Present Oneself Research Articles

Behind the Scenes: Ward Just's Washington

The zone [Vietnam] ... was the place where modern American History begins. -American Blues Ward Just's 1982 novel In the City of Fear, part political allegory, part satire, delineates the self-centered, self-protective nature of the self-proclaimed Movers and Shakers inside the beltway whose moral inertia allowed the Vietnam War to continue for eight long years. The use of reverse chronological order, revealing two decades of life as usual in Washington, does not hide the fact influential Washingtonians are rewarded when most cautious; discretion, clandestine activities frequently the better part of valor. In 1981, when the novel begins, Piatt Warden, most circumspect congressman for the last eighteen years, can expect to earn the title of Senate Whip, while the insider's insider, the ultimate problem solver, Henry Costello, is the President's choice to chair the party. The ethical price both men have paid for success is outlined in the long central section of the novel, set in 1970 or 1971, at Washington dinner party where striking revelations outnumber the courses. The novel concludes in October 1963 (one month before, as Senator Ralph Yarborough depicted the Kennedy assassination, Excalibur sunk beneath the waves) with suspicious and fatal car accident of young White House staffer, Dennis McDonnough, who advised John F. Kennedy to withdraw from Vietnam. Ward Just's usually grim vision of the best and the brightest is rarely compassionate, frequently knowing. Ethical Context Obliquely, Just establishes ethical lineage, as one person after another, at exclusive dinner, party either reminisces about the past or narrates stories unveil it. Hosting the function are Teddy Carney, journalist, and wife Jo; attending are various spokespersons for the CIA, government, and military: Max Cather, cynical covert operations analyst, and spouse; Piatt Warden, U. S. Representative, and wife Marina; Sheila Dennehey, CIA staffer specializing in psychological profiles, and Sam Joyce, colonel in the Army. To understand the ethical shortsightedness of Washington insiders, Just implies, one must see how it derived from the postwar period of the late 1940s. Late in the evening Sam reminisces about pirate (189), father, living proof of the continuity of events (189). Already in nineties in 1971, old Ben Joyce is both transition figure as well as inspiration. Even at the time of this party, an invitation to apartment . . . was considered to be second only to one to the White House itself (191). As if to underline revered reputation among insiders, Henry Costello confides to Sam, An endorsement from Ben Joyce is like endorsement from God (206). In the immediate postwar years old Ben was visionary: he quickly saw Washington was mysterious to businessman; it was as mysterious as Hollywood. And the secret was not to demystify, it was to present oneself as necromancer, magician. was the first to see the government would become the nation's greatest corporation, great sea of money, greater even than DuPont or General Motors; he was the first to see, and the first to act. (191) His rise from hanging judge to Senator, sage, and finally counselor, seemed both effortless and inevitable (190). Because of wealth, his knowledge of the secrets of the men in power, as well as personality and will and sheer longevity (190), he is the envy of many Washingtonian. Yet is something not quite genuine about old Ben. He forgot, we are told, that which was inconvenient (190). Also, he is a man rather attracted to dark corners, and pleased to find so many of them; and so much company when he got there (195). Especially benighted is of duty easy to deny, which old Ben labels Misprision: passive misconduct, benign neglect (194). With knowledge of misprision comes fortune and power. …

Fluctuating asymmetry, sociosexuality, and intrasexual competitive tactics.

Heterosexual men and women were told they were competing with another same-sex individual for a date with an attractive opposite-sex interviewer. After answering 6 questions, participants were asked to tell the competitor why the interviewer should choose them over the competitor. Participants' videotaped behavior was coded for different behavioral tactics. Men who were more symmetrical and who had a more unrestricted sociosexual orientation were more likely to use direct competition tactics than were less symmetrical and restricted men. Restricted men accentuated their positive personal qualities, presenting themselves as "nice guys." Structural equation modeling revealed that fluctuating asymmetry (FA) was directly associated with the use of direct competition tactics. However, the link between FA and presenting oneself as a nice guy was mediated through sociosexuality. No effects were found for women.

