Powerful Actors Research Articles

Where Technology Leads, the Problems Follow. Technosolutionism and the Dutch Contact Tracing App

In April 2020, in the midst of its first pandemic lockdown, the Dutch government announced plans to develop a contact tracing app to help contain the spread of the coronavirus – the Coronamelder. Originally intended to address the problem of the overburdening of manual contract tracers, by the time the app was released six months later, the problem it sought to solve had drastically changed, without the solution undergoing any modification, making it a prime example of technosolutionism. While numerous critics have mobilised the concept of technosolutionism, the questions of how technosolutionism works in practice and which specific harms it can provoke have been understudied. In this paper we advance a thick conception of technosolutionism which, drawing on Evgeny Morozov, distinguishes it from the notion of technological fix, and, drawing on constructivism, emphasizes its constructivist dimension. Using this concept, we closely follow the problem that the Coronamelder aimed to solve and how it shifted over time to fit the Coronamelder solution, rather than the other way around. We argue that, although problems are always constructed, technosolutionist problems are badly constructed, insofar as the careful and cautious deliberation which should accompany problem construction in public policy is absent in the case of technosolutionism. This can lead to three harms: a subversion of democratic decision-making; the presence of powerful new actors in the public policy context – here Big Tech; and the creation of “orphan problems”, whereby the initial problems that triggered the need to develop a (techno)solution are left behind. We question whether the most popular form of technology ethics today, which focuses predominantly on the design of technology, is well-equipped to address these technosolutionist harms, insofar as such a focus may preclude critical thinking about whether or not technology should be the solution in the first place.

Reassessing ayahuasca regulation in Brazil: strategic framing and cumulative gains

Background In the early twentieth century, ayahuasca gained popularity in northern Brazil, causing political tension due to moral hostility. However, over the course of the century, despite the proscription of DMT and the intensification of the ‘War on Drugs’, three phases of cumulative political gains eventually led to the full regulation of ayahuasca, in 2010. How was this achieved? Methods This paper provides a comprehensive reassessment of the existing literature on ayahuasca in Brazil, utilizing social movement theory. Emphasis is placed on framing methods, or how movements strategically present their aims to particular audiences, in order to effect political change. Results First, ayahuasca churches constructed a religious frame that emphasized their Christian pedigree. Second, when harassment intensified, ayahuasca was reframed as a charitable endeavour. Finally, in the transition to democracy, the religions added a scientific frame, collaborating with the state to review scientific evidence and establish policy parameters for regulation. Conclusion Framing ayahuasca as Christian and focusing on charity and science were neither straightforward nor unproblematic, but did allow ayahuasca groups to successfully avoid persecution, establish relationships with powerful actors, and eventually achieve full regulation. This case study provides unique insights into the role of social movements in successful drug policy reform, especially how movements can strategically adapt to and influence prevailing moral codes, resulting in concrete political victories.

Конституционные преобразования политических систем постсоветских государств Центральной Азии

The article examines the constitutional transformations of the political systems of the Central Asian states, which had an impact on the structure, powers and competence of the key power actors that make up the apparatus of public power, the political practice of their functioning and interaction with each other, which in turn affected the choice of the form of government and the configuration of political forces in the post-Soviet states under consideration. The authors trace the relationship between the constitutional reforms carried out in the post-Soviet states and the choice of the form (i.e. model) of government. As a result, the authors concluded that the two Central Asian countries under consideration, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, have chosen a presidential (presidential-centric) model of government, with strict autocratic tendencies in public administration, which is explained by the type of political leadership and the mentality of the majority of the country's electoral corps. Whereas Kazakhstan, which has long adhered to the same formula as the two above-mentioned countries, since the constitutional reforms of 2017. There is a transformation from a super-presidential to a presidential, and subsequently a mixed republic, while retaining key powers of the head of state.

THE ROLE OF MONGOLIA IN REGIONAL SECURITY

The situation in Northeast Asia is an important topic of international security arena. Political and economic relations between Russia and China, as well as the Korean Peninsula issue, which can have a major impact in Northeast Asia as such powerful actors that can change the world order and security environment. Past decades, the peace policy of mutual trust between the countries of the Northeast Asian region has become the most important issue not only in the regional but also in the international security environment. Therefore, it is important to analyze and assess a strategic interests and international geopolitical ambition of major powers that could directly or indirectly affect Mongolia's national security to develop national strategic solutions to enhance Mongolia’s national security and its security environment. Mongolia has no territorial, economic, military or political conflicts of interest with any of the countries in the region. Such reasons can give Mongolia an opportunity to be a key player in confidence-building measures to prevent hostilities, to avert escalation, to reduce military tension in Northeast Asia. There are many ways and fields to operate as peace player in this region. For instance, Mongolia can be an initiator or a main actor of a regional peacekeeping cooperation organization in Northeast Asia.

