Citizenship Practices Research Articles

How globalisation influences perspectives on citizenship education: from the social and political to the cultural and moral

ABSTRACT The concepts of citizenship and citizenship education can have different meanings. We analyse changes in concepts, policy and practice of citizenship and citizenship education. In our theoretical and empirical research we conceptualised three different types of national citizenship: adapted, individualised, and critical-democratic. Our research into global citizenship identified also three types: an open global citizenship with an emphasis on cultural openness; a moral global citizenship focusing on humanity; and a social-political global citizenship aimed at greater social justice and changing power relations. Recent transnational migration, impacts the national and the global citizenship and citizenship education in different ways. Global citizenship focuses on humanity and on human rights as moral guidelines towards a better world; national citizenship focuses on strengthening national culture and on integrating newcomers into traditional society. What the two developments share is a focus on culture and morality and a neglect of politics of power relations and democracy.

Processes of Sub-Citizenship: Neoliberal Statecrafting ‘Citizens,’ ‘Non-Citizens,’ and Detainable ‘Others’

Increasingly, scholars are exploring the politics of migration and the shifting terrain of citizenship from a critical mobilities perspective. To contribute to these discussions, in this paper, I explore how processes of sub-citizenship occur as nation-states craft immigration, citizenship, and border securitization policies and practices. I argue that complex and shifting processes of sub-citizenship largely occur through the nation-state’s production of ‘insiders’ (‘citizens’) and ‘outsiders’ (‘non-citizens’). As a nascent attempt to introduce sub-citizenship, I draw upon recent high-profile cases of family separation, abuse, and neglect experienced by children with ‘illegal migrant’ status in the United States and Australia. Under the international nation-state system and the neoliberal globalization paradigm, the border policing powers of nation-states are primed to expand and intensify processes of sub-citizenship. Those at lower levels of the sub-citizen hierarchy are at risk of experiencing various forms of state-led violence, including deportation, detention, and torture.

Teorías de la educación en prácticas de ciudadanía democrática en instituciones educativas: funciones democráticas y actores desde la perspectiva de directivos y docentes

Teorías de la educación en prácticas de ciudadanía democrática en instituciones educativas: funciones democráticas y actores desde la perspectiva de directivos y docentes

“It Isn’t in the Curriculum”: World History Teachers’ Views on U.S. Presidential Elections

This study examines world history teachers’ attitudes regarding teaching U.S. presidential elections. During interviews with nine teachers, participants emphasized that the competing demands of their classrooms negatively influenced their willingness to teach about the U.S. presidential elections generally, and the 2016 Election specifically. The participants reconsidered their stances on not teaching elections during the interviews but struggled to reconcile their role as world history teachers with their priorities as social studies more generally. While elections are part of the civics curriculum and can be easily associated with history courses, this study suggests that greater attention should be paid to how citizenship practices can be understood through world history classes to promote teaching about elections as part of the curriculum.

In Word or Deed: Practices of Print and Citizenship in the Early U.S.

