Presbyterian Ministers Research Articles

Free Church Constitutionalists and the Establishment Principle

asserting the right and duty of the civil magistrate to maintain and support the establishment of religion in accordance with God's Word and reserving to ourselves and our successors to strive, by all lawful means, as opportunity shall in God's providence be offered, to secure the performance of this duty agreeably to the Scriptures, and in implement of the statutes of the Kingdom of Scotland, and the Treaty of Union as understood by ourselves and our ancestors, but acknowledging that we do not hold ourselves at liberty to retain the benefits of the Establishment.3 In 1863, negotiations were begun with a view to union between the Free Church and the United Presbyterian Church, a predominantly lowland denomination which had always been a 'voluntary' church, that is, it opposed the idea of the national establishment of religion. The Free Church's union committee, set up to negotiate with the United Presbyterians at first included men who were opposed to altering the church's constitution to accommodate voluntary views. It was soon obvious to these men that the United Presbyterians would insist that ministers and office bearers be allowed to oppose establishment, within a future united church. Moreover by 1865, the more conservative Free Church ministers had concluded that many United Presbyterian ministers held views on other doctrines, in particular the Atonement, 4 which were not in accordance with the Confession of Faith. With the passing of the first generation of Free Church ministers, the outlook of the Free Church began to change, making sympathy for the more theologically liberal United Presbyterians widespread among the Free Church ministry. The Free Church's insistence on strict adherence to the Westminster Confession of Faith as a statement of faith began to slip. Nowhere was this more obvious than among the theological professors. Whilst the first generation of professors, such as William

Einstein, Picasso, and Cubism: ‘Seeing’ the Fourth Dimension

The review of Miller’s book propagates a misconception by referring to the fourth dimension as “time, not space,” repeating a comment from H. G. Wells. The fourth dimension appears explicitly as part of a displacement in spacetime, and has the form of not simply t, but rather ict, which is orthogonal to the other three classical spatial dimensions. The factor c puts all four dimensions on the same footing in the algebra of relativity. The book’s purported correlation between relativity and modern art is reminiscent of the old saying about the correlation between the price of rum and the salaries of Presbyterian ministers. Almost any two things can be correlated by selecting some specious reasoning to make the correlation plausible, or by invoking faith. Astrology is a familiar example.Lastly, the illustration printed with the review looks flat to me, lacking the perspective to suggest a third dimension, much less a fourth. If someone sees a fourth dimension here, perhaps others may see five, six, or more. Picasso painted many fine portraits with lifelike proportions and normal perspective. He knew what he was doing when he flattened the human subjects in his cubist paintings, but the results must be interpreted in our imaginations, not in the objective analysis of science.© 2002 American Institute of Physics.

‘Its own little share of service to the national cause’: The Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland's Chaplains in the First World War

For Europe, the First World War was probably the single most shattering event of the twentieth century and indeed it seems fair to say that '[t]he world has lived in the shadow of the Great War ever since.' 2 As well as killing millions of men and doing irreparable damage to the bodies and minds of countless others, the Great War destroyed a great many of the assumptions on which pre-war hope and optimism were based. Few countries felt a greater impact than Scotland; Scots joined the British army with great enthusiasm, 3 and it has been estimated that over one quarter of all the Scots who fought were killed, with a higher percentage of Scots being killed in action than any other country. 4 The impact on non-combatants can only be guessed at. There had been nothing to prepare anyone for the catastrophic carnage of the War and the Scottish Presbyterian churches struggled to come to terms with the implications of all this bloodshed; ultimately they saw themselves being severely damaged by the Great War, with both the power and the weight of the churches being acutely undermined. 5 One of the ways in which a church could respond, of course, was by providing chaplains, and the larger churches in Scotland certainly did that; about 200 Church of Scotland ministers volunteered for that undertaking in the first few months of the War. 6 The roll of divinity students at the United Free Church's seminary at New College in Edinburgh was 'reduced to a mere fraction of its pre-war strength' by men volunteering for the war effort, and as early as October 1914, the Senate Minutes recorded that two of their ex-students were already assisting chaplains in military camps. 7 This article, however, will explore the chaplaincy endeavour of one of the smallest Scottish Presbyterian churches: the predominantly highland Free Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Although a tiny church, with only between fifteen and twenty ministers in Scotland during the War years, its efforts at making 'its own little share of service to the national cause' 9 were impressive, and its experience complex and at times ambiguous is an illuminating one. Free Presbyterian ministers acted as military chaplains both officially and unofficially, and there are probably few denominations that could claim such a level of involvement thirteen out of the seventeen Free Presbyterian ministers listed in 1917, 76 per cent, were involved in preaching to servicemen based in southern England, while two served as official chaplains. It should perhaps be pointed out here then that the vast bulk of the Free Presbyterian commitment was in the 'unofficial' capacity. These 'unofficial' chaplains tended to travel down to England and stay close to military bases for a period of around two months; while not a year-round obligation by any individual, it

