Presence Of Russia Research Articles

Activities of the Odessa branch of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (1896-1916): the statistics essay

In the article, based on the annual reports' data, for the first time an attempt to compile the statistics on the activities of the Odessa branch of the Imperial Orthodox Palestinian Society (IOPS) was made. The studied structural division of the IOPS was opened on December 19, 1893 and became the second after the Yakut branch of the IOPS (March 21, 1893). Using diagrams, the author of the scientific research clearly showed the dynamics of changes in the quantitative composition of the Odessa branch of the IOPS and the ratio by category of membership in the period from 1896 to 1916, analyzed the financial and economic activities of the branch. The article concludes that the growth in the number of members of the Odessa branch before 1905 was associated with the administrative support and public popularity of representatives of the first generation of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. The reduction in the number of members was subsequently facilitated by the banal non-payment of membership fees for three or more years, as well as the death of IOPS members, under which its active formation took place. The maximum economic viability of the Odessa branch of the IOPS was achieved by 1901, after which the organization's revenues began to fall. Grain harvests in the grain-growing regions of the Russian Empire, as well as domestic and foreign policy factors (the Russo-Japanese War, the First Russian Revolution, the Balkan Wars, the First World War, the Great Russian Revolution of 1917) contributed to the hard crisis in the Odessa branch. The article is intended for specialists in the field of church history, missiology, the history of public organizations, as well as for a wide range of researchers interested in the issues of Russia's presence in the Holy Land.

Boundedly open economy: A regional dimension

Subject. This article discusses the resilience of the Russian economy to international sanctions. Objectives. The article aims to develop an economic model that ensures Russia's technological sovereignty and the development of foreign economic relations. Methods. For the study, we used a statistical analysis. Results. The article proposes an author-developed methodology for assessing the degree of openness of the economy of a region (country). It finds that the rejection of self-isolation and reliance on high-tech technologies are the main characteristics of a boundedly open economy, which makes it possible to ensure Russia's presence in foreign markets and protect the interests of Russian producers. Relevance. The use of the developed methodology in the practice of strategic planning will improve the efficiency of the planning and forecasting work of the executive authorities in the constituent entities of the Russian Federation.

Крымская тема в русской пейзажной живописи: этапы и особенности творческого освоения (конец XVIII – начало XX веков)

Цель исследования состоит в выявлении особенностей развития российской пейзажной живописи, тематически связанной с Крымом и рассматриваемой как неотъемлемая часть национального культурного наследия. В качестве материалов использованы искусствоведческие исследования и репродукции живописных произведений. Исследованы складывавшиеся на протяжении всего XVIII в. важнейшие факторы, определившие развитие российской пейзажной живописи. Определено, что в русском изобразительном искусстве крымские сюжеты появляются после вхождения полуострова в состав Российской империи. Выявлены и последовательно проанализированы три этапа формирования образа Крыма в русской живописной традиции. Обоснована преемственность в развитии связанной с Крымом пейзажной живописи, состоящая в передаче знаний и навыков от художников-«первопроходцев» к ученикам. Установлены особенности, определяющие специфику крымской пейзажистики в рассматриваемый период. The aim of the study is to identify the features of the development of Russian landscape painting, thematically related to Crimea as an integral part of the cultural heritage of Russia. The complex of materials used included works of art history and collections of reproductions of paintings. The methodological tools involve a combination of systemic, historical-genetic and comparative-historical approaches, with the modern idea of cultural heritage, which represents an unconditional value for any people that must be preserved and passed on from generation to generation, being at the forefront. The most important factors that determined the development of Russian landscape painting and took shape throughout the 18th century have been identified (reforms of Peter the Great accompanied with the secularization of art, the establishment of the Academy of Arts and the presence in Russia of professional visual artists). It has been determined that Crimean subjects appear in Russian fine art after the peninsula became part of the Russian Empire. Three stages in the formation of the image of Crimea in the Russian pictorial tradition have been identified and analyzed: (1) the activities of landscape painters who depicted Crimean landscapes at the end of the 18th century (Mikhail Ivanov and Fyodor Alekseev), (2) the works of Ivan Aivazovsky, and (3) the legacy of representatives of the Cimmerian school of painting (Konstantin Bogaevsky, Maximilian Voloshin, and others). The continuity in the development of landscape painting associated with Crimea is substantiated, which consists in the transfer of knowledge and skills from “pioneer” artists to their students. It has been established that, at the first stage of its evolution, the art of landscape associated with Crimean subjects developed thanks to the desire of artists to demonstrate their own individuality, their skills in working in the natural landscape, a sense of civic responsibility, and the unique features characteristic of the Crimean nature. The features that define the specifics of Russian landscape painting thematically related to Crimea have been identified: (1) Crimean landscape painting was formed as a result of the activities of artists-“video-painters”, carried out on the initiative of the state; (2) the special place of the Crimean landscape in Russian fine art is due to the uniqueness of the landscapes and subjects depicted; (3) the evolution of landscape painting based on Crimean subjects, thanks to the practice of student succession, influenced the development of the entire national painting tradition.