Moving Beyond the Face Through Eros

Emmanuel Levinas's "Phenomenology of Eros," in Totality and Infinity, has been the subject of much debate concerning his treatment of the feminine subject. Within his account, Levinas speaks of the (male) subject's erotic encounter with the (female) beloved and concludes that transcendence is not given within the erotic encounter, but is given instead through the engenderment of the son. Levinas depicts the erotic encounter as going beyond the complete alterity of the face, the ethical, and infinity. However, Levinas holds that the erotic encounter is not morally problematic since going beyond the face does not lead to the totalization of the female beloved, in the sense that the face is presupposed and the beloved's freedom is not objectified. Because the erotic encounter lacks the possibility of transcendence, Levinas depicts the encounter as one which neither lies within infinity (the ethical) nor totality (the unethical). One of the scholars who finds Levinas's "Phenomenology of Eros" problematic is Luce Irigaray. Though Irigaray accepts Levinas's depiction of the erotic as going beyond the signification of the face within the face to face encounter, her critique of Levinas is twofold. First, Irigaray maintains the signification within the face to face encounter is not a necessary component of transcendence within Eros. Second, Irigaray asserts that failure to recognize transcendence within the erotic encounter inevitably effaces the alterity of the "female lover"' and is thereby unethical. Irigaray asserts that transcendence takes place through the caress, which she posits as preceding signification (orality). Irigaray's stance necessarily leads toward mysticism, wherein the divine is acknowledged within the carnal. In order to comprehend fully the implications of going beyond the ethical within the erotic encounter, I will first contrast Levinas's description of the subject's encounter with the face with his description of the male subject's encounter with the beloved. The face, signification, the height of the other, the sense of responsibility, and the subject as under accusation within the face to face encounter will be contrasted against the beloved's non-signification, the vertiginous depths of the beloved, the sense of playfulness, and the subject as the self of an other within Eros. I will then explore Irigaray's position concerning transcendence within the erotic encounter and her subsequent critique of Levinas's account of Eros. Though I will show Irigaray's mystical stance to be ultimately incompatible with Levinas's thought, I will show that the implications of her critique suggest not only a reevaluation of Levinas's "Phenomenology of Eros," but a reevaluation of Levinas's account of the face to face encounter, as well. Within Totality and Infinity, the complete alterity of the other is found as the face of the other. It is the nudity of the face which enables signification, which is straightforward and unmediated by any image. Illustrating this straightforwardness, Levinas writes that "deceit and veracity already presuppose the absolute authenticity of the face-the privileged case of a presentation of being foreign to the alternative of truth and non-truth, circumventing the ambiguity of the true and the false which every truth risks."2 The signification, command, and expression of the face, "you shall not commit murder," accordingly, is absolute; it is not the presentation of oneself as a sign, but is instead the presentation of "oneself in person."3 As such, it not only precedes truth, but is foundational for it. The face appears in a dimension of height, which is distinguished from the dimension of manifestation in which objects appear, and eludes the grasp of the subject. The signifyingness of the face, "you shall not commit murder," presents the subject with the temptation to annihilate the other totally, though this temptation is simultaneously presented as an ethical impossibility lying beyond all possible justification. …

A Response to the Article on "The Validity of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator for Predicting Expressed Marital Problems"