The Anglican Aspect of Harriet Beecher Stowe

HE moral passion energizing Uncle Tom's Cabin, it is widely known, proceeded from Harriet Beecher Stowe's strong Christian convictions, convictions nurtured by an extraordinary family teeming with clergymen. Stowe's father, Lyman Beecher, gained national celebrity as an evangelical, revivalistic preacher in the Calvinist tradition. All seven of her brothers, including the famed and ultimately notorious Henry Ward Beecher, likewise became Congregational or Presbyterian ministers. Harriet married yet another clergyman of this stamp, Calvin Stowe. Even if the populist theology of figures like Henry Ward Beecher showed considerable deviation from strict Calvinist orthodoxy, members of the Beecher clan were plainly at home in the denominational atmosphere of New England Congregationalism. Yet the well-known Congregationalist aspect of Harriet Beecher Stowe's background did not shape the whole of her religious training or her later outlook. As Stowe testifies autobiographically in Poganuc People (1878), her maternal connections to Episcopal faith and practice through the family of Roxana Foote also had an enduring influence on her developing religious and artistic sensibility. That influence deserves closer scrutiny than it has yet received for the light it sheds on her lifelong struggle to assimilate-and ultimately to remake-her ancestral religion of evangelical Calvinism. Stowe's mounting resistance to Calvinist Christianity can be traced through novels such as The Minister's Wooing (1859) and Agnes of Sorrento (1862), and that resistance coincides with her increasing attraction to Anglicanism. Eventually, following the death of Lyman Beecher and her move to Hartford in 1864, Stowe joined the Episcopal Church, as had her twin daughters Hattie and Eliza,

‘How Many Sisters Make a Brotherhood?’ A Case Study in Gender and Ecclesiology in Early Nineteenth-Century English Dissent

The Mill Yard Seventh Day Baptist Church, founded in the seventeenth century, had by the 1820s dwindled to a group of just seven women without a minister. One of their seventeenth-century forebears, Joseph Davis, a wealthy linen draper, had established a charitable trust for the purpose of perpetually supporting the cause of Seventh Day Baptists. He had entrusted to it the Mill Yard property in London – which gave the congregation its name – and the task of paying the minister's salary, as well as listing some other suitable beneficiaries. In 1830, however, the trustees at that time resolved to give the property to another congregation on the grounds that the historic Mill Yard church had ceased to exist. The members – all women – protested that they were a true church and all parties agreed to take the case for arbitration to the General Body of Protestant Dissenting Ministers – a ministerial society comprised of the bulk of the Independent, Baptist and Presbyterian ministers in London and its vicinity. Thus, for several days in 1831, many of the most prominent Nonconformist ministers of that era gave themselves to passing judgement on the theological legitimacy or otherwise of the unusual situation arrived at by a remnant of this obscure religious group, providing us with a unique opportunity to discover Dissenting attitudes during that period toward the relationship between gender and the very nature of the Church itself.

Anent the Kirk Session: The Elders in Colonial Canadian Presbyterian Religion

One of the distinctive marks of the Reformed tradition has been the role of the ruling elder in church government and community life. Thanks to Robert Bums and Sir Walter Scott the Presbyterian elder has been generally condemned for hypocrisy and hard-heartedness, and for hunting down the obvious transgressions of the weak but failing to censure the hidden sins of the high and mighty. Popular accounts of Canadian Presbyterianism perpetuate the quaint stereotype, while most contemporary scholars focus upon the writings, sermons and missionary endeavours of Presbyterian ministers, and not their elected counterparts. Perhaps the time has come for students of Canadian faith to have a closer look at their kirk sessions, and parish dynamics through the prism of the eldership. In the area of piety and society, the elder did far more than serve communion and take up the offering. Kirk-session (the council of elders and minister) governed the local congregation, while the elder who served as Session Clerk kept its records. In areas where the ethnic and denominational constituency permitted, Presbyterian elders ruling the flock through the session thus played a powerful role in the moral, spiritual and even temporal government of settlers. If the eldership is located at the heart of Presbyterianism, then Canadian religious scholarship must come to a better understanding of how the session in action indicates the ideals and concerns of the parish. The state of the eldership may reveal the condition