Russia and NATO in the Middle East: Conflictual Relations

This article compares the roles of NATO and Russia in the Middle East in the past decade, focusing on the influence of the Trump administration. This article raises questions about NATO's response to Moscow's renewed influence. – The primary question is: Does the Cold War zero-sum approach still apply to Russia and NATO in the Middle East? Second, what are NATO's concerns and approach to the Russian Federation and its renewed presence in the Middle East? Third, how has Russia interacted with NATO and the West since returning to the Middle East? Fourth, how did the Trump administration's position limit NATO's role in the Middle East? Fifth, is NATO's limited interest in the Middle East just to balance Russia's re-entry into the Middle East or because of the US pull out or some combination thereof? Sixth, is Russia's presence in the Middle East causing Middle Eastern countries to choose allegiance to Russia or the US (West) again or play one against the other? The research found that the two ex-foes share common interests in the Middle East and remain distant from the zero-sum logic of the Cold War era. Nonetheless, their strategies differ significantly.

Navigating wartime communications: multinational corporations in the Russia-Ukraine war

AbstractThis article explores the communication strategies of multinational corporations in response to the Russo-Ukrainian War and the public pressure to divest from the Russian domestic market. By content analyzing official statements from the top 50 revenue-generating multinational corporations in Russia, the article identifies patterns in corporate narratives about the war, their actions and concerns, and potential solutions. The findings reveal that most companies declare scaling down their presence in Russia while maintaining certain basic obligations, prioritizing employee safety, and expressing concerns about the global economy. While few explicitly condemn Russia's aggression, many adopt neutral language to avoid naming Russia as the aggressor. Corporations emphasize the importance of diplomacy, adherence to international law, and the pursuit of peace, but often avoid proposing concrete solutions. Despite variations across industries, countries of origin, and decisions to stay or leave Russia, the differences in statements were not significant. The uniformity of corporate statements and evidence that companies frequently do not follow their declared promises suggest potential “bluewashing” – making vague or false claims of social responsibility or anti-war stances to improve their public image. These findings emphasize the need for multinational corporations to develop sincere and original wartime communication strategies.

Russia’s Foreign Policy Priorities in Eurasia and Northern Africa after America’s Withdrawal from the Middle East: The Purport of Statements

The article focuses on the priorities of Russian foreign policy in relation to the Middle East, North Africa, and, above all, Russia’s Eastern European neighbors, after a significant reduction in the activity of the United States in the Middle East. The main research material is the official statements of the top-level Russian decision-makers. It is assumed that the priorities can be examined after analyzing the determination of states to sacrifice a certain group of benefits for more significant gains in the long-term and axiological perspective. The official Russian narrative since President Putin’s Munich speech in 2007 has been characterized by increasing criticism of the US and its allies, especially in view of the destabilization of the situation in the Maghreb, Syria and Afghanistan.What Russia proposes instead is to stop promoting political patterns that are alien to the region and to start pragmatic cooperation. Its obsessive goal is to build a multipolar world that respects zones of influence. The annexation of Crimea and further steps towards assertiveness towards Belarus and Ukraine, whichcould be observed verbally, became the motivation for sanctions by NATOcountries. However, according to its narrative, Russia does not trade with its sovereignty, and the economic activity of the state and the oligarchs rather focused on moderating the effects of the sanctions that the Kremlin was and still is ready to take into account in the long-term perspective with the hope to reunite the socalled Russian World and keep an eye on the ‘near abroad’. After the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Russian narrative only became sharper, without departing from its fundamental assumptions. In addition to the obsession with multipolarism, the imperative of defending the Russian population in eternally Russian territories sounded even clearer. Despite the obvious aggression in real behavior, the Kremlin’s verbal propaganda portrays Western policy as the source of international problems and makes it responsible for the outbreak of war. This may indicate the validity of Mearsheimer’s thesis that the presence of Russia’s closest neighbors in the European Union, and even more so in NATO, is perceived in Moscow as an existential threat.