In Word or Deed:Practices of Print and Citizenship in the Early U.S. Nathan Jérémie Brink (bio) THE PRACTICE OF CITIZENSHIP: BLACK POLITICS AND PRINT CULTURE IN THE EARLY UNITED STATES. By Derrick R. Spires. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. A LITERATE SOUTH: READING BEFORE EMANCIPATION. By Beth Barton Schweiger. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019. The third chapter and seventeenth verse of the book of Colossians encourages its readers that their word and deed must be unified practices of faith. The scripture mentions shared songs and teachings, but also suggests the ethical model of Jesus demands peace and mutual concern overriding the marks of religion, people groups, and states of freedom or bondage. This scripture would be familiar to many of the antebellum urban Black activists and rural White female southern readers explored in new monographs by Derrick R. Spires and Beth Barton Schweiger. Both Spires' The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States and Schweiger's A Literate South: [End Page 7] Reading Before Emancipation consider not only the words their subjects' read or wrote, but rather examine their literary activities as culturally and politically significant practices. For their subjects, word and deed were not distinct categories but enmeshed practices demonstrating what they thought, how they encountered ideas, and the ways they enacted them in the world. However, these books reveal that readers of the nineteenth century did not uniformly interpret what this text's proposition that in Christ there is neither slave nor free meant in their own context. They show the divergence between communities of interpreters, with some who celebrated Black humanity and fostered revolutionary social restructure, and others whose tacit or overt support upheld ideas of white superiority and the institution of slavery in the early United States. In the early nineteenth-century United States, to read, talk about, recite, or share printed material sometimes took on significant civic meaning. Spires and Schweiger each contribute to an expanding field of studies on the practices of literacy and print culture during this period that push the field beyond the literary and print culture of White cosmopolitan elites. The Practice of Citizenship and A Literate South both problematize the view that literary culture was a normative, uniform, or straightforward building block for citizenship and public virtue in the early American republic. Neither relies upon discussion of the public sphere initiated by Michael Warner that serves as a dominant paradigm for understanding the broader subject of literacy and print culture in this period.1 Spires examines the practices and agency of African American thinkers and activists and Schweiger explores the access and agency of rural, mostly White women in Southern states. Each show how their subjects' reading, writing, and participation in print culture represented important cultural and political practices. The Practice of Citizenship was awarded the St. Louis Mercantile Library Prize from the Bibliographical Society of America. It offers an exceptional balance between recovery of under-examined sources and a powerful framework for understanding the significance of Black ideas and practices of citizenship in the early-nineteenth century United States. Spires, an associate professor of English at Cornell University, takes care to recognize literary historians such as Frances Smith Foster, Jocelyn Moody, Carla Peterson, and others, on whose work he builds. In contrast to asking where Black print culture of the nineteenth century fits within theorization of the early American public sphere so commonly considered since Warner's application of Jürgen Habermas' theory, or as creating a what Joanna Brooks has theorized as a Black counterpublic in print, Spires method of "black theorizing" takes Black writers of the nineteenth century at their word.2 Instead of considering how Black ideas of the period fit scholarly paradigms "in a largely white-defined discourse," Spires pays close attention to primary sources, textual details, and social practices of Black writers, preachers, authors, and their communities whose thought and action developed "a practice of citizenship." Spires offers a refreshing suggestion to "base our working definitions of citizenship on black writers' proactive attempts to describe their own political work."3 This method of "black theorizing" in Spires draws upon the [End Page...

The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States by Derrick R. Spires

Reviewed by: The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States by Derrick R. Spires Peter Wirzbicki (bio) Keywords Print culture, Citizenship, African American thinkers, Political theory, Literary analysis The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States. By Derrick R. Spires. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019. Pp. 314. Cloth, $49.95.) Derrick Spires, an associate professor of English at University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign, wrote The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States in part to respond to the sense that discussions about print culture, the public sphere, and democratic deliberation had left out black participants and visions. The resulting work, though, is far more interesting than if Spires simply had applied the theories of Jürgen Habermas or others to early African American literature. Instead he develops his own theory of how black thinkers and writers developed what he calls a "practice of citizenship." Scholars working on black radicalism, American print culture, and antebellum politics will find this a provocative and fruitful read. The book uses a rich diversity of sources, a wide array of theoretical perspectives from [End Page 379] contemporary critical theory, and close readings of both well-known and sometimes unfamiliar sources to establish that antebellum black thinkers were developing novel ways to think about power and citizenship through engagement with a literary public sphere. At the center of Spires's argument is a convincing and important re-theorization of citizenship. Black thinkers and activists in the antebellum period—men and women like Absalom Jones, Richard Allen, James McCune Smith, William J. Wilson, Francis Watkins Harper, and many others—conceived of citizenship, he argues, less as a formal legal right defined by the state and more as a practice, something that is produced through energetic and engaged political activism, especially through an assertive print culture. Black thinkers conceived of citizenship as what you do, in other words, not who you are or how the state sees you. By adding a valuable literary-studies perspective to such recent historiographical studies of the history of citizenship by legal historians like Barbara Welke and Martha Jones, Spires's work shows how the creation of citizenship was a cultural and literary project as much as a political one. The black press plays a central role in this construction of citizenship. Spires sees the emergence of a black print culture as a central "space" in which "black writers constituted community outside of the nation-state form" (9). It was in pamphlets, newspapers, and short fiction that black writers theorized these new practices of citizenship. He begins in the immediate post-revolutionary period with an analysis and discussion of the "neighborly" ethos that black Philadelphians preached in the wake of the famous yellow-fever epidemic of 1793. Spires argues that black Philadelphians sought to mobilize under the hegemonic banner of civil republicanism while simultaneously expanding this notion of civic virtue by incorporating "neighborliness," a trait that had a "more democratic ethos of equality and inclusion" than white thinkers tended to (56). The relatively restrained and deferential citizenship of Jones and Allen is soon supplanted by the more assertive "circulating" citizenship of the Colored Convention movement. Spires shows how accounts of these conventions were meant to be printed and published, "circulating" well beyond their immediate contexts. Historians may be interested in how Spires centers debates about state citizenship, in contrast to some historiographical interpretations that have tended to focus on the creation of [End Page 380] national citizenship. Black thinkers also increasingly engaged with questions about "economic citizenship." Spires discusses debates between William J. Wilson and James McCune Smith about "black aristocracy" and the "best average colored citizen" (143). Together, Spires shows that a rich and vibrant debate about the meaning of republicanism, market life, and economic citizenship occurred in the black press. Next, Spires turns his attention to "critical citizenship," especially as modeled by the briefly lived Anglo-African Magazine. For Spires, "critical citizenship" disrupts and unsettles otherwise fixed and unified norms of white supremacy and white citizenship. Critical citizenship is "intrusive"; it invades the settled spaces of white politics that seek to...