Black Prophets of Justice: Activist Clergy Before the Civil War (review)

268civil war history Black Prophets of Justice: Activist Clergy Before the Civil War. By David E. Swift. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989. Pp. xviii, 384. $35.00.) David E. Swift's overarching concerns are the general history of the "Afro-American freedom movement" and, most especially, the "critical importance" of religion in motivating and directing that movement from its origins to the present. In Black Prophets of Justice, he presents a painstakingly researched and meticulously written examination of an admittedly small, but, to him, precedent-setting piece of that history. In the interlocking public careers of six antebellum black Presbyterian and Congregational clergymen—Samuel Cornish (1795-1858), Theodore Wright (1797-1847), James W. C. Pennington (1807-70), Charles B. Ray (1807-86), Amos Gerry Beman (1812-74), and Henry Highland Garnet (1815-81)—Swift sees a series of institutional innovations and a "melding of religious life and social protest" that helped stamp the ongoing freedom movement with some of its most characteristic and enduring features. Swift's intentions are not primarily biographical. Though he provides telling, if spare, characterizations of all six figures and writes at times quite movingly about the often trying circumstances of their individual lives, his interest clearly lies far more in their public than in their private struggles. It is also their collective contributions, not their individual careers, that define the book and give it its shape. Though most of its main chapters are dominated by only one or two figures, Black Prophets of Justice is not a series of discrete biographical essays, but a continuous narrative in which the six central players move on and off center stage depending on their public role at the time and place under consideration. It is their "unique group achievement" in launching and carrying forward "a creative process" resulting in "black Presbyterian and Congregational churches, black newspapers, black vigilance committees, . . . large-scale petition campaigns, and politically oriented statewide black conventions" that Swift narrates, analyzes, and celebrates. And it is, more particularly, their antebellum accomplishments he means to record. Though all but Cornish and Wright lived into and past the Civil War years, Swift's detailed narrative ends in 1860, with their "closing years" quickly sketched in a short final chapter. Why these six—and is their collective achievement truly "unique"? Swift's definition of his subject is in part explicitly denominational. Black Presbyterians and Congregationalists are of special interest, he claims, because as spiritual descendants of the Puritans they "were more likely to be systematic workers for radical social reform than were black clergy of the other denominations." But this book is not an exercise in denominational church history. By 1860, Swift reports, there were twenty or thirty black Presbyterian and Congregational ministers, but many, if BOOK REVIEWS269 not most, of them go entirely unmentioned. (The closest thing to an inclusive listing appears only in a footnote, on page 310.) He focuses instead almost exclusively on the six figures he sees as "unique in their time for the degree and consistency of their social activism and for the new Afro-American institutions they took the lead in forming." More implicitly, the book is also defined geographically. New York City— along with its upstate and Connecticut hinterlands—is the terrain on which Swift's story unfolds. The city's oldest black Presbyterian church— known at various times as First Colored, Prince Street, and Shiloh Presbyterian—provides a kind of axis mundi, for it was founded by Cornish and then successively pastured by Wright, Pennington, and Garnet. Swift is little inclined, however, to pursue geographical links across denominational lines. Such important black clergy activists as New York Episcopal priest Peter Williams, Jr., and upstate AME Zion pastor Jermain W. Loguen receive little attention. Swift is so tenacious in recording the multiple roles these six men played as presidents, secretaries, spokespersons, and publicists for a quite remarkable array of protest and self-help organizations and so resourceful in documenting the intricate web of connections that bound their public lives together that he gradually wears down one's resistance to his claims about their coherence and importance as a group. In the end, however, one still suspects he is too dismissive...

