Power Poses Research Articles

Does power posing affect gerontechnology adoption among older adults?

ABSTRACTRecognising the rise of an aging population and independent living among older adults, many governments and organisations have developed and promoted new technologies in the form of gerontechnologies to support the needs and enhance the well-being of older adults. However, the adoption of products using such technology remains modest among the aging population. This study introduces the notion of power in the form of power posing and examines its impact on new technology adoption, particularly gerontechnology, among older adults. Using an experimental approach on a sample of older adults exposed to an in-house near-field communication-enabled light system, the study finds that high-power poses have a greater and more positive impact on older adults’ perceived ease of use of, perceived usefulness of, and intentions to use gerontechnology than low-power poses. Implications, limitations, and future research directions are discussed.

Power and revenge

We took an individual differences approach to explain revenge tendencies in powerholders. Across four experimental studies, chronically powerless individuals sought more revenge than chronically powerful individuals following a high power episode (Studies 1 and 2), when striking a powerful pose (Study 3), and when making a powerful hand gesture (Study 4). This relationship vanished when participants were not exposed to incidental power. A meta-analysis revealed that, relative to a lack of power or a neutral context, exposure to incidental power increased vengeance among the chronically powerless and reduced vengeance among the chronically powerful. These findings add to previous research on relations between power and aggression, and underscore the role of individual differences as a determinant of powerholders' destructive responses.

Upright and left out: Posture moderates the effects of social exclusion on mood and threats to basic needs

AbstractAdopting a powerful posture leads individuals to feel more confident and dominant. Social exclusion can strongly impact individuals' mood and basic social needs. The current research combines these bodies of research, investigating the effects of dominant and submissive poses on responses to social exclusion and inclusion. In two experiments, participants held a slouching or upright pose and were either socially included or excluded using the Cyberball social exclusion manipulation. Social exclusion only affected participants' mood when individuals took a powerful posture: Excluded participants in powerful postures had more negative mood after exclusion than included power‐posing participants, but effects of exclusion and inclusion did not differ among submissive‐posing participants (Experiments 1 and 2). Similarly, it was also found that social exclusion affected basic needs only when participants' adopted powerful poses (Experiment 2). Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

It hurts when I do this (or you do that): Posture and pain tolerance

Recent research ( Carney, Cuddy, & Yap, 2010) has shown that adopting a powerful pose changes people's hormonal levels and increases their propensity to take risks in the same ways that possessing actual power does. In the current research, we explore whether adopting physical postures associated with power, or simply interacting with others who adopt these postures, can similarly influence sensitivity to pain. We conducted two experiments. In Experiment 1, participants who adopted dominant poses displayed higher pain thresholds than those who adopted submissive or neutral poses. These findings were not explained by semantic priming. In Experiment 2, we manipulated power poses via an interpersonal interaction and found that power posing engendered a complementary ( Tiedens & Fragale, 2003) embodied power experience in interaction partners. Participants who interacted with a submissive confederate displayed higher pain thresholds and greater handgrip strength than participants who interacted with a dominant confederate.

Automatic Relocalization and Loop Closing for Real-Time Monocular SLAM

Monocular SLAM has the potential to turn inexpensive cameras into powerful pose sensors for applications such as robotics and augmented reality. We present a relocalization module for such systems which solves some of the problems encountered by previous monocular SLAM systems--tracking failure, map merging, and loop closure detection. This module extends recent advances in keypoint recognition to determine the camera pose relative to the landmarks within a single frame time of 33 ms. We first show how this module can be used to improve the robustness of these systems. Blur, sudden motion, and occlusion can all cause tracking to fail, leading to a corrupted map. Using the relocalization module, the system can automatically detect and recover from tracking failure while preserving map integrity. Extensive tests show that the system can then reliably generate maps for long sequences even in the presence of frequent tracking failure. We then show that the relocalization module can be used to recognize overlap in maps, i.e., when the camera has returned to a previously mapped area. Having established an overlap, we determine the relative pose of the maps using trajectory alignment so that independent maps can be merged and loop closure events can be recognized. The system combining all of these abilities is able to map larger environments and for significantly longer periods than previous systems.

