP as a basis for maintaining desecuritised relations between the United States and the PRC. While discourses of ‘engagement’ prominent in the 1990s have lost ground, with presidential administrations increasingly but inconsistently drawing on OCP, in Congress OCP plays no role, while Taiwan is increasingly constructed as akin to the American self, serving as an identity proxy that highlights the otherness of the PRC. Polling supports the idea that OCP is not rooted in general American understandings of the region and consequently cannot serve to ground policy in a crisis.

From Bolsonaro to Lula: Understanding Brazil’s Passive Neutrality on Palestine and Israel

This essay examines Brazil’s foreign policy approach toward Palestine and Israel by comparing the administrations of Presidents Jair Bolsonaro and Lula da Silva. In outlining elements of continuity and discontinuity between them, the essay argues that it is necessary to examine Brazil’s strategic diplomacy regarding Israel’s ongoing illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories and its brutal attacks on Palestinians in light of key structural changes that have occurred in Brazil. These include the growth of the agribusiness sector and the Evangelical Church, both of which have significant influence over the foreign policy choices of successive Brazilian presidential administrations, regardless of their political or ideological leanings. As a result, as this essay shows, neither Bolsonaro nor Lula could fully implement their stated agendas toward Palestine and Israel; indeed, despite the latter’s defense of a two-state solution, this will not translate into punitive measures against Israel, especially given the international permissiveness of Israeli crimes.

The ‘Geographical Here’ and the Pursuit of Ontological Security: Spheres of Influence Narratives and Great Power Identity in Times of Threatened Status

This article explains why self-identified great powers seek to provide a ‘sphere of influence meaning’ to geographical space when such narratives have the potential to insult the smaller actors in the space over which such powers seek exclusive influence. The article draws and expands on the ‘physical turn’ in ontological security studies by introducing the notion of a ‘geographical here’ as key to a great power that perceives its status as threatened. The argument is illustrated through a comparative analysis of three US presidential administrations. The article analyses (i) how the US’ status is perceived and narrated, and (ii) what meaning officials assign to the ‘geographical here’.

U.S. Global Democracy Promotion: Change, Challenges, and Continuity

Every recent presidential administration praises global democracy, but how do they do in funding democracy-supporting activities? Building on analyses of the George W. Bush and Barack Obama presidencies, this essay looks at the disappointing landscape of international democracy, and then considers what the Donald Trump administration said, particularly in its National Security Strategy, and what it did in terms of funding of activities to support democracy abroad. Rooted in wider social science evidence, this analysis suggests that there are differences between top-down, bottom-up, and middle-range democracy promotion activities. It demonstrates that the Trump administration’s National Security Strategy privileged a holistic approach to democracy and human rights, and when it came to funding levels, according to government data, there was not the overall decline expected by many. The Trump National Security Strategy emphasized especially international religious freedom as fundamental to human rights and democratic governance in ways considerably different from previous administrations.

ФЕДЕРАЛЬНЫЙ РЕЗЕРВ ГОССЛУЖБЫ КАК ЗАВЕРАЮЩИЙ ЭЛЕМЕНТ КАДРОВОЙ ВЕРТИКАЛИ

In 2024, a federal personnel reserve in the civil service was established as provided for in legislation adopted exactly two decades ago. Thus, the formation of a vertical of reserves has been completed, parallel to which there are managerial reserves that are largely similar in purpose and new quasi-reserves are appearing (for example, the “Leaders of Russia” competition). In the article we analyze trends in the personnel policy of the Russian Federation, taking into account the emergence of the federal reserve. Bibliometric analysis revealed a stable research interest in the problems of the civil service and reserves without direct connection with the reforms. Using chronological and comparative legal methods, we summarized stages of formation of the civil service reserves. When creating the federal reserve, problems were noted with the implementation of such functions as personnel retention and selection based on merit (meritocracy). We used an institutional approach to describe the cadre vertical in civil service and the place of the federal reserve in this vertical. We have proved that the federal reserve institutionalizes neopatrimonial practices and legitimizes subjectivity of certain officials of the Presidential Administration in the cadre vertical. Also, we used the SWOT analysis to identify strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats for the future of the cadre vertical. The conclusion is substantiated that the emergence of the federal reserve completes building an institutional model of national civil service. The cadre vertical has been developed and there are no visible prerequisites for its significant transformation. The request for changes is satisfied not by institutional reform of the civil service, but by an attempt to build a parallel institution of “public” service, ensuring the involvement of the public sector managers in the cadre vertical. Such changes continue the creation of a unified system of public authority, provided for in 2020 by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation.