THE ORIGINS OF EDINBURGH'S 'TOUN COLLEGE': A REVISION ARTICLE

On 14 October 1583 Edinburgh's 'toun college' opened officially to admit its first class of students. The project which had been in the mind of the town council since 1561 and had been actively revived in 1579 had finally come to fruition. The achievement has customarily been credited to the persistence of the town council and that in turn has always been attributed to the influence upon it of Edinburgh's impressive collection of radical presbyterian ministers, chief among them James Lawson, sub-principal of King's College, Aberdeen, until he succeeded John Knox as first minister of Edinburgh in 1572.' The delay after 1579 in founding the college has been variously explained: there were inevitable and complex difficulties in securing finance; there may have been opposition from entrenched interests at St Andrews; and there were lengthy legal technicalities to surmount before a site could be found, first at Trinity College and subsequently at the Kirk o' Field.2 There was also in these years a complex, shifting sequence of political events, beginning with the rise to, influence of Esme Stewart and James Stewart of Bothwellhaugh, later created earl of Arran, and the consequent fall and eventual execution in 1581 of Regent Morton. Their ascendancy at court was brought to a sudden halt, in turn, in August 1582 by the Ruthven Raid, in which a group of nobles headed by William Ruthven, earl of Gowrie, seized the king in a palace coup, to the undisguised delight of the radical ministers. The Ruthven regime, however, itself crumbled when the king escaped from his captors in June 1583, so that Arran was firmly restored to power by the time the college eventually opened.

MARGINAL POLITICS, CULTURAL IDENTITIES AND THE CLERGY IN SCOTLAND

It is now fashionable to suggest that the Celtic regions of the United Kingdom are the internal colonies of the central English state and that they have been, particularly since the rapid industrialization of the nineteenth century, subject to a penetrating anglicization of their culture and institutions. In terms of the internal colonialism thesis, it can be argued that the cultural nationalism of Scotland which was developed in the nineteenth century was an attempt to maintain the distinctiveness of civil society in Scotland in the context of massive regional economic imbalance. The Scottish intelligentsia, dominated by Edinburgh lawyers and Presbyterian ministers, can thus be compared with the intelligentsia of Third World societies undergoing a process of de‐colonization where separate cultural identities have to be preserved or, if necessary, constructed.

Immanuel Bourne: A Defence of the Ministerial Order

The interregnum period in England saw the polarisation of thought concerning the nature of the ministry and its relevance to salvation. Almost twenty years ago James Fulton Maclear classified the anti-clericalism which matured during these years in three ways: anti-clericalism based on mounting class consciousness and bitter resentment against the pretensions of the clergy; anti-clericalism rooted in political antagonism; and the anti-clericalism to be discerned in the thought of men such as William Walwyn, which was moralistic, anti-theological and indifferent to ecclesiastical problems. Most historians have discussed the issue of a settled ministry with reference to the writings of the leading controversialists—Milton, Walwyn, Lilburn, Winstanley, Fox, and Jubbes. The position assumed by the Presbyterian ministers themselves has received rather less attention—theirs was essentially a defensive standpoint and consequendy less colourful. Yet, for many reasons, there is a real need for an examination of the development of clerical professional exclusiveness prior to the Civil War and for an analysis of the reaction of the settled ministry to subsequent attacks upon their position.