Pristineness, heritage, and the dissociative power of place imaginaries: Marketing ‘dark places’ in global value chains

To qualify products as premium, branding and marketing initiatives often employ imaginaries about the product’s origin to invoke positive associations. Yet, little is known about the dissociative aspects of how these place imaginaries create value. In this paper I examine comparatively how in both one aesthetic and one relatively standardized agri-food market – wine and farmed salmon from Chile – imaginaries of pristine and traditional places are becoming central referents for product quality. I demonstrate how, in the context of rising sustainability demands in global value chains, the value of these place imaginaries lies not only in their power to create positive associations in the end market. Instead, they also help powerful actors to dissociate from locally contentious politics surrounding harmful social and environmental practices. The paper contributes to research on firms’ dissociative practices by disentangling the ideational and relational work through which value chain actors dissociate in qualification processes and draws implications for material changes in production systems in view of their environmental and social sustainability.

Reconnecting genealogies of criminal justice and excise tax enforcement

Although various state and non-state agencies are central to criminal justice, our understandings of criminal justice's past remain dominated by histories of public police and modern prisons. Inspired by Braithwaite's call to reconnect genealogies of criminal justice and business regulation, this article presents an original historical study of the Excise as a criminal justice agency. It illustrates that criminal justice has historically involved a shifting ensemble of regulatory actors whose remits and functions have converged, diverged or been transferred over time. Importantly, this perspective illuminates the usually hidden offending of more privileged or powerful social actors, adding a significant historical dimension to wider efforts to rebalance criminology away from ‘crimes of the streets’ and towards ‘crimes of the suites’.

Understanding the diversity of private conservation in the Peruvian Amazon

AbstractGlobal awareness about the threats of ecosystem degradation in the Amazon is growing. While state‐managed protected areas remain key instruments for forest conservation, private actors are increasingly funding and implementing a broad range of conservation initiatives. Private actors are transforming the Amazonian conservation landscape and its governance, however, many aspects of private conservation, especially the diversity of local practitioners and the challenges they face, remain understudied. Drawing on a case study of Madre de Dios in the Peruvian Amazon, we aim to generate a better understanding of private conservation practitioners and their various approaches to conservation on private and public land. We used an extensive review of literature and databases, in addition to 13 semi‐structured interviews with various private conservation practitioners, to map privately conserved areas, and to gather perceptions about challenges, opportunities, and future pathways for private conservation. A total of 590 privately conserved areas, covering over one million hectares, were identified and mapped in Madre de Dios. We find that, while most initiatives are managed by individuals and families, for‐profit companies manage half of the total area privately protected. Furthermore, we find that private conservation initiatives face significant barriers and pressures. These barriers include complex bureaucratic processes, legal contradictions and incoherencies, corruption, weak law enforcement, and financial insecurity. Conservation policies largely favor national and international actors and less so local, grassroots initiatives run by individuals and communities. Finally, we highlight the need for more accessible and inclusive policies that recognize the contribution of less powerful actors, to foster more effective conservation efforts for the future of the Amazon.

Policy amnesia and the promise of housing cooperatives: Finnish housing cooperativism from 1920 to 2020

Finland seems to suffer from a kind of ‘policy amnesia’ when it comes to the topic of housing cooperatives. Tracing back from 1920 to 2020, this article analyses waves of experimentation and political debate with housing cooperativism across both housing production and consumption. Supplementing a document analysis with expert interviews, it investigates which cooperatively-organized modes of housing provision were able to institutionalize in the Finnish housing system, when, and why this did (or did not) happen, and what roles they have played in the broader housing regime. It argues that, whilst building cooperatives grew into large and powerful actors in the Finnish housing system, cooperative tenure has never managed to expand beyond a niche mode of housing provision. This article investigates why, and suggests three interrelated factors: the relationship between housing cooperatives and Finland’s ideologically fragmented cooperative movement, the pragmatic and piecemeal reform of Finnish housing policy and politics, and the co-optation and ‘companization’ of cooperative identity.

