President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono Research Articles

The Re-election of the Indonesian President: Reasons and Background

Incumbent president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) was reelected as Indonesian president in the elections on 8 July 2009 with over 60 per cent of the votes. The reasons for the victory were his relatively successful economic policies, his efforts in the fight against corruption, and the poor quality of his political opponents. The retired general made a military career under the authoritarian New Order and then became a politician after democratisation started in 1998. In 2004, he was elected president with the support of Islamic parties, which he then included in his government. As a person close to the military, SBY avoided reducing the privileges of the Armed Forces and thus democratic deepening has been stalled. However, there are good chances that economic progress and political stability will prevail during his second term.

Survey of recent developments

In the recent legislative elections the Democrat Party of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) was by far the most successful. Support for other major secular-nationalist parties fell significantly, as did that for the Islamic parties as a group. Two new parties led by former generals also performed relatively poorly. At the time of writing SBY seemed the likely winner of the forthcoming presidential election, supported by running mate Boediono, the former governor of Bank Indonesia. Indonesia's performance during the global financial crisis has been vastly better than during the Asian financial crisis, and superior to that of most other countries in the region. Output growth remained positive through Q1 2009, although there were signs of heightened caution within the business community. Deft monetary policy saw inflation decline significantly, with little negative impact on output growth or the banking sector. Much of the earlier declines in the financial markets had been reversed by mid-June. Successful management of exchange rate policy in late 2008 and early 2009 raises the question whether Indonesia would fare better with a more genuinely floating exchange rate and a much lower level of international reserves. Economic outcomes during the SBY administration fell well short of the president's 2004 election campaign promises, but were comparable with those under former president Megawati, reflecting the great policy similarities of the two regimes. A key feature of the presidential election campaign has been the use of the term ‘neo-liberal’ to attack one's opponents. It has been implied that those following ‘neo-liberal’ policies favour the business sector and foreigners over the people, whereas the real issue is what types of policies are more likely to benefit the Indonesian people as a whole. The debate provides the opportunity potentially to resolve long-standing disagreements as to the relative efficacy of free market- and interventionist-type policies. Public sector accounting reform is an important aspect of efforts to improve governance. Newly introduced accounting standards require a shift to double-entry accounting, and away from the single-entry system inherited long ago from the Dutch. This requires the listing of government entities’ assets and liabilities in a balance sheet, and should lead to far greater accuracy in government financial reporting. In turn, this has the potential to be a powerful anti-corruption instrument. But progress is significantly limited by a severe shortage of accountants in the public sector, and by dysfunctional personnel management practices.

Parliamentary Elections in Indonesia: President Susilo on the Rise

The Indonesian parliamentary elections in April 2009 have been characterized as peaceful, free, and fair. All in all, the young democracy has been stabilized. The PD (Partai Demokrat, Democratic Party), the electoral vehicle of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, won with 20.8%. It is mostly secular parties, that is the PD, Golkar (Partai Golongan Karya, Party of Functional Groups) and the PDI-P (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia – Perjuangan, Indonesian Democratic Party – Struggle), which now dominate the party system. Support for the Islamic parties has dwindled; only the Islamist PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Prosperous Justice Party) was able to gain slightly. The rapid rise of the PD and two smaller new parties is testimony to the fluidity of the party system. The results corroborate a trend of a weakening of socio-political “streams” ( aliran). This development is due to the increasing personalization and commercialization of politics and the impact of mass media. Moreover, electoral reforms (the introduction of an “open list”) seem to have strengthened local politicians vis-à-vis party headquarters in Jakarta.

Indonesia in 2007: Unmet Expectations, Despite Improvement

In 2007, expectations since the election of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono in 2004 have exceeded the capacity of the state to deliver. Economic indicators remained steady or improved slightly, but there was a growing sense of disappointment with Yudhoyono's presidency as well as signs of challenge to his tenure beyond the current term.