The Boyd Incident: Black Belt Violence During Reconstruction

THE BOYD INCIDENT: Black Belt Violence During Reconstruction William Warren Rogers A few minutes before eleven on Thursday night, March 31, 1870, some thirty horsemen, riding two by two without haste but with purpose, converged on the town of Eutaw, Alabama. The men were attired in loose fitting black robes, some trimmed with gold and silver fringes of varying lengths. Their faces were disguised. One wore a high hat; another a hat that seemed to have horns attached; still others had their faces covered with quills that gave the appearance of long teeth and created an eerie rustle in the night air. Armed with guns and pistols—a few had sabres and several witnesses observed ropes outlined against the black material used to disguise the horses—the men rode into the heart of town, the public square. Eutaw, a sprawling village of two thousand residents, was the seat of government for the Black Belt county of Greene. A new courthouse (the old one had been claimed in 1868 by an unsolved crime of arson) graced the square which was flanked on all sides by various places of business.1 Most of the citizens, including a number of Presbyterian ministers in town for a regular session of the Presbytery and accommodated in private homes, had long since retired for the night, but at least twenty witnesses were among those still up. Some were lounging in front of Hickman & Thompson's barroom, others wandered in and out of George Cleveland's hotel. Cleveland himself was across the street playing billiards. Their routine and sleepy reluctance at finally having to turn in for bed vanished instantly when the disguised band appeared. Startled and frightened, the on1 Created in 1819, Greene County was named for Revolutionary War hero General Nathaniel Greene. Designated the county seat in 1838, Eutaw was named for Greene's victory at Eutaw Springs, South Carolina, in 1781. Eutaw was incorporated again in 1868, and in 1870 had 429 whites and 1,491 blacks. The county's population was 18,399, of whom 14,541 were blacks and 3,858 were whites (about 21 per cent of the population). See Ninth Census Of The United States, I, Population (Washington , 1872), 11-12, 79; Acts of the Ahbama Legishture, 1868, pp. 506-509; V. Gayle Snedecor, A Directory Of Greene County For 1855-6 (Mobile, 1856), pp. 63-66; and Mrs. Cecil R. Class, "Early Days Of Eutaw," Alabama Review, XVII (January, 1964), 56-62. The prevailing theory for the burning of the courthouse was that the records of some 1,800 suits by freedmen against planters were about to be instituted. Supposedly the Klan set the fire to prevent the litigation. See R.A. Wilson to Brig. Gen. T.H. Ruger, Aug. 31, 1868, Demopolis, Ala., Letters Sent From July 1, 1867, To Dec. 31, 1868, 268-270, Freedmen's Bureau Records, Record Group 105, National Archives , Washington, D.C. Hereafter cited as Freedmen's Bureau Records, RG 105. 309 310CIVIL WAR HISTORY lookers knew at once that the intruders were members of the Ku Klux Klan. Employing hand signals, the silent riders stationed sentinels to guard different roads. Six horsemen took a position on the northeast corner of the public square near the Circuit Clerk's office. The main body dismounted in front of Cleveland's hotel. Leaving a few guards, some ten or twelve Klansmen entered the hotel's main office. Once inside they forced the clerk, J. W. Freeman, to guide them upstairs . After reaching the second floor they asked Freeman for a light and demanded that he show them rooms four and five. One of the men gripped a grass rope. The person they sought was young Republican Alexander Boyd, who held the dual positions of Solicitor and Register in Chancery for Greene County. Bursting into the room, the men intended to seize Boyd, take him outside, and hang him. Boyd thwarted them with fierce physical resistance . Witnesses first heard the sounds of a scuffle, next screams of terror and shouting, and then a pistol shot. After an intermission of one or two minutes several more shots were heard. Boyd had staggered out of his room and...

The Demise of English Presbyterianism: 1660–1760

In The History and Character of Calvinism, John T. McNeill dismisses the story of English Presbyterianism in the eighteenth century with the following statement: Here we may return for a brief reference to Calvinism in England, where the Presbyterian … nonconformity carried its banners but weakly in the eighteenth century… After the death of Matthew Henry (1714) … Presbyterian leadership was undistinguished. A tincture of rationalism and Socinianism entered the nonconformist academies, and many of the Presbyterian ministers rejected the Westminster standards and doctrines … Those who remained orthodox were in general dull and ineffective ministers. The result was a decline in numbers and significance. This decayed Presbyterianism was restored, or more accurately replaced by the activity of Scots in England, including both those of the Kirk and those of the secessions1.

Presbyterian ministers and their widows in retirement.

Journal Article Presbyterian Ministers and Their Widows in Retirement Get access Donald L. Hibbard, Ph.D., Donald L. Hibbard, Ph.D. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar John Park Lee, A. B. John Park Lee, A. B. Board of Pensions of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A.Philadelphia Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar Journal of Gerontology, Volume 9, Issue 1, January 1954, Pages 46–55, https://doi.org/10.1093/geronj/9.1.46 Published: 01 January 1954 Article history Accepted: 07 August 1953 Published: 01 January 1954

Pulpit, Physics, and Politics: The Curriculum of the College of New Jersey, 1746-1794