Collaborative Policymaking: a qualitative systematic review of advice for policymakers

Background Complex policy problems are not amenable to simple solutions by a few powerful policy actors in one central government. They require collaboration across government and between actors inside and outside of government. However, this requirement for collaboration is no guarantee of collective action. Further, it is difficult to know how to collaborate effectively. We searched the academic and grey literature for advice on how to foster collaborative policymaking. Methods We conducted a qualitative systematic review (2024) of peer reviewed journal articles (Web of Science) and grey literature reports (Policy Commons). Each article or report had to inform advice on collaborative policymaking. We used an immersive and inductive approach to identify key themes and relate the results to well-established insights from policy theories. Results 86 texts meet the inclusion criteria (49 Web of Science, 37 Policy Commons). Most provide broad definitions of collaborative policymaking, which are similar to definitions of collaborative governance (and connected aims such as policy co-creation). Many assert or assume that greater collaboration, across and inside/outside of government, will improve policymaking and policy. Few individual studies give advice on how to collaborate effectively, but they combine to identify common features of collaboration. Conclusions We synthesise the available advice to identify five main features of collaborative policymaking: plan and prepare to collaborate, such as by designing rules and allocating resources; create a sense of collective purpose, such as by setting a boundary around the collaboration and co-producing a common vision; foster creative methods to visualise collaboration and design policy; create new forums to supplement formal collaboration; and clarify the roles and skills essential to each collaborative task.

Expanding Water Privatization in Mozambique: Producing Success, Reproducing Neoliberal Water

ABSTRACTThis article examines how and why water privatization has been in place for nearly three decades in Mozambique, expanding from cities to towns despite a lack of conclusive evidence of its merits. Drawing on primary data and secondary sources, the article argues that powerful actors driving water privatization in Mozambique ‘produced success’ out of what has been a messy and problematic process of implementing water privatization in cities in the 2000s. This strategy is cultural, in that actors constructed and mobilized a success narrative to legitimize the retention of water privatization in cities and to widen its spatial scope to towns. Yet, because water privatization in cities was not actually successful — quite the contrary — the retention and expansion of water privatization necessarily relied on a political economic process that buttressed this cultural production of success. That is, proponents expended power and resources in critical decision‐making moments to ensure water privatization and its underlying neoliberal water imaginary would be sustained, at the expense of alternative (post‐neoliberal) modes of water supply. As such, this article concludes that water privatization in Mozambique represents an exemplary case of neoliberal resilience.

Systemic Failings or “Isolated Incidents”? A Discourse Analysis of Corporate Blame Avoidance for the Mistreatment of Immigration Detainees

This article draws on data from a major public inquiry in the UK to examine how the multinational corporation G4S sought to avoid blame for the mistreatment of immigration detainees in its care. Our analysis is based on a critical discourse analysis of oral and written evidence given by G4S and one of the company’s managing directors to the Brook House Inquiry. We show how discursive strategies of blame avoidance were prominent features of this evidence, including the scapegoating of individual custody officers, the legitimation of the profit-seeking management of immigration detention and the de-legitimation of those who brought the mistreatment of detainees to light. The article contributes to our understanding of the discursive practices employed by powerful actors to limit corporate responsibility for systemic failings.

Contesting the Securitization of Migration: NGOs, IGOs, and the Security Backlash

Abstract Studies of migration-related security concerns have focused on the emergence of these concerns through securitization or their potential dissolution through desecuritization. This paper challenges the conventional view of these processes—securitization and desecuritization—as oppositional and mutually exclusive. Instead, it argues that they are imbricated in complex ways in an arena of contestation where actors vie for legitimacy and justify their claims through ongoing actions and reactions. Focusing on the Global South case of securitized migration in the Dominican Republic, this paper conceptualizes desecuritization not as a discrete outcome measured by success or failure, but as a dynamic process evolving through interactions with securitization. By examining the role of non-state actors in contesting securitized policies, the paper reveals that such contestation can paradoxically intensify securitization through a “security backlash” that delegitimizes these actors and discredits their rights-based claims. This dynamic underscores the “resilience” of securitization amidst persistent contestation. Ultimately, the paper demonstrates desecuritization as iterative contestation rather than static outcomes, emphasizing the agency of non-state actors in shaping security narratives and practices while acknowledging their limitations against powerful state actors. These insights from a study of South–South migration extend the application of the securitization framework beyond convenient Western contexts and challenge perceived geographic boundaries.