This article is an invited response to the article that appeared in the Family Relations October 1993 issue on Validity of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator for Predicting Expressed Marital by Douglass and Douglass. Drs. Jane Hardy Jones and Ruth G. Sherman have been involved with the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) almost since the first manual was published in 1962. Dr. Jones worked with Dr. Harold Grant at Auburn University for her doctoral degree in 1967, and Dr. Sherman became deeply involved when Dr. Jones came to the University of Hawaii and they began working together. At one point, Isabel Briggs Myers, one author of the MBTI, invited them to meet with her at an American Psychological Association convention since they were using more Myers-Briggs answer sheets than anyone else in the nation at that time. Dr. Harold Grant knew Isabel Briggs Myers well and was very involved in many early administrations of the inventory at Auburn University. The authors of this response would have preferred the title of the Douglass and Douglass article to be more along the lines of Accuracy of Predictions of Marital Problems based on Interpretations of the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator Scores. The title as stated seems to call the validity of the inventory into question, rather than the interpretations that are made about what the scores mean for marital problems and marital counseling. We have no reservations about the validity of the MBTI for assessing preferred personality style and describing accurately how individuals are likely to behave often (but not all the time). This validity may be influenced by the attitudes of the individual taking the inventory (i.e., a desire to present oneself differently than one is for whatever motivation). Individuals who are in certain developmental stages may report different answers to some questions at different times in their lives. Jung's theory of individuation over the lifetime of the individual stresses the need to develop the more unconscious aspects of one's personality as one grows older, especially in the second half of life. Because we are clinicians, we always verify the reported scores with our clinical experience and the client's sense of self. In cases where the clients recognize that they have reported themselves inaccurately when taking the test, a thorough discussion of the results will allow appropriate adjustments or changes if necessary. We realize this is more difficult to do if the instrument is not used in a clinical setting; however, marital counseling will always occur in such a setting and should allow for such processing and clarification. From our view, Douglass and Douglass (1993) also seem to be questioning whether or not there is a large enough data base for the statements made about marital counseling by the authors referenced in their article rather than the validity of the type scores themselves. The major contentions ascribed to the MBTI authors and proponents which are addressed in the Douglass and Douglass (1993) article are paraphrased here as: 1. There is a tendency to marry the same type. 2. Similar types tend to have fewer marital problems. 3. The opposite type score on each preference can be used to identify acknowledged and unacknowledged problems in relationships. We, as over 25-year users of the MBTI in marital counseling, will respond first to whether or not we are in agreement with these contentions, and then whether or not we believe the studies quoted are represented as we believe the authors intended. 1. IS THERE A TENDENCY TO MARRY THE SAME TYPE? Our clinical experience is that the tendency to marry someone of a similar type increases as one gets older or more experienced. Younger people are more attracted to somewhat opposite types, since the unconsciousness is at work in compensating for qualities lacking in the conscious personality. This is consistent with Jungian theory which holds that the individual unconsciously strives for balance and wholeness rather than one-sidedness (although the first developmental stage is necessarily one-sided in order for the individual to achieve clarity and competence in the preferred or dominant function). …

Research Students in Education and Psychology: diversity and empowerment

ABSTRACT Although some attention has been given in the literature to the notion of variable supervisor style, students are often discussed as if they are interchangeable and homogeneous. Results from this study of education and psychology departments in British universities suggest that there are several different ways to present oneself as a student, some more in continuity than others with the requisites for academic success. Five such ‘student styles’ are described and illustrated, and themes of diversity and empowerment are explored. Student styles can be seen as individual coping strategies, and the emphasis on individualism becomes part of the reproduction of the academic profession.

An experimental analysis of Perfectionism and Dissatisfaction

The striving after perfection has been often mentioned in clinical literature; however, there have been few systematic analyses of the concept. In the present study, a questionnaire measure of Perfectionism and General Dissatisfaction (the SCANS) together with the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire and measures thought to gauge aspects of perfectionistic thinking, were administered to a mixed group of 148 subjects, including 25 eating disorder patients. Perfectionism was found to correlate negatively with Psychoticism (as measured by the EPQ) and positively with the Lie scale. Thus Perfectionism appears to be associated with a tendency to deny personally deviant behaviour and to present oneself in the best possible light. It is also associated with greater accuracy in a visual search task. General Dissatisfaction was correlated significantly with Neuroticism, Introversion and Psychoticism. It thus appears to be related to a combination of 'neurotic introversion' and 'personality deviance'. It is also associated with a tendency to be under-inclusive, that is to find difficulty in ruling out irrelevant stimuli when forming categories. Dissatisfaction was also associated with increased reaction time in the visual search task, perhaps also a reflection of an inability to ignore irrelevant stimuli. Only the EPQ N and P scales successfully differentiated neurotic or dissatisfied perfectionists from normal or satisfied perfectionists, although several measures derived from the visual search task produced results which were approaching significance.

TRADITION AND INTERPRETATION

Doing catholic systematic theology means: interpreting the great Tradition of the undivided Church in such a way as, perhaps, to help further it. This involves presenting oneself to, and letting on...

Varying Relationships between Adaption-Innovation and Social Desirability

This study examined the relationship between the Kirton Adaption Innovation Inventory (KAI) and two measures of social desirability. The social desirability measures were chosen because the first, the Defensiveness Scale ( K scale) on the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), measures the conscious presentation of oneself in socially desirable terms while the second measure, the Edwards Social Desirability Scale, examines the unconscious presentation of oneself as being socially desirable. 104 undergraduates enrolled in general psychology classes at a middle-sized midwestern university participated. A significant positive correlation between scores on the Kirton and Edwards inventories and a nonsignificant positive correlation with the K scale were obtained. The former indicates that innovators unconsciously present themselves as being more socially desirable than adaptors while adaptors and innovators consciously present themselves as being socially desirable almost equally. These findings for the Edwards Social Desirability Scale are inconsistent with the past research on the relationship between Kirton's inventory and social desirability.