O _ N November 9, 1748, College of New Jersey, then two years old, conducted its first commencement in President's house at Newark. Jonathan Belcher, governor of province and patron of college, was present to accept degree of master of arts, honoris causa. Sixteen trustees of college subscribed to oath of their office and elected Reverend Aaron Burr president, an office which he had filled informally for several months. This done, assembled company-trustees, candidates for degrees, governor, and newly elected president-walked in formal procession to public hall, where Burr delivered his inaugural address. In high-sounding Latin, president praised manifold Advantages of liberal Arts and Sciences, in exalting and dignifying humane Nature, enlarging Soul, improving its Faculties, civilizing Mankind, qualifying them for important offices of Life, and rendering them useful Members of Church and State. Burr then awarded degrees to six baccalaureate candidates and to Governor Belcher. Thus, William Smith, a trustee reporting proceedings for New York Gazette, remarked, the first appearance of a College in New-Jersey, having given universal satisfaction, even Unlearned being pleased with external Solemnity and Decorum which they saw, 'tis hoped that this infant College will meet with due Encouragement from all public spirited generous Minds; and that Lovers of Mankind will wish its Prosperity and contribute to its Support.' If solemnity marking occasion appears now to be out of all proportion to cause-the graduation of six men as bachelors of art-it did not then seem so. To founders, these ceremonies served as a climax to their successful efforts to establish in Middle Colonies a seminary for training of Presbyterian ministers. The need for such an institution had long been evident and was becoming more acute each year as influx of German, Dutch, Scottish, and Scots-Irish immigrants crowded

The Pioneer in American Life Insurance Marketing

Colonial America gave little thought to life insurance selling. The colonists secured protection against marine risks from private underwriters, first in London, eventually at home. It has been asserted that Philadelphia had no fire insurance until 1752; Boston none before 1795. The first corporations formed in this country for insuring lives were those of the Presbyterian Ministers Fund (1759) and a similar company organized for the benefit of Episcopal ministers (1769). Neither of these corporations offered insurance to the general public. In the last decade of the eighteenth century many insurance companies were formed in the United States. At least five were chartered to underwrite life risks, but only one, The Insurance Company of North America, appears to have accepted any. There is no basis for saying that any of these early companies tried to sell life insurance.

The Origin of the Regium Donum

The Regium Donum was a pension paid by the Crown to the Presbyterian Ministers in Ireland. It began in the reign of Charles II., having been promised by that monarch about the middle of October, 1672. After being discontinued in the latter part of this reign, and throughout the reign of James II., it was revived and augmented by William III., again to be discontinued in the latter part of the reign of Queen Anne, and revived for the second time by George I. From this period it was continued until commuted by the Act which disestablished the Irish Church in 1869.

President Witherspoon in the American Revolution

ALTHOUGH John Witherspoon did not come to America until the year I768, long after he had himself passed the middle line of human life, -yet so quickly did he then enter into the spirit of American society, so perfectly did he identify himself with its nobler moods of discontent and aspiration, so powerfully did he contribute by speech and act to the right development of this new nation out of the old cluster of dispersed and dependent communities, that it would be altogether futile to attempt to frame a just account of the great intellectual movements of our Revolution without taking some note of the part played in it by this eloquent, wise, and efficient Scotsman -at once teacher, preacher, politician, law-maker, and philosopher, upon the whole not undeserving of the praise which has been bestowed upon him as one of the great men of the age and of the world. 1 Born in 1722, in the parish of Yester, fourteen miles cast of Edinburgh, a parish of which his father was minister, he was able upon his mother's side to trace his lineage, through an unbroken line of Presbyterian ministers, back to John Knox. That such a man should ever, in any country, come to lend his support to a system of rather bold conduct respectino royal personages in general, was hardly a thing to shock or surprise any sinrle drop of blood in his body. At the age of twenty, he was graduated from the University of Edinburgh, where he had for associates Huogh Blair, James Robertson, and John Erskine. At the age of twenty-two, he became minister of the parish of Beith in the west of Scotland. At the age of thirty-four, he became pastor of the Low Church in Paisley. At the age of forty-six, after having declined calls to Presbyterian congregations in Dundee, Dublin, and Rotterdam, he accepted an invitation to the presidency of the College of New Jersey an invitation which he had already declined two years before. At the time of his removal to America, therefore, he had achieved distinction as a preacher and an ecclesiastical leader. Even as an author, also,

Foreign presbyterian ministers in English benefices

Journal Article Foreign presbyterian ministers in English benefices Get access M. R. M. R. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Notes and Queries, Volume s4-XI, Issue 265, 25 January 1873, Page 77, https://doi.org/10.1093/nq/s4-XI.265.77a Published: 25 January 1873

Satirical verses on the Presbyterian Ministers

Satirical verses on the Presbyterian Ministers

On the Tombstones of the Early Presbyterian Ministers of Ireland

On the Tombstones of the Early Presbyterian Ministers of Ireland