The politics of beneficiary selection: A case study of Ghana’s Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) cash transfer programme

In communities of Sub-Saharan Africa, where local elites participate in the selection of households for cash transfers, there is a tendency to deviate from laid down rules for various reasons. Using qualitative data from selected districts where Ghana’s Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) programme is implemented, this study investigates the reasons why district and community elites deviate from prescribed selection processes of the LEAP programme. Drawing on the concept of competitive clientelism, the findings suggest that elites are deeply guided by political patronage to fulfil one primary goal, protecting their role in office. Such ambition is facilitated by the discretionary power accorded to elites by the local government system and socio-cultural values deeply rooted in Ghanaian society. In conclusion, the study draws out key lessons from the analysis and suggests a design of beneficiary selection frameworks that acknowledges the nature of domestic politics, institutions of power and powerful actors at the subnational level. The article also highlights the implications of the findings for the broad politics of social protection literature.

Carbon metabolism modelling and regulation in Beijing

Land use and cover change leads to significant increases in urban carbon emissions. Considering the insufficiency of spatially fine-grained management in previous carbon emission studies, this study integrated top-down and bottom-up methods to simulate urban carbon metabolism. Metabolic actors were allocated to grids based on land use and POI data and then attributed to districts. Results indicated that from 2000 to 2018, Beijing's Carbon Imbalance Index increased by 55.81% in 2010 and declined by 12.46%. Carbon emission dominated the changes in the Carbon Imbalance Index, with the Production and Supply of Electric Power actors consistently accounting for over 25.96%, while the contribution of Urban and Transportation actors reached 20.11% and 27.74% in 2018, respectively. The metabolic actors exhibited a gradient distribution pattern from southeast to northwest. Artificial actors' carbon emissions decreased from the center to the periphery and spread along the road network, with the High-High cluster in the southeast mainly contributed by Manufacturing (22.33%) and the Production and Supply of Electric Power (20.16%) actors. Spatial distribution changes of Natural actors mainly occurred in Daxing and Chaoyang districts, whose absorption area extended by 45% and 37.26%, respectively, contributing to an increase in carbon absorption by 2.47 and 0.15 times. The Semi-natural actor exhibited net carbon emissions, with the High-High cluster in the southeast zone contributing 60.96% of emissions in 2000. We also categorized Beijing into four Areas based on the relationship between carbon emission and absorption. Targeted policy recommendations were formulated for different districts and metabolic actors.

Commissions of inquiry and transitional justice in India: accountability, acknowledgment, and truth in the aftermath of communal violence

ABSTRACT This article examines the contributions made by commissions of inquiry to transitional justice in the aftermath of violent conflict. Drawing on data from India, where commissions of inquiry are routinely instituted in response to episodes of communal violence, it assesses the contributions made by 26 commissions established between 1980 and the present to addressing human rights abuses. The article demonstrates that although some of India’s commissions of inquiry have made concrete contributions to uncovering the truth about human rights violations, acknowledging the rights of victims, and holding perpetrators to account, they have more often served to obscure the truth and avoid accountability for human rights violations. It argues that hey do this both to uphold the legitimacy of the democratic state and to protect powerful actors implicated in perpetrating, inciting, or failing to prevent human rights violations, using strategies of denial, blame shifting, and inaction.

Early knowledge but delays in climate actions: An ecocide case against both transnational oil corporations and national governments

Recent articles have demonstrated the knowledge and accuracy of oil corporations’ predictions made since the 1950s on the effects of their products on the global environment. But can the early relationship between oil corporations and national governments and lack of climate actions by both actors count as ecocide? If so, should remedial strategies appeal to freer markets for oil or greater state regulation? Cast within the wide context of investigating the collusion at play between powerful political-economic actors and decision-makers as monopolists and debates about ‘the modern corporation and private property’ (Berle and Means, 1932/2017), ‘the new industrial state’ (Galbraith, 1967), and ‘the economic theory of regulation’ (Stigler, 1971), the paper reviews the contentious relationship between states, corporations, and markets. Specifically, the article probes strategies of oil corporations and national governments intended to delay the inclusion of environmental concerns in policies and avoid accountability. Our method of content analysis of articles, reports, and international declarations of different actors and periods relies on a qualitative methodology and ontology of critical realism. We find that not only did oil corporations hide the truth, but also that national governments, that knew (or should have known) about the threat posed by oil industrial activities and which have wider responsibilities than corporations, did not act and are (at least) as responsible and as ‘ecocidal’ in what could be called an oil TNC-state alliance. Accordingly, we open the avenues for redressing an evolutionary shift from markets and states to commons, and embedding power within communities (Polanyi, 1945) along with a more universal right to bring a case of ecocide against both transnational oil corporations and states that collude with them.