Certification for Teachers and Lecturers and Its Implications For Staff Development

The improvement of quality and relevancy,of education with the societal needs has been one of the big educational issues in Indonesia. It has been one of the considerations for the decision to adopt Education Act No. 20/2003 on National Education System. With its quality being improved, education will fulfill well its function, which is "to develop the capability, character, and civilization of the nation for enhancing its intellectual capability" (Education Act No.20/2003, Article 3).The enhancement of the intellectual life of the nation is in fact one of the four aims of our independence in 1945, as stated in the fourth paragraphs of the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution.The quality and relevancy of our national education will certainly contribute to the achievement of the god of our national education stated in Article 4 of the 2003 Education Act, which is "developing learners potentials so that they become persons-imbued with human values who are faithful and pious to one and only God; who possess morals and noble character; who are healthy, knowledgeable,-competent, creative; independent; and as citizens are democratic and responsible.".Since formal education is the main stream and it process-mostly takes place in classrooms in which teachers and lecturers play their various roles, the quality of teachers and lecturers is the one of the determining factor in solving the problem of quality and relevancy. Related to this was the promulgation of "Teachers as Professionals" on 2 December 2005 by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. in the same year. Law No."14/2005 on Teachers and Lecturers was declared valid.Certification is related to the needs for ensuring that teachers and lecturers as professionals possess the qualities which can contribute to the success in achieving quality education which is relevant for society needs which change with the developments resulting from the advancements of science and technology. This paper will explore aspects of certification and its implications for-teacher education, especially EFL teacher education, both pre-service and in-service.

Survey of recent developments

Summary By June 2006, the government had largely completed the difficult tasks of stabilising macroeconomic conditions following the October 2005 fuel price increases, and of drawing up a blueprint to improve infrastructure and the investment climate. On the macroeconomic front, the main issues related to how, and how quickly, the economy could return to the growth rates of late 2004 and early 2005, given still low levels of private and public investment. Sound macroeconomic policies had delivered a stronger rupiah and reduced inflationary pressures, albeit with continued decelerating rates of growth. Private consumption and investment having slowed, government spending had become the key driver of growth, but major delays in public spending continued in the first four months of the year. The reform agenda includes an impressive raft of new laws, or revisions to old ones, in investment, taxation, customs and labour, all of which were covered under a special Presidential Instruction. However, actual reform was slowed by substantial political obstacles. There was growing concern about divisions within the cabinet on the reform package, and about the capacity of the ministerial team to guide reforms quickly through the bureaucracy and the parliament. This included doubts about the resoluteness of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) on reform initiatives in the face of vocal opposition (as in the case of labour reform), and about Vice President Jusuf Kalla's commitment when political or business interests close to him were opposed to change (as in the case of divestment of shares in Indonesia by the giant cement multinational, Cemex). Given likely delays in the reform package's impact on output and employment, uncertainty persists about the level of support the ‘duumvirate’ is prepared to offer reformist ministers, and about the political clout of the reformers themselves, as the government moves into the middle period of the electoral cycle. Examples of weak policy making include watered-down investment reforms, the seemingly ‘quick-fix’ approach underlying a proposal to set up special economic zones, and unsatisfactory handling of continuing disputes in the mining sector. A backdown on labour market reforms, at least for the present, has probably been the biggest setback to date in the SBY–Kalla team's attempt to promote investment: a poorly managed reform effort in terms of both substance and political strategy. Two other events shook Indonesia during the Survey period. A massive earthquake hit the Yogyakarta region on 27 May, killing nearly 6,000 people and leaving thousands homeless. And on the political front, the attorney general controversially dropped corruption charges against the ailing former president, Soeharto.

SOUTHEAST ASIA IN 2005: Strength in the Face of Adversity

Southeast Asia greeted 2005 in a sombre mood, as the full scale of devastation in the wake of the tsunami triggered by a massive earthquake that sent giant waves crashing into the coastlines of north Sumatra, southern Thailand, northwestern Malaysia, and Myanmar became apparent. Almost a quarter million people were killed across the region, a loss of life almost too great to comprehend. In Aceh alone as many as 180,000 people died as a wall of dark water 10 metres high travelling at speeds of almost 400 miles an hour rushed onshore crushing everything in its path. From the air, it still looks like the aftermath of an atom blast. The tsunami was a particular blow for Indonesia, which had just crowned a protracted and messy democratic transition with successful multi-party elections and the first direct presidential election at the end of 2004. The new government led by President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was poised to inaugurate a new era of confidence and stability for Indonesia. Hopes ran high. Southeast Asia badly needed its largest component state to get back on track or face the prospect of unfavourable comparison with the booming economies of China and India.