The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States by Derrick R. Spires

The Practice of Citizenship: Black Politics and Print Culture in the Early United States by Derrick R. Spires

The Return of Frances Ellen Watkins Harper

The Return of Frances Ellen Watkins Harper Eric Gardner (bio) My title speaks to the contemporary scholarly sense of Frances Ellen Watkins Harper’s return to the public sphere after her brief marriage to Fenton Harper, which ended when he died in May 1864. Scholars like Margaret Hope Bacon and Frances Smith Foster have documented that return briefly, and I have explored Harper’s marriage and select lectures from 1866 and 1867.1 However, our account of the author in the mid-1860s remains deeply incomplete: it pays little attention to her lecturing, and it says little about how Harper relaunched her career, reshaped her message, and reconceptualized her public role as a Black woman intellectual, activist, and poet. Drawing on accounts of over fifty public speeches Harper gave between 1864 and early 1866, as well as diverse other sources, this essay chronicles Harper’s (re)insertion of her voice in US oral and print culture with attention to her interpersonal/organizational and print networking and self-promotion, and especially the lectures and writing she shared amid the fast-shifting US thought-scape at the Civil War’s end and Reconstruction’s beginning.2 I am particularly concerned with Harper’s play with conceptions of various publics, including those that [End Page 591] Catherine Squires terms “enclave public spheres.”3 Within and beyond the larger formation of reform culture, I am especially interested in Black enclave spaces, as well as politically and/or socially diverse abolitionist, unionist, and/ or Republican spaces, and more “popular” white public spaces like the traditionally defined lyceum culture.4 In this work, it is crucial to recognize, as Tom F. Wright asserts, that “the lyceum was a matter as much of print as of performance.”5 We also need to think about not only how, per Wright, “the very orality of the lecture form suggested a new intermediary creativity between text and voice,”6 but also how writers like Harper wove together oratory, printed poetry, and various other modes. I thus argue that Harper was not simply fashioning a return; she was reconstructing her public presence even as she was arguing for specific and sweeping ways of reconstructing the nation. She consistently worked to create and expand public spaces for Black women—room for what Derrick Spires might mark as fuller “practices of citizenship”; she hoped, as Carla Peterson recently argued in an immensely important critical intervention, to move conceptions of public and individual sympathy more toward “mutuality and interdependence.”7 If we weave these recognitions together with my concept of “militant intersectionality,”8 we can conceptualize how Harper sought to fashion and broaden cooperative, egalitarian communities that depended on and fostered real partnership; embraced differences in race, gender, class, and region; and used these differences to help fuel progress at both local and national levels. Before exploring this return, we should briefly trace Harper’s place in American culture. For much of the latter nineteenth century, diverse African Americans located her at the forefront of Black letters. But while Hallie Quinn Brown’s Homespun Heroines (1926) offered a praise-filled biography of Harper, the general twentieth-century turn in critical sentiment appears in W. E. B. Du Bois’ Crisis obituary, [End Page 592] which said that she “was not a great singer, but she had some sense of song; she was not a great writer, but she wrote much worth reading.”9 Mired in modernist aesthetic sensibilities, as well as gender bias and the “New Negro” impulse to avoid considering slavery, many assessments of Harper in the first three-quarters of the twentieth century found only historical or ancestral value. V. F. Calverton’s 1929 Anthology of American Negro Literature, for example, offered one Harper poem—compared to seven by Countee Cullen and four each by Claude McKay and Langston Hughes—and generally dismissed the work of “Mrs. Harper” and numerous early Black poets as “hopelessly inept and sentimental” texts that “aspired to the stately” and ended up being purely derivative.10 Harper’s Black contemporaries would likely have been baffled by such dismissals. William Wells Brown’s 1863 The Black Man called her poetry “soul-stirring.” 11 A Princeton, New Jersey, correspondent for...