A New Member of BRICS — Egypt

The article analyzes the political, economic and cultural development of Egypt over several millennia. It is claimed that Egypt is an ancient civilization, the «heart» of the Arab world and a recognized regional leader. The author explores the history of various state entities that existed on the territory of modern Egypt in the era of the Ancient World, Antiquity, the Middle Ages and Modern times. The emphasis is consistently placed on the rule of the pharaohs, Egypt’s presence in the Persian and especially the Greco-Roman world, the periods of the Arab conquest, Ottoman and British rule, the functioning of the independent Kingdom of Egypt and the Arab Republic of Egypt that succeeded it in 1953. The article contains a detailed overview of key events in the country’s internal life over the past 70 years, as well as Cairo’s activities in the international arena, including participation in the Arab-Israeli wars, relations with global and regional actors in the second half of the XX – early XXI centuries, the current position of the state as one of the leaders of the African continent. It is indicated that Egypt ranks first in Africa in terms of GDP, third in terms of population, has serious scientific and technical potential and advanced financial system by regional standards, actively attracts foreign investment and new technologies. In the field of foreign policy, Egypt, while maintaining relations with Western powers, is intensely cooperating with new centers of power, including Russia. The author concludes that today the Arab Republic of Egypt is a powerful regional actor that is diversifying its foreign policy and economic ties, as reflected by the country’s entry into the BRICS.

Bridging the Gap Between Labour Law and Company Law: Wedderburn’s Legacy: An Appreciation

Abstract The paper surveys the extensive writings of the late Professor Lord Wedderburn and explores the interactions between company law and labour law. A set of case studies illustrates labour law’s relative weakness in the contemporary corporate law context. Whilst it does change over time, company law has largely remained consistent with its two fundamental principles of separate legal personality and limited liability and its complementary prioritisation of the shareholders’ interests. These stable features provide a foundation that grants powerful corporate actors considerable freedom to pursue their interests and to organise their corporations however they please with little regard for those providing labour. Labour law finds itself constantly having to adapt to changing economic (and connected political) realities, fraying further the already threadbare protections for workers, especially in the context of global trade. With modern globalisation and financialization, a variety of “shareholders” and increasingly byzantine corporate structural arrangements have emerged presenting few opportunities to mitigate the impacts of their harmful activities. Investors and managers extract value with exploitative and detrimental consequences for the workers and other stakeholders. Fundamental reforms to company law are required for more effective workers’ voice and protection. Key words Lord Wedderburn, company law, labour law, employment law.

Polycentric governance, epistocracy and the limits of policing knowledge in preparing for the climate crisis

ABSTRACT The last two decades have seen an increase in the intensity and frequency of extreme weather events, placing complex demands on police and emergency services in the UK. Despite the growing recognition of the cascading and multidimensional threats, there is limited understanding of how policing and local governance actors are preparing for the climate crisis. In this paper, we argue that polycentric governance approaches, such as the Local Resilience Forums (LRFs), provide an essential focal point for emergency planning and disaster response activity that is rooted in localised contexts. However, while the LRFs are designed to benefit from the inclusion of a broad range of actors, dominant mentalities, knowledge hierarchies and powerful actors may limit their epistemic potential. We propose that a pathway towards a resilient and adaptive policing agenda for the Anthropocene necessitates acknowledging the limits of policing knowledge, expertise and traditional command-and-control mentalities. We draw on the notion of epistocracy to propose a policy and research agenda for police and partner agencies to harness the epistemic potential of LRFs. By adopting approaches to leverage pluralised forms of knowledge and identifying strategies for co-opting community-based actors in emergency planning and response activities, police and partner agencies can strengthen local capacity-building and better promote local resilience and adaptation efforts.

Turkish Airlines: facilitating Türkiye's soft power in Africa

ABSTRACT Türkiye, a re-emerging non-Western power, has intensified its relationship with Africa by strategically integrating soft power elements into its foreign policy. Unlike other actors, Türkiye assigned a special role to its national carrier, Turkish Airlines, in this endeavour. This article assesses Turkish Airlines’ role as Türkiye’s soft power actor in Africa, primarily as a facilitator and connectivity agent. It explores Türkiye’s deployment of soft power tools and instruments to expand relations with Benin, Mauritania and Somalia, countries with recent significant increases in trade with Türkiye. We argue that Turkish Airlines’ involvement as a soft power actor and facilitator of connectivity in these countries has significantly enhanced the effectiveness of various actors, contributing to achieving Türkiye's regional goals. As such, it serves to confirm and enrich soft power theory.