Indonésie 2005 : Soleil double

François Raillon, Centre national de la Recherche scientifique, Paris Indonésie 2005 : Soleil double This article attempts to describe and analyse recent developments of Indonesian politics in terms of a competition between president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and vice-president Jusuf Kalla. In 2005, their rivalry was tested through a series of challenges such as Aceh's peace process and post tsunami reconstruction, oil shocks upon the economy, and various terrorist attacks. Jusuf Kalla derived his power both from his political activism and his control of Golkar, now once more the largest party in Indonesia. Through his skills at fixing intricate issues such as the Aceh question, and thanks to his ability to win local elections and maneuver the national parliament, Kalla consolidated his grip on national politics. By contrast, President Susilo displayed a more remote though rather successful style of government, stressing foreign policy ventures and appealing to traditional Javanese constituencies. The 2009 presidential contest is expected to make the difference between both men.

Year one of the Yudhoyono–Kalla duumvirate

In the first year of their government, the joint leadership of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Vice President Jusuf Kalla is reminiscent of Indonesia's first presidential and vice presidential team, the duumvirate or dwitunggal of President Sukarno and Vice President Mohammad Hatta. Though not without its weaknesses, the Yudhoyono–Kalla duumvirate is more likely to be successful than its predecessor, whose dissolution led to the overthrow of parliamentary democracy in the late 1950s. The problems that Indonesia faces today are more manageable; today's leaders are also more compatible in policy goals and understanding of politics. Progress to date is most notable in the organisation of the government's political power base, the policy response to the tsunami, the forging of the Aceh peace agreement, and action against corrupt officials, while economic policy making has been less successful.

Political Transitions in Southeast Asia

One could easily be pessimistic about Southeast Asia's prospects given the series of crises that hit the region in 2004. These include the onset of avian flu (coming on the heels of SARS) and the looming pandemic threat, the persistence of terrorist-related incidents, and the devastating earthquake and tsunami that caused massive loss of lives, property and livelihood. Yet, if there is something to be optimistic about it is in the number of general elections that took place in many ASEAN countries within a span of one year. It began in March 2004 with the holding of Malaysia's general elections, followed by elections in Indonesia in April that were spread over six months, and then the elections held in the Philippines in May. This was soon followed by the elections in Thailand in February 2005. This series of elections is significant for many reasons. First, we see the emergence of new political actors who have taken over the mantle of leadership from long-serving leaders in the region. In Malaysia, Abdullah Badawi replaced long-time Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamed; and while there was no election in Singapore in 2004, there was nevertheless a changing of the guard in August 2004 with the installation of a new prime minister, Lee Hsien Loong, who succeeded Goh Chok Tong. Second, despite having come after three short-lived presidents who had succeeded long-time Indonesian leader Suharto, the country's new president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was the first directly elected president of post-New Order Indonesia. The direct presidential elections have capped the six year process of political transition in the country toward a democratic political system. And third, the two incumbent leaders, Philippines' Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and Thailand's Thaksin Shinawatra, who could still be considered as relatively new players in the region, are serving their second terms in office after their

Political Transitions in Southeast Asia

One could easily be pessimistic about Southeast Asia's prospects given the series of crises that hit the region in 2004. These include the onset of avian flu (coming on the heels of SARS) and the looming pandemic threat, the persistence of terrorist-related incidents, and the devastating earthquake and tsunami that caused massive loss of lives, property and livelihood. Yet, if there is something to be optimistic about it is in the number of general elections that took place in many ASEAN countries within a span of one year. It began in March 2004 with the holding of Malaysia's general elections, followed by elections in Indonesia in April that were spread over six months, and then the elections held in the Philippines in May. This was soon followed by the elections in Thailand in February 2005. This series of elections is significant for many reasons. First, we see the emergence of new political actors who have taken over the mantle of leadership from long-serving leaders in the region. In Malaysia, Abdullah Badawi replaced long-time Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamed; and while there was no election in Singapore in 2004, there was nevertheless a changing of the guard in August 2004 with the installation of a new prime minister, Lee Hsien Loong, who succeeded Goh Chok Tong. Second, despite having come after three short-lived presidents who had succeeded long-time Indonesian leader Suharto, the country's new president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was the first directly elected president of post-New Order Indonesia. The direct presidential elections have capped the six year process of political transition in the country toward a democratic political system. And third, the two incumbent leaders, Philippines' Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and Thailand's Thaksin Shinawatra, who could still be considered as relatively new players in the region, are serving their second terms in office after their