WeChatting the Australian Election: Mandarin-Speaking Migrants and the Teaching of New Citizenship Practices

With the number of Mandarin-speaking migrants on the rise in Australia and the centrality of Chinese social media platforms among a large majority of this cohort, it is time that we examined the role of WeChat in political communication and citizenship education among Chinese migrants. In the lead-up to the May 2019 federal election, WeChat became a political campaigning battlefield in which candidates held live WeChat sessions with Chinese Australian voters. Despite much discussion about WeChat’s impact on Australian politics, there is little understanding of its potential educational role in citizen-making: to what extent does WeChat educate new citizens about Australia’s political system, democratic values, and electoral processes? This article uses the 2019 federal election as a prism through which to explore civic education and citizen-making in the digital space of WeChat. Drawing on online surveys, sustained digital ethnographic observation, and in-depth one-on-one interviews, we ask whether and how the work of certain individuals in this digital space engenders a new form of community leadership and a more engaged form of civic behavior. We also assess WeChat’s potential in facilitating the process of political integration for new migrants from authoritarian societies.

Longing and Belonging in the Age of Revolutions

Longing and Belonging in the Age of Revolutions Kacy Dowd Tillman (bio) Women in the American Revolution: Gender, Politics, and the Domestic World barbara b. oberg, ed. University of Virginia Press, 2019 280 pp. Civic Longing: The Speculative Origins of U.S. Citizenship carrie hyde Harvard University Press, 2018 308 pp. The Partisan Republic: Democracy, Exclusion, and the Fall of the Founders' Constitution, 1780s–1830s gerald flood leonard and saul cornell Cambridge University Press, 2019 354 pp. Frederick Douglass's answer to the question "What, to the American slave, is the 4th of July?" is that it is "a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity. …—a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages" (125). For Douglass, a day set aside to celebrate liberty in a slaveholding nation made America a farce. "You may rejoice," he tells his listeners; "I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony" (122). This yearning for equitable inclusion and fully realized citizenship is what Carrie Hyde calls "longing to belong," which is a desire articulated by marginalized people throughout the American Revolution [End Page 835] and early national period and is explored in three astute new monographs: Women in the American Revolution: Gender, Politics, and the Domestic World edited by Barbara B. Oberg; Civic Longing: The Speculative Origins of U.S. Citizenship by Carrie Hyde; and The Partisan Republic: Democracy, Exclusion, and the Fall of the Founders' Constitution, 1780–1830 by Gerald Leonard and Saul Cornell. Before diving into these important works' contributions to the field, some context is in order, as they are invested in extending a scholarly conversation that began in the 1970s and 1980s. This scholarship is likely familiar to most readers; however, in sum: the years leading up to and commemorating the bicentennial anniversary of the war were invested in reevaluating marginalized people's roles in the Revolution. Women were of particular interest. Historians in the 1970s suggested that we expand the notion of revolutionary participation to wives and mothers (both loyalists and patriots) who used domestic and economic means to engage in politics, resistance, and warfare. Later, historians began to examine the political engagement of Black and Native Americans. Scholars in the 1980s and 1990s then revisited the stories of free and enslaved Black loyalists and Native allies who were promised freedom and/or land in exchange for their fealty to the Crown. These studies conducted between the 1970s and 1990s that revisited the American Revolution primarily concentrated on recovery, establishing the role that women, Natives, and people of color played in the war.1 Oberg, Hyde, Leonard, and Cornell expand these studies in three ways. First, they are invested in exploring the notion of "citizenship," which they frame as a rhetorical as well as a legal concept. Second, and related, they track marginalized people's desire for the nation to recognize them as citizens, which Carrie Hyde calls "civic longing." And finally, they explore the social, political, cultural, literary, domestic, and economic outlets that people embraced to insist on their inclusion in the new republic. Derrick R. Spires explains in his book The Practice of Citizenship that for Black people in early America, citizenship is "not a thing determined by who one is but rather by what one does" (3). "Practicing citizenship," he writes, "makes citizens" (4). Hyde, Oberg, Leonard, and Cornell are also interested in the things people do to practice citizenship and the ways in which citizenship was denied them. Women in the American Revolution (Oberg), for example, argues that women utilized their economic, political, [End Page 836] and domestic relationships with marketplaces, statesmen, and children (respectively). Rosemarie Zaggari's introduction suggests we should look beyond "formal legal and political institutions" to determine whether or not the American Revolution helped or hurt women; Zaggari and the collection's contributors argue that...

Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920 by Sara Egge

Reviewed by: Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920 by Sara Egge Kimberly Jensen Woman Suffrage and Citizenship in the Midwest, 1870–1920. By Sara Egge. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2018. xi + 226 pp. Figures, notes, bibliography, index. $85.00, paper. In her informative and persuasive study of midwestern suffrage movements, historian Sara Egge argues that native-born white women achieved success "as loyal citizens who held highly respected records of civic activism" (2). They built a "robust political energy" (56) and a civic "authority accrued . . . over time" (73) by participating in organizations such as ladies' aid societies and female auxiliaries to fraternal societies. They created successful wartime campaigns for the vote and postwar state ratifications of the Nineteenth Amendment because their participatory practices of citizenship intersected with national and local imperatives for wartime loyalty and nativism. Egge provides a strong historiographic and contextual discussion of citizenship, gender, the geographic and cultural aspects of midwestern identity, and the social relationships of community. She mines historic newspapers, institutional records, and oral history interviews to create detailed histories of women and organizations in three counties in upper Midwest states: Clay County, Iowa; Lyon County, Minnesota; and Yankton County, South Dakota. The result is a nuanced analysis of the local ethnic, religious, and political roots of, and complexities within, the Midwest suffrage movement. Midwestern women's work for suffrage came in three distinct phases. Suffrage activism failed during the first phase, from 1880 to 1900, because local women heeded national leaders' calls for female equality with men rather than emphasizing local female authority within traditional gender roles. From 1900 to 1916, woman suffrage merged with the Progressive Era focus on participatory citizenship, but also, for most native-born women, a reactionary nativism that blamed immigrant outsiders and energized coercive Americanization movements. Native-born white suffragists gained "powerful rhetorical leverage" by positioning themselves against immigrants (130–31), and many blamed ethnic Germans for the defeat of suffrage at the polls due to opposition to prohibition. In the final phase of suffrage activism during the US participation in the First World War, national and local leaders elevated loyalty to the wartime nation as "the litmus test for citizenship" (156), and Yankee women led wartime bond and defense drives in a "performance of loyalty" (183). Their work translated into the success of suffrage drives in all three states. [End Page 113] But Yankee women, Egge concludes, were only successful in achieving the vote because they "pitted native-born women against [the] foreign-born," manipulating "long-standing ethnic wariness into outright discrimination." They helped make "conformity, not diversity, a hallmark of Midwestern identity" (183–84). This important study will be useful to scholars and students of suffrage and women's history and the history of the Great Plains and Midwest. It is a welcome and accessible contribution to public discourse about the politics of gender, citizenship, and nativism as we commemorate the centenary of the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 2020 and beyond. Kimberly Jensen Department of History Western Oregon University Copyright © 2020 Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska–Lincoln