Understanding the influence of COVID-19 on pancreatic exocrine and endocrine function: сlinical and pathogenetic insights and their correlation with infection severity

The aim. This study aims to investigate the clinical and pathogenetic features of pancreatic involvement in patients diagnosed with COVID-19. Material and methods. We conducted an analysis of two hundred medical records belonging to patients hospitalized with COVID-19 at the gastroenterology department of the Central Clinical Hospital of Russian Federation Presidential Administration, from March 2020 to July 2021. Results. Among the comorbidities observed, type 2 diabetes mellitus and glucose intolerance (T2DM/GI) were present in 39 (19.5%) patients, while chronic pancreatitis was evident in 10 (5%) patients. Notably, a history of T2DM/GI correlated with prolonged hospital stays (p=0.0024). Elevated pancreatic enzyme levels were detected in 11.5% of patients, showing a significant association with the COVID-19 severity (p=0.0001) and prolonged hospitalization (p=0.0002). Furthermore, a statistically significant correlation was found between age and the risk of elevated pancreatic enzyme levels (p=0.0011). Conclusion. The involvement of the pancreas in COVID-19 patients poses a significant clinical challenge, exacerbating overall clinical outcomes. These findings underscore the critical importance of monitoring pancreatic enzymes and glycemic profiles within the evaluation protocols of COVID-19 patients to facilitate early diagnosis and ensure prompt treatment of complications.

Making Sense of Absence: Interpreting the APA's Failure to Provide for Court Review of Presidential Administration

Making Sense of Absence: Interpreting the APA's Failure to Provide for Court Review of Presidential Administration

Trends and insights in liver cancer from a single institution study from Main Medical Directorate of the Russian Presidential Administration over 35 years (1981-2015) Trends and insights in liver cancer from a single institution study from X over 35 years (1981-2015)

Background: This study aims to analyze liver and bile duct tumors over 35 years in the population of the Main Medical Directorate of the Russian Presidential Administration with a view to identifying epidemiological trends and their possible causes. Objective: to assess incidence and mortality rates, examine gender-specific patterns, describe histological picture, and evaluate the effectiveness of routine screenings on patient outcomes. Methods: Retrospective data from the cancer registry of the Main Medical Directorate of the Russian Presidential Administration for 1981-2015 were analyzed. Incidence and mortality rates were assessed with regard to gender distribution, histological confirmation, and survival rates. Standardized indicators were compared with national and international benchmarks. Results: For a period of 35 years, 227 cases of primary liver and bile duct tumors (ICD-C22) were identified. Of these, males made up 66% (149 cases), whereas for females it was 34% (78 cases). The average age of patients was 71.6 ± 11.4 years. The study reveals a consistent decrease in morbidity and mortality rates for both men and women within the studied population, contrasting with national trends. Study showed 20% increase in the 3-year survival rate for patients diagnosed during routine screenings compared to those presenting with symptoms (p=0.0001). Hepatocellular carcinoma was the most common type of liver cancer in the population. Surgical intervention was utilized in 16% of cases, while chemotherapy was used in 25%. Symptomatic treatment constituted a significant proportion of the treatment modalities. Conclusion: Our study provides insights into promising epidemiological trends in liver and bile duct tumors. Factors contributing to favorable outcomes include immunization, antiviral treatments, and lower alcohol consumption. Gender-specific patterns highlight the necessity for tailored screening. This study supports the adoption of regular screening efforts to boost early detection rates and enhance patient outcomes. These findings provide significant clinical implications and pave the way for future research.

THE POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES REGARDING THE RUSSIAN GENOCIDE OF UKRAINIANS IN THE ХХ-ХХІ CENTURIES