Socio-Political Factors of Humanitarian Communication between Georgia and Russia

The article considers the factors shaping the specifcs of cooperation between Russia and Georgia in the humanitarian sphere. The authors state a decrease in the intensity of scientifc, educational, and cultural communication. The impossibility of a fnal civilizational break is noted due to the commonality of the historical past, religion and culture. The key problem identifed is the impossibility of building full-scale humanitarian cooperation due to the lack of diplomatic relations and the presence in Russia of a visa regime to Georgia. The pragmatic position of the Georgian ruling elite towards Russia, as well as the growth of the tourist flow of Russians to Georgia, are positive factors for the further development of cooperation in the humanitarian sphere. The authors conclude that in the absence of a political dialogue at the highest level, the impetus for the development of humanitarian cooperation can be given by organizations of the non-proft sector and diasporas of Georgians in Russia and Russians in Georgia. The article was based on the results of a scientifc discussion held at the National Communications Development Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.

ARCHIMANDRITE ANTONIN (KAPUSTIN) AS CREATOR RUSSIAN PALESTINE (ACCORDING TO THE MATERIALS OF THE JERUSALEM DIARY)

In an article based on the diaries of arch. Antonin (Kapustin) presents his active work in the creation of Russian Palestine. As the fifth head of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem, arch. Antonin continued the work of the first Russian missionaries, strengthened Russia's presence in the Holy Land and raised its authority. As a learned archaeologist, archeographer, historian, arch. Antonin made an invaluable contribution to the study of biblical history and the preservation of the shrines of the Christian East. One of the main achievements of arch. Antonina consists in acquiring land plots in the Holy Land, which had a special historical significance and in the future allowed maintaining the authority of Russia and the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in the Holy Land.

Liberal intervention's renewed crisis: responding to Russia's growing influence in Africa

Abstract Liberal intervention actors often understand Russian engagements in Africa through a great power vacuum logic. This logic sees Russian influence as resulting from Russia filling a vacuum where other (notably liberal) interveners downscale. This article unpacks that vacuum logic and explores its consequences and effects. On the one hand, the vacuum logic is central to representations of Russia as an entirely external ‘other’, which contribute to constituting a ‘liberal’ intervention approach and community. On the other hand, exploring Russia's presence in the Central African Republic (CAR) and in Mali challenges this representation, as examples of pragmatic co-existence between Russian and liberal actors become visible. The cases of Mali and CAR also illustrate other challenge, including how the vacuum logic dismisses host state agency and renders longstanding critique of liberal intervention seemingly unnecessary, legitimizing a one-directional critique of Russia's presence in Africa. Failing to appreciate the constitutive and dismissive effects of this great power vacuum logic risks confronting liberal interveners in ways that make them ill-equipped to address critical shortcomings of their own approach. Leaving shortcoming unaddressed may inadvertently provide further grounds for (rather than counter) Russian influence, where Russian actors may take advantage of anti-colonial sentiments and security shortcomings.

Five Eyes strategic interests in Antarctica: implications of contemporary Russian and Chinese strategy

ABSTRACT Geopolitical tension in the Antarctic is not a new feature, and the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) is not about to crumble.1 Nevertheless, the region is slowly shaping to become a ‘contested space’2 in the presence of Russia and China. Taken individually and together, Moscow’s and Beijing’s postures and actions in Antarctic affairs are reshuffling the cards of good governance and consensus-based decisions in the ATS. Of particular interest is the relationship both countries have towards Antarctic affairs and the challenge they represent individually and jointly for the Five Eyes and its intelligence community. This article examines the respective Antarctic strategies of Russia and China. It then considers both Moscow and Beijing’s assessment of the Antarctic Treaty System in terms of its utility and durability. The article compares and contrasts the two states approaches to Antarctica to consider the implications for Five Eyes (FVEY) intelligence community. It concludes that within FVEY countries, keeping unity and coherence within the ATS is the best way to contain Russia’s and China’s regional ambitions – provided necessary measures are in place to keep track of their activities there.