Connected Struggles: Catholics, Nationalists, and Transnational Relations between Mexico and Quebec, 1917–1945 by Maurice Demers

Reviewed by: Connected Struggles: Catholics, Nationalists, and Transnational Relations between Mexico and Quebec, 1917–1945 by Maurice Demers Robert Curley Connected Struggles: Catholics, Nationalists, and Transnational Relations between Mexico and Quebec, 1917–1945. By Maurice Demers. (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press. 2014. Pp. xii, 290. $100.00. ISBN 978-0-773-543560.) Connected Struggles is about Québécois nationalists and their relations with Mexican Catholics during the decade of the 1940s. From the outset, Demers plays with the unlikely pairing these two groups might seem to make. They found themselves at opposite ends of a North American cultural and geographical expanse, but found affinity and forged friendship against the backdrop of the fall of France to Nazi Germany and the "neo-colonial" powerhouses of Great Britain and the United States of America. The author sets out a historical context that ranges broadly, signaling out the importance of social revolution and religious rebellion in Mexico during the 1920s and 1930s, as well as the often tense and uncomfortable relationship between Anglophone Canada and its Francophone minority. This makes for a challenging and complex argument that spends equal time examining the internal politics of two sovereign nations and international relations as imagined, constructed, and played out between subaltern groups within each country. These histories are connected on several levels. First of all, as a study of international relations it consciously shifts the focus from government to organized groups in civil society that crafted policies at the margins of the state with an eye toward the advancement of their own political interests. Demers characterizes French Canadians as Catholics in a nation where Protestant faith and English language were hegemonic in state and society. Similarly, Mexican Catholics were subject [End Page 134] to, or subjects of, a post-revolutionary state that was actively, at times radically, anticlerical in its politics. These two groups built an unlikely friendship and alliance in the 1940s with the dual objective of achieving greater influence at home and channels of cultural diplomacy that might strengthen each one. Chapters 1 and 2 cover the general history of each country during the generation leading up to World War II. This background is crucial because most readers will be familiar with only one national history. The two chapters do a good job of laying out the key moments and figures, as well as a basic historiography for each side. The following three chapters tell separate but intertwined stories about how the two groups forged international bonds of friendship and political alliance with the goal of strengthening their lot domestically. Chapter 3 covers the Union des Latins d'Amérique as it developed a Pan-American Hispanism that relied on Roman Catholic identity and the general idea of a Latin tradition. Latinité might appeal to Quebec and Mexico as a shared "civilization" distinct from and opposite to Anglo-Saxon culture. Chapter 4 tells the story of student exchanges that brought Canadians, particularly young women, to visit Mexico City and its national university, as well as some Mexicans to visit Montreal between 1943 and 1945. Chapter 5 is about the 1945 crowning of Mexico's Virgin of Guadalupe as patron saint of the Americas. Canadian Catholics sent a large diplomatic delegation to the jubilee, and the week-long event played out as a test of the relations of good faith between the Catholic Church and Mexico's post-revolutionary state. All these events are meant to tell a more general story about the construction of the modern public sphere in secular society. They show political minorities in both nations as they attempt to practice citizenship in an expanding public sphere. Demers sees them as "stakeholders" who actively play diverse roles in civil society through the lens of identity politics, be it Canadian Franco-Nationalism or Mexican Catholicism. The concept of stakeholder is insufficiently parsed and problemetized. However, it serves Demers as a primary organizing concept to explain the faces of modern citizenship across two nations, languages, and cultures. It also pro-vides a way of explaining the affinities between these groups as they built bridges of friendship and informal channels of diplomacy across the continent during the Second World War...