Self‐Presentational Motivations and Personality Differences in Self‐Esteem

ABSTRACT This article discusses the interpersonal motivations associated with different levels of self‐esteem. Although self‐esteem literally refers to an intrapsychic attitude, we propose that self‐esteem scales often measure a self‐presentational orientation. High self‐esteem scores are associated with a tendency to present oneself in a self‐enhancing fashion that is characterized by willingness to accept risks, focus on outstandingly good qualities, strategic ploys, and calling attention to self. Low self‐esteem scores are associated with a tendency to present oneself in a self‐protective fashion that is characterized by unwillingness to accept risks, focus on avoiding outstandingly bad qualities, avoidance of many strategic ploys, and reluctance to draw attention to self. Considerable evidence shows that most people rate themselves as above average on self‐esteem scales; relatively few people score below any self‐esteem scale's conceptual midpoint. Review of past literature yields the following conclusions: (a) Low scores on self‐esteem scales are typically the result of neutral and intermediate rather than self‐derogatory responses to scale items; (b) behavioral correlates of measured self‐esteem sometimes depend on self‐presentational variables such as audience presence; and (c) many past findings with self‐esteem scales may be interpretable in self‐presentational terms.

An Individual Differences Measure of Attributive and Repudiative Tactics of Favorable Self-Presentation

Using a new measure of the tendency to present oneself in an unrealistically positive way, the Self-Presentation Scale (SPS), the present study examined the validity of two different tactics for presenting a favorable self-image. Confirmatory factor analyses indicated that individual differences in the use of an attributive tactic, the tendency to attribute positive characteristics to the self, were correlated with, but distinct from, individual differences in the use of a repudiative tactic, which is the tendency to deny the presence of negative characteristics of the self. Scores on both tactics were highly correlated with the Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale, and both tactic subscales were positively correlated with self-reported self-esteem and negatively correlated with depression. However, only the repudiative tactic scores were found to be associated with self-consciousness and social anxiety scores, and only the attributive tactic scores were correlated with self-report measures of self-monitoring skills. The advantages of the SPS over other measures of favorable self-presentation (or socially desirable responding) are discussed.

Interpersonal Comparison Processes in Choice Dilemma Responding

Summary Reliable group-induced response changes have been observed on choice dilemma items and, in extensions of this research, with other stimulus materials as well. The search for a theoretical explanation of these findings requires analysis of the processes that determine pregroup responses. It has been proposed that interpersonal comparison considerations determine initial responses to choice dilemma items by inducing the subject to compromise between his perception of the group norm and his own ideal. This study demonstrated that the order of measurement of “self,” “other,” and “admired” responses significantly affects these responses. The findings are interpreted as contrary to the interpersonal comparison assumption that initial choices are an attempt to present oneself favorably, but consistent with the idea that after one has acted, there is a tendency to perceive one's action as more admirable than that of the average peer.

Personality Characteristics of Diverse Occupational Groups

MMPI results of 54 advertising men and 44 engineers were compared. Overall, the personality profiles of the groups were surprisingly similar, with marked elevations on K and Ma, lesser elevations on Hy and Pd, and a depression on Si. These patterns were believed to reflect self‐confidence, enthusiasm, ability to present oneself in a favorable light, use of repression and denial in handling psychological stresses, and an inclination to solicit social intercourse. The two groups differed significantly on seven of the scales. Advertising men showed a pronounced peak on Mf (believed related to uncommon freedom of expression and strong aesthetic interests), greater sociability, and desire for social contact.