Medium access control in mobile ad hoc networks: challenges and solutions

AbstractMobile ad hoc networks (MANETs) are useful in environment where fixed network infrastructure is unavailable. To function normally, MANETs demand an efficient and distributed medium access control (MAC) protocol. However, characteristics of MANETs such as radio link vulnerability, mobility, limited power pose great challenges on MAC design. This paper surveys the recent advances in MAC design for MANETs. We first identify the challenges that are facing MAC in MANETs. Then we discuss the proposed MAC schemes according to their design goals, focusing on some critical design issues, and tradeoffs. Finally, we point out some future research directions. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Democracy, rationality and advanced technologies: the case against nuclear power in South Africa

ABSTRACT It is argued that certain inherent characteristics of nuclear power undermine the public accountability of decision makers. In such circumstances there is a strong case for requiring that public policy decisions meet clearly defined criteria for rationality. A large part of this article examines the conventional criteria, concludes that they are inappropriate to nuclear technology and that special rules need to be applied. It is demonstrated that by these standards, nuclear power is both irrational and poses a distinctive threat to liberal democratic principles in South Africa. Nuclear power has been mooted as the answer to South (and indeed Southern) Africa's long‐term electricity requirements. Nuclear power, it is argued, will become necessary as South Africa's coal reserves are depleted and fossil‐fuel power becomes prohibitively expensive. [Huntley et al, 1989:67; McRae, 1989:58; Auf der Heyde et al, 1987:488] A nuclear programme seems easy to set in motion: South Africa is already a major producer of uranium; and much of the nuclear fuel chain already exists. However nuclear power is controversial. Worldwide, there is increasing awareness of both its adverse environmental implications and its costliness. There are also other issues which demand careful consideration. Public policy decisions (such as the decision to launch a nuclear power programme) must take account of clearly identified standards of accountability and rationality. Advanced technologies like nuclear power pose distinctive problems here. These will be discussed below with specific reference to the nuclear option in South Africa.

American Decline and the Great Debate: A Historical Perspective

AMERICAN DECLINE. AND THE GREAT DEBATE: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE1 Michael H. Hunt T,hat U.S. foreign policy is now very much in transition is a point widely accepted today. The era of Cold War rivalry is sinking like a fading sunset on one horizon, while a more benign international order is eagerly expected to dawn on the other. Harbingers of change abound. Long rigid political, economic, and ideological structures creak and crack, while new centers of power pose ever bolder challenges to the predominance of the Cold War giants. This transition naturally generates its own excitement and fascination but also a fair degree of perplexity about the role the United States should play and the national security objectives the United States should follow in this rapidly changing world. Questions about the future are as urgent as they are difficult to answer. On them depend not only today's hard budget decisions but the basic calculus for future policy makers. In this transitional period opinions about the future are diverse. Some observers worry over the decline of the country's international economic 1. I owe thanks to Richard Ulin at the University ofNorth Carolina at Chapel Hill and to Jim Lobe at the University of Washington for the opportunity to try out before a general audience the ideas on which this paper is based. Paula Hunt, Mark S. Mahaney, and O. Arne Westad gave me the benefit of their criticisms. Michael H. Hunt is professor of history at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. He is the author ofIdeology and U.S. Foreign Policy (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1987), and has written extensively on the history of Sino-American relations. 27 28 SAISREVIEW competitiveness, with all its ramifications for national security. Others question the wisdom of inherited commitments abroad or argue for a radically revised notion of international security. And still others warn against an excessive optimism about the future and an exaggerated notion of global change. At a time when Americans need to make choices for the future from a more than usually full range ofpossibilities, the historical record would seem an obvious and important point of reference—a helpmate to which policy makers and the informed public might well turn. Unfortunately, an examination ofthose engaged in the debate over American decline and future policy reveals the names of few historians of American foreign policy. Accordingly, the picture of the past invoked by the participants is all too often simplistic or dated. The uses made of George Washington's Farewell Address, nineteenth-century "isolationism," and the waywardness ofpublic opinion in this century (to take but three commonly invoked subjects) are generally off-handed and betray a lack of familiarity with a new generation of historical scholarship.2 The fault for this historically impoverished discourse over current policy lies in part with those historians who are reluctant to step outside their lecture halls and specialized monographs and offer some perspective on current policy options. The fault also lies with those officials absorbed in day-to-day policy and with academics and journalists preoccupied with commenting on that policy. While all three groups have much to gain by adding a historical perspective to their armory ofanalytic tools, they seem disinclined to give historical studies the systematic and thoughtful attention they deserve. Perhaps they have simply had difficulty deciding which aspects ofthe literature are germane and whether time invested in historical study will be repaid in fresh insights. Admittedly, the search for such insights can be frustrating. Historians cannot always provide decisive answers to important questions and do not always agree because the evidence on which they rely is often insufficient or ambiguous. But in what discipline is the search for truth easy and the results beyond challenge? From my perspective as a historian of American foreign relations, I see two important points that should be injected into the current discussion over the future of this country in world affairs. First, the 2. Paul Kennedy leaps to mind as a notable exception. But it should be kept in mind that he is a specialist in European international relations and was, in any case, constrained in his treatment of...