Соціально-культурні фактори та механізми формування системи громадянських цінностей старшокласників в освітньому середовищі

The author investigates the problem of forming high school students’ system of civic values in the educational process of a high school, proves that the low level of formation of the system of civic values hinders the formation of the personality of high school students. The article clarifies that the problem of qualitative formation of high school students’ system of civic values is determined by the insufficient level of interaction between educational process and citizenship education; it is determined that achievement of the optimal ratio of theoretical and practical citizenship preparation of high school students is possible on the basis of a mutually beneficial combination of the process of forming high school students’ system of civic values and teaching subjects of the humanitarian cycle. The author notes that the feature of forming high school students’ system of civic values is orientation to the world experience of theoretical and practical training of high schools, the formation of the hierarchical level of citizenship values in accordance with the level of formation of civic activity. Only a small number of teachers in the process of teaching humanities form the readiness and the ability to orient in the external and internal policies of the state; the desire to protect the interests of the state, to combine and to reconcile social, collective and individual interests; active and competent participation in public life, ability to make decisions and argue them, resolve role conflicts, control their activities, acquire skills and creativity skills, communication, discussion, active listening, risk assessment, cooperation, self-forming verbal and nonverbal, interactive and reflexive skills in interaction with social environment.

Inclusion and citizenship: Syrian and Palestinian refugees in Lebanon

ABSTRACT This article critically explores how laws and practices of states and international organisations attempt to control refugees, drawing upon conceptions of ‘biopower’ and ‘technologies of anti-citizenship’ (Foucault 1972). This is examined in the Lebanese context, which has an estimated 1.5 million Syrian refugees (HRW 2016a), in an overall population of approximately 6 million (Worldometers 2018) – including approximately 500,000 long-term Palestinian refugees (UNRWA 2018). Firstly, I consider how ‘embodiment’ and ‘vulnerability’ relate to constructions of the ‘citizen’ in law, where refugees are constituted as vulnerable bodies ‘out of place’. Secondly, I examine how public, legal and policy constructions affect the lived experiences of refugees in Lebanon. This entails a recognition of the multiple axes of exclusionary intersectionalities, where the ideal citizen is constructed as adult, male, heterosexual, able-bodied, ‘intellectually competent’, economically productive, as well as holding a legal status as a national of the state. Thirdly, I examine two refugee initiatives that aim to address the discriminations faced in education and society. Drawing on these different sources of evidence, the article advances the argument that through global technologies of ‘human security’ promoting (neoliberal) individual self-reliance, exclusion is nevertheless perpetuated through depoliticised discourses and practices of vulnerability and (non-) citizenship.

NEW TECHNOLOGIES AND THE CURRENT COMMUNICATIONS MODEL IN THE 2018 BRAZILIAN ELECTIONS

This article considers the impact of new technologies in the 2018 Brazilian elections, and investigates the possibilities of changes due to the prominent use of social networks to directly connect citizens and candidates, without the customary intervention of political parties and traditional media. It also questions the role of fake news in the electoral process, and the means to fight it, without undermining free thought, as an essential human right for the practice of citizenship in the new digital age.

An Experiment in Feminist Technology in Local Governance: Revisiting the Question of ‘Invited Spaces’ of Participation in Kerala

In this article, we foreground the potential for a space for collective deliberation and political subjectivities building among women leaders in local governance. We interrogate the Gramamukhya portal, which was initiated in 2011 and continued until 2015, as a democratic space to politicise the invited spaces of governance. Revisiting the question of women’s engagement in panchayati raj institutions in Kerala, we suggest that the practice of citizenship can become politically effective for women in governance if they use a platform that facilitates critical engagement from within and without the invited spaces of participation. This reflection becomes all the more significant given the contemporary political context of Kerala, where the women’s question is caught between developmentalist intentions of the state and right-wing political mobilisations at the grass-roots level.

“If the People Do Not Raise the Issue, the Officials Will Not Investigate”: Moral Citizenship among China’s Fake-Fighters

Are China’s fake-fighters (打假, dajia) heroic consumer activists or morally dubious profit-seekers? Do they make the marketplace safer for ordinary consumers by using the law to “fight” fake, dangerous and falsely advertised goods, or benefit only themselves through the exploitation of legal loopholes? Since the 1994 Consumer Protection Law introduced a fiscal incentive that made fake-fighting a viable career, its practitioners have struggled to define their work against these stereotypical characterisations. In this empirical article, I show that fake-fighters reject criticisms of their motivations while at the same time avoiding censure by party-state authorities wary of activism couched in terms of rights by framing their work as a practice of moral citizenship. Fake-fighters believe it is their responsibility to highlight potential dangers in the marketplace, disseminate legal knowledge, and, crucially, prompt the government to enforce pre-existing laws to better protect consumers and advance national development.