Autocracy promotion in Russia’s foreign policy:

Russia’s influence in its Near Abroad (called “Bližkoe zarubeže” in Russian) has created a permissive zone, in which the countries within that area can ignore their democratic commitments being aware that their loyalty to Russia can protect them against any possible interference of the US and the EU. The analysis of bilateral relations between Armenia and Russia on one side, and between Russia and Belarus on the other, has led to the identification of the four models of autocracy promotion: spontaneous emulation, hard power efforts (mainly concerning military intervention), rewards (primarily regarding economic assistance) and negative sanctions (or blackmailing). A combination of rewards and punishments has proved to be the most frequent tactic used by the Kremlin, which has also been facilitated by Armenia and Belarus’s weak linkage and leverage with Western democracy promoters. Russia’s “conservative” diplomacy, which has followed a realist approach, has not resulted in a rigorous autocratic promotion policy, but the Belarusian and Armenian cases demonstrate that in these two (non-democratic) regimes (and also in those of Central Asia) the presence of Russia is stronger than in the democratic ones, such as the Baltic States. Russia’s “sanctions” against Belarus have been less than those directed against Armenia, owing mainly to the former country’s proximity to Russia in the cultural arena and the strategic geopolitical location of Belarus in Eastern Europe. Armenia, on the other hand, has also been subject to direct military intervention by Russia, which was however limited to the first Artsakh war

Архитектура консульств инженера Юлия Жданова

Статья посвящена творчеству русского инженера Ю.П. Жданова в Харбине. Выделены объекты, в которых располагались консульские учреждения: нидерландское консульство в особняке Чистякова, консульство Японии в здании Харбинского отделения Южно-Маньчжурской железной дороги и две постройки, по некоторым данным, его авторства – консульство Португалии в особняке Скидельского и резиденция генерального консула Японии. Представлен анализ объемно планировочных и стилистических особенностей этих зданий. Приводится краткий экскурс в историю развития консульских учреждений в Маньчжурии. Прослеживаются этапы присутствия России на Дальнем Востоке и ее влияние. Полученные результаты являются основой для дальнейшего исследования творчества русских архитекторов в городах Маньчжурии (Северо-Восточный Китай) в период первой половины XX века.

Analyzing The Presence of Russia in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea

<p>The Mediterranean Sea has an attraction for countries that want to control this area. Among them are the abundant energy resources (such as oil and natural gas), have international trade routes that connect Europe, Africa, and Asia, and offer beaches or ports that can be built and operate year-round. Therefore, a superpower country like Russia is interested in becoming one of the actors that dominate this region. Russian activity in this region has occurred since the era of the Russian empire (Tsardom). However, over time, Russia has ambitions to regain control of the area they previously controlled. The Mediterranean region, especially the Eastern Mediterranean, is a strategic area for Russia in carrying out its foreign policy interests where they want to secure natural resource reserves and international trade routes and look for ports that can operate for a full year. This research aims to analyze how Russia's foreign policy interests result in its presence in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. Using qualitative research methods, this research will analyze Russia's presence in the East Mediterranean Sea. This research finds that Russia can demonstrate its presence in the Eastern Mediterranean region by using several political manoeuvres such as the annexation of Crimea, establishing relations with Turkey and Syria, and the use of energy politics in their foreign policy.</p>

Russia's Presence in the Syrian Crisis

Russia's Presence in the Syrian Crisis

Russia's Presence in the Syrian Crisis

Russia's Presence in the Syrian Crisis

Испытание философией. Философия в императорской России перед «Великими реформами» 1860-х гг.

The article is devoted to the state of philosophical knowledge in tsarist Russia in the first half of the XIX century – during the reign of emperors Alexander I and Nicholas I. The author notes the presence in Russia of a kind of “cultural pendulum”: periods of impulses to Enlightenment on European models are re­placed by retrogressions to obscurantism and self-isolation. Accordingly, there was a split of the ruling elite into two “macroparties”, which some observers (from the Decembrist A. Ulybyshev to A. Herzen) called the confrontation of “enlighteners” and “extinguishers”. The author of the article shows how in the late Alexander’s and Nicholay’s times, the initiators of the new “Extin­guishing” in Russia were often the official “ministers of Enlightement”, or even the first persons of the State. The first victim of counter-reforms in the field of education and culture (the author of the article calls them re­lapses of the “new barbarism”) has always been Philosophy, including that taught at Uuniversities. The author examines two periods of active cultural counter-reforms, the victim of which was the Russian Philosophy: the early 1820s, associated with the names of Magnitsky and Runich; and the late 1840s – early 1850s, when the conservative (but generally moderately enlightening) line of Count Uvarov was replaced by the openly reactionary policy of the new “minister of Enlightement” Prince Shirinsky-Shikhmatov.