Tat Stories and the Social Desirability Variable

Edwards has suggested that a response bias colors replies to psychological tescs. H e holds that Ss in varying degrees d o nor answer in a fashion which reflects their true feelings. Rather [hey respond in ways which are socially acceptable, giving replies which conform to what the group approves. H e considers the tendency to give conforming responses a stable personality characteristic and measures it with a test called the Social Desirability, or S D Scale. Investigation of the S D effect has been largely confined to objective tests. It was proposed to extend the inquiry to a projective test, the Thematic Apperception Test. Since projective techniques are presumably less transparent than objective tests, d o they circurnvenc the tendency to present oneself in a favorable light? Proceduve.-The Edwards SD Scale (short form) and six TAT cards were administered individually to 48 psychiatric patients and as a group test to 56 nursing students. The intent was to compare performance on the two measures. It was hypothesized that if SD was operant on projective techniques, then Ss would show in TAT stories an SD tendency corresponding to that measured by the Edwards Scale. A rating scale for assessment of stories was developed, and ratings of two judges were pooled for each story to obtain an estimate of its social desirability. As the stimdus quality of the TAT picrure might affect desirability of the story told, pictures of varying mood or emotional tone were selected. Two pictures found previously (Dollin, 1960) to be happy were selected (2, 10); two neutral (1, 4 ) ; and two sad (3BM, 13MF). The possibility of an interaction was also considered, i.e., Ss with high SD scores might give socially desirable responses regardless of the picture's stimulus value. Less defensive Ss might be more realistic, acknowledging occurrence of unpleasant aspects of the stimulus. Four groups were formed on the basis of strength of SD tendency and analyses of the variance of story ratings by group and stimulus were made. Results.-While patients with different S D tendencies showed significant

The 1957-58 Season In Rome

ALMOST TIIE FIRST THING that strikes one upon coming to Italy, especially the central and southern parts, is the drama of Italy. The entire history of Italy from the beginnings up to the present, of course, has been one vast drama; but even more the people themselves seem to sense the drama implicit in every life situation, and they play their parts up to the hilt, even improvising new parts on every possible occasion. Their love of costumes is evidenced by the fact that almost every trade is marked by a characteristic uniform. And one could never come to know all the myriad uniforms to be seen in and around the Quirinale in Rome. Pageants, parades, spectacles are innumerable in Italy: the Carnivale celebrated all over Italy, the Corsa del Palio in Siena, the Giclstra del Saracino in Arezzo, the Redentbre in Venice, the various cavalcate in Sardinia, and many others. Ceremony is an everyday p9rt of life in greetings and leave-takings. Every small situation becomes dramatized: an insignificant automobile accident involving only a scratched fender, the giving of a ticket by a policeman, any trifling disagreement will call forth a one-act play. Their feelings are always very close to the surface and inevitably become expressed dramatically with a beautiful command of gesture. To ride a bus to town or to walk along the streets of Rome or Naples is to present oneself at the theater where an infinite number of dramas are acted out one after another. And immediately one would assume that the legitimate theater would be a live and flourishing affair in Italy. Yet a survey of the plays being written and produced shows that this is far from the truth. Take the 1957-58 season in Rome, for example.

On Making a Good Impression

THE PROBLEMS and questions involved in a good impres sion are serious and important to everyone, but perhaps especially so to adolescents, who frequently have not yet achieved a very full un derstanding, either of themselves, or of the expectations of other peo ple in general. The present study is concerned with this problem of a good impression, and seeks to identify and point out the changes in emphasis and response which adolescents characteristi cally employ when attempting to present themselves in the best pos sible light. Stated in another way, the aim of the investigation is to explore the psychology of making a good impression in order to deter mine what this concept actually means to adolescents, over and above their more usual and everyday behavior. The research design utilized in this investigation would seem to be simple and straightforward, and well-suited to a study of the problem as stated above. In essence, it consisted of giving a specially designed questionnaire to adolescent samples, first in a normal, or conven tional testing situation, and then a second administration with instruc tions to present oneself in the best possible light. Comparing the two performances then permitted the specification of differentiating fac tors and items, and the discovery of evidence bearing directly on the general question raised. The questionnaire itself was devised partially on the basis of pre vious empirical evidence (1, 2, 3), and partially on speculative (theo retical) grounds. An especial attempt was made to secure items which would have relevance from the social-psychological and role playing points of view, since it seems obvious that a good impression'' falls within the purview of both. The questionnaire as finally assembled comprised 115 items, such as I would rather let a wrong go unnoticed than start a disturbance or argument, I don't like to have people standing around and telling me what to do, and I would rather go without something than ask for a favor, with instructions to answer each item true or false. An effort was made to avoid stilted or turgid phrasing, unusual words, or involved constructions, and to write items which would sound natural, reasonable, and comprehensible to any reader. The questionnaire was then administered to two high school senior