The purpose of the article is to analyze the evolution of the United States policy toward Ukraine vis-à-vis Russia during three presidential administrations of Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Joseph Biden, with an emphasis on the genocide of Ukrainians. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the analysis of the genocide of Ukrainians within the context of the century-old Cold War between Russia and the West using primary sources from the American military intelligence archives. Methodology. The author used historical research methodology to collect and triangulate primary and secondary sources and applied critical analysis of the content of governmental reports, archival documents, newspaper articles, and scholarly monographs. Conclusions. For the third time in history, Ukraine has become a battlefield in the geopolitical struggle between Russia and the West. While Woodrow Wilson made «the world safe for democracy», his principle of self-determination did not apply to Ukrainians; thus, Ukraine’s independence was sacrificed for the sake of «Russian unity». The consequences were the Red Terror and Lenin’s famine of 1921–1923 in Ukraine that drowned in blood its national liberation movement. Lenin’s disciple, Joseph Stalin, consolidated the totalitarian system and implemented his predecessor’s policy toward Ukraine which led to physical, biological, and cultural genocide against the largest non-Russian captive nation. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s administration not only did nothing, but also never acknowledged publicly Stalin’s crimes. American journalists along with politicians participated, albeit indirectly, in the Holodomor denial. The rehabilitation of Stalinism in Russia, revision of the past, and Holodomor denial have led to further escalation of violence on the eve of the ninetieth anniversary of the crime. President Joseph Biden called Russia’s actions in Ukraine a genocide. The next step is to draw a parallel to the Holodomor and respond to that denial by bringing the perpetrators of today’s genocide before an international tribunal to restore the rule of law and justice.

The Battle Over Bostock: Dueling Presidential Administrations & the Need for Consistent and Reliable LGBT Rights

The Battle Over Bostock: Dueling Presidential Administrations & the Need for Consistent and Reliable LGBT Rights

Sufism in the Modern and Contemporary Iranian Politics

"The objective of this article is to explore how political Sufism, in conjunction with political Shī’ism, influences contemporary Iranian internal and external affairs, the decision-making process, and the future political ideology. While religion has consistently been an integral part of Iranian state and culture, the primary faith has not always played a definitive role in political decisions throughout history, particularly in recent decades. To gain a deeper understanding of Iranian politics and its future trajectory, it is essential to comprehend the role of Sufi elements within it. This work elucidates the core political Sufi ideas and their persistence and development within Persian borders up to the present day, despite facing substantial opposition from the ulama. Furthermore, in order to identify these Sufi elements within the current Iranian political landscape, the article analyzes all presidential administrations since the Revolution and highlights how political Sufism has become ingrained in both the decision-making process and political propaganda. Key-words: Sufism, Iran, politics, Shī’ism, propaganda, eschatology"

Bureaucratic professionalization and cabinet management: How civil servants in presidential democracies are treated differently

AbstractHow does bureaucratic structure shape presidential strategy in managing top executive posts? The comparative literature on cabinet formation focuses heavily on presidential legislative strategy, largely overlooking the administrative dimension of cabinet management. This article fills this gap by examining how bureaucratic professionalization shapes the president's strategy in distributing and managing cabinet posts. We argue that as bureaucracies become more autonomous via professionalization, ministers from the bureaucracy are more likely to be central players in presidential cabinet management. Our analysis of original data on 1538 ministers' cabinet careers from 26 presidential administrations in four Asian democracies shows that bureaucrats are more likely to receive and retain cabinet posts in key policy areas as bureaucratic professionalization increases, whereas they are less likely to do so with decreasing bureaucratic professionalization. This finding suggests that presidential cabinet management follows a different set of rules according to the level of bureaucratic professionalization.

Strategic Planning and Goal Setting in a Politicized Environment: The Case of HUD, USICH, and Homelessness

ABSTRACT This study analyzes the hierarchy of goals and objectives that were adopted to reduce homelessness in the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) strategic plans during three successive presidential administrations after passage of the GPRA Modernization Act of 2010. Based on a document review and interviews with current and former federal officials, the analysis reveals that HUD’s strategic goals, strategic objectives, and agency priority goals for homelessness that were written in each presidential administration reflected the preferences and ideology of politically appointed leaders particularly in response to the emergence of a national policy of Housing First.

Experience of countering the FBI destructive sects in the second half of the 20th century

The article examines the FBI's work to counter marginal religious organizations in the 1970s and 90s. During this period, the Bureau investigated three resonant cases involving followers of religious organizations: The mass suicide in Johnstown, the Ruby Ridge incident, and the Waco tragedy. Each of these cases led to tragic events, with varying degrees of FBI responsibility. Based on the documents of the US special services, we analyzed the methodology of the department's work with extremist religious organizations, compared and identified key problems and their solutions to the Bureau itself. We also considered the specifics of the FBI's interaction with the US Department of Justice based on which conclusions were made about the discourse around the Bureau during this period and the consequences that the three incidents we studied had. In addition, aspects of the Federal Bureau of Investigation's relationship with the White House and the presidential administration were considered. Based on the above, conclusions were made about the features and disadvantages of the work of federal agents in the field of countering religious extremism. In addition to a diverse source base, the study involved work on the history of the FBI, US political institutions and the history of religious extremism in America.