Organic pig farming as part of green economy

Organic agriculture is an important area of high-quality food production and one of the stages of transition of agricultural production to green economy rails. At the moment, assortment on the Russian market of organic products is limited and there are no meat products in general. The aim of this study is to analyze the state of domestic pig breeding and the possibilities of conversion a certain segment of the industry to organic production. The methodological basis was the results of researches by domestic, foreign scientists, as well as our own studies. In the course of the work, general methods of scientific knowledge were used, which ensured reliability of the obtained results. Taking into account global trend towards healthy nutrition, Russian pig breeding has all prerequisites for conversion to organic production. Due to the high marginality of organic pig breeding, the presence in Russia of large labor and land resources suitable for organic production, there are all the prerequisites for organic pork to enter the world agrifood market. The implementation of this direction will require small business development, creation of a certification system for meat and meat products, training of qualified organic zootechnicians, as well as development and improvement of technologies.

Торговля России со странами Восточной Азии: сравнительные издержки и потенциал

In this paper it’s demonstrated that over the past decade Russia has sought to diversify its economic ties in favour of East Asian countries as part of the strategy on ‘turning to the East’. Such ties accounted for almost one third of Russia’s foreign trade turnover by 2020. According to the estimates presented in the article, the negative impact of geopolitical factors on Russian foreign trade has affected most countries that border Russia. At the same time, proximity and the presence of a land border have generally had a positive effect on Russian foreign trade, which indicates the opportunity to redistribute the foreign trade flows towards Asia. An assessment of the intensity of Russia’s foreign trade with East Asian countries demonstrates the redundancy of barriers in bilateral interactions. These estimates indicate a greater intensity of trade between the Russian economy and China, as well as the presence of Russia’s significant potential for expanding trade in the case of ‘deep’ integration with East Asian countries by levelling excess costs: with China – by 84%; with Taiwan – by 86%; with the Republic of Korea – by 102%; with ASEAN countries – by 113%; with Japan – by 122%. Due to the higher share of the trade with China in Russia’s foreign trade, rapprochement with the Chinese economy will contribute to generating large volumes of trade turnover between Russia and the outside world. It has been shown in the paper that as Russia approaches the economies of East Asia, reciprocity should be taken into account when reducing bilateral barriers as it may directly affect the choice of Russian strategy for purposes related to increasing mutual trade

The Presence of Russia in Syria according to the Barakah Circle Theory: The Tartus Naval Base

Throughout history, the central issue for Muslims all over the world relates to al-Quds and Bayt al-Maqdis. Any state that would like to have control of the globe has aimed to occupy Islamicjerusalem. This is a region that almost every superpower wants to control, and Russia has emerged as one such modern superpower. Since the time of the Soviet Union, it has had ambitions in Syria’s important port of Tartus on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea and these aims are closely connected with the Holy Land. This study aims to theoretically highlight the geopolitical importance of Bayt al-Maqdis according to the Barakah Circle Theory of El-Awaisi (2005) with a case study of Russia’s Naval Base in Tartus in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea. In this study, a qualitative research method is used to collect primary and secondary data. In this regard, Bayt al-Maqdis’s Barakah Circle Theory is tested according to the case study of Russia’s presence in the Mediterranean Sea.

Russia's World-Class Research Centres: Key Results for 2020

Introduction. Russia's transition to a new quality of economic growth and level of competitiveness depends crucially on the level of scientific and technological development of our country. The national Science Project has a special role to play in accelerating scientific and technological growth. One of the main instruments in achieving Russia's leadership position in the world is the creation of a network of world-class research centres. Monitoring Tools. In conducting this research, methods of analysis, synthesis, and a systematic approach were applied. The main sources of information for analysis and assessment are the annual reporting data of world-class research centres, analytical data from the Russian Research Institute for Economics, Policy and Law in Science and Technology (RIEPL), as well as statistical information from open sources and official websites. Results. The performance of world-class research centres, comprising a network of international mathematical centres and centres carrying out research and development on S&T development priorities for 2020, were analysed. A comparison of the planned and actual results of the implementation of scientific activities, the achievement of targets, the formation of the staffing structure of world-class mathematics centres and world-class research centres is presented. Conclusion. The formation of world-class science centres will create attractive working conditions for Russian and foreign scientists and ensure Russia's presence among the world's top 10 countries in terms of research and development. The contribution of this scientific article can aid the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia in the development of proposals for the implementation of National Project "Science" activities.