Contested Health Care System in Berlin: Are Illegalized Migrants Becoming Urban Citizens?

This article argues for an urban citizenship perspective which explores the struggle for rights and the everyday practices of illegalized migrants. Analyzing the concept of Anonymized Health Certificates as a result of such a struggle allows for examination of urban citizenship in this context. The implementation of the Anonymized Health Certificates program would facilitate access to medical care for people who live in the city of Berlin but are excluded from this right due to their lack of residency status. However, such a perspective also makes it possible to examine the limitation of the Anonymized Health Certificates, which would allow illegalized migrants in Berlin to circumvent access barriers, while at the same time the exclusion mechanisms of these barriers would remain uncontested at the national level. Whilst Anonymize Health Certificates will greatly improve access to medical care, illegalized migrants have by no means been passive subjects and have been actively rejecting their exclusion from health care: Practices include sharing health insurance cards with friends, visiting doctors who help for free as a form of solidarity, and sharing information about these doctors within their social networks. Even if they do not contest the social order visibly, they refuse to passively accept their social exclusion. Illegalized migrants perform such practices of urban citizenship in their everyday life as they actively take ownership of their rights to participate in urban life, even whilst being formally denied these rights.

Enacting Citizenship and the Right to the City: Towards Inclusion through Deepening Democracy?

In this introductory article, the main theoretical concerns guiding this thematic issue are briefly discussed, alongside an overview of relevant literature on rights and urban citizenship. We draw on the work of Engin on ‘enacted citizenship,’ and combine Hannah Arendt’s ‘right to have rights’ with Henri Lefebvre’s ‘right to the city,’ for inspiration. The hope is that these concepts or theoretical tools help our contributors explore the ‘grey areas’ of partial inclusion and exclusion, and to connect the informal with the formal, migrants with professionals, locals with those from elsewhere. Since the contributions in this issue come from practitioners as well as scholars, we are interested in very different forms of urban citizenship being enacted in a range of settings, in such a way as to overcome, or at least side-step, social, economic and political exclusion within specific urban settings. In this introduction we reflect on urban migrants organising and mobilising to enact their own citizenship rights within specific urban spaces, and present each of the eight published articles, briefly illustrating the range of approaches and urban citizenship issues covered in this thematic issue. The examples of urban enacted citizenship practices include efforts to construct economic livelihoods, gain access to health care, promote political participation, reweave the social fabric of poor neighbourhoods, and provide sanctuary. All of which, our contributors suggest, requires the engagement of the local urban authorities to allow room for the informal, and to accept the need for improved dialogue and improved access to public services.

Spaces of Urban Citizenship: Two European Examples from Milan and Rotterdam

This article aims to highlight the emergence of urban citizenship spaces in two European cities—Milan, Italy, and Rotterdam, the Netherlands—where marginality and social exclusion are faced and coped with through social participation, appropriation of space, and the construction of a peculiar place-based sense of belonging. To do so, the article will present the results of comparative research conducted in Milan and Rotterdam by means of 60 semi-structured interviews (30 in each city) with inhabitants of peculiar neighbourhoods in the two cities. The analysis will adopt an intersectional perspective (Crenshaw, 1989), paying attention to the intersection between personal characteristics and spatial features to highlight the processes occurring at the crossroads between the social and spatial categories. In particular, this work will present two examples, one from each city involved in the research, in which urban citizenship practices are enacted and create a Lefebvrian space of representation where dominant discourses and narratives are overcome and overturned by people otherwise excluded from dominant spaces and mainstream forms of urban citizenship. A comparison of the fieldwork from the two cities shows how in both cases, subaltern and/or marginalised groups (women, the poor, and migrants in particular) manage to appropriate interstitial spaces within the city where they can find room for expression and well-being and for the performance of urban citizenship practices. At the same time, though, external (political and economic) factors can transform those spaces of representation into self-constraining places which can expose these marginal groups to further vulnerability.