Legitimate Power Research Articles

Social programming as a technology of youth policy

The article deals with social programming as a tool for the formation of state youth policy. The thesis on the ability of historical politics as a tool of social programming to provide legitimization of power by means of fixing it in programs and strategies is substantiated.

‘Repetition without change?’: A critical discourse analysis of selected ZANU-PF advertisements for the July 2013 and July 2018 elections

Drawing on Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), and anchored on CDA theory, we argue that as the ruling party’s governance record increasingly came under scrutiny in two election cycles researched, the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), largely maintained its old strategies of power legitimation. However, it altered the message in order to reflect the changing intensity of political contestation, an increasingly bellicose political opposition and growing dissent within its own ranks, as well as the shifting economic fortunes of the country. Forced to campaign under these circumstances, ZANU-PF trusted, with notable variations, its old discourse strategies to produce election advertisements that legitimised its hold on power, hegemony and spread its ideology. The findings show that whereas in July, 2018, the message changed to reflect the leadership change, ZANU-PF’s legitimation strategies remained unchanged. Similarly, we note that whereas the ‘them’ that had to be de-legitimised in 2013 was unequivocally Tsvangirai and the Movement for Democratic Change Tsvangirai (MDC-T), in 2018 ‘them’ not only referred to Nelson Chamisa and MDC Alliance, but it also referred to Mugabe and curiously not ZANU-PF under Mugabe. Including ZANU-PF under Mugabe, we argue, would have also inadvertently de-legitimised both Mnangagwa and ZANU-PF.

Peer and Parent Influence on Consumer Behavior Buying Decision Making: An Empirical Study among Saudi Female Consumers

Purpose – This study examines peer and parents’ influences on buying decisions utilizing social power theory. Design/methodology/approach – The study made use of a survey of 285 participants (young female consumers) who live in Saudi Arabia. Findings – The study serves and provides insights for marketers and producers to understand the way consumers behave taking the influence of parents and peers on buying decisions into consideration. The findings of this study relatively conform to the previous studies and Saudi culture, such as greater parental referent, legitimate, and reward power. However, it shows a high peer influence of expertise, reward, and legitimate power. The theoretical and managerial implications of the results of the study are discussed. Research limitations/implications – The study extends research on social power theory bases by examining their effects on consumer decisions. It helps to gain an insight on how young female consumers make their decisions which leads to a more realistic choice of the decision in consumption. Producers and manufacturers should take the overall importance of parental and social power into consideration; it suggests that marketers have to focus on the role of peers and parents in consumers’ decision as being high on potential parental acceptance. Originality/value –The current study investigates the importance and the influencing factors that affect consumers' behavior regarding parents and peers’ relationships. Other empirical evidence contributes to the study that is applicable to the producers and manufacturers in the Saudi Arabian market.

Pancasila as Law Enforcement Ethics

Pancasila is not only a source of derivation of legislation, but also a source of morality, especially in relation to the legitimacy of power, law and various policies in the implementation and administration of the state. The existence of the first precept of “The Almighty Godhead”, and the second precept of “Fair and Civilized Humanity” is the source of moral values for national and state life. The state of Indonesia which is based on the first precept of “The Almighty God” is not a “theocracy” state which bases state power and state administration on religious legitimacy. The power of the head of state is not absolute based on religious legitimacy but based on legal legitimacy and democratic legitimacy. Therefore, the principle of the principle of “Godhead of the Almighty” has more to do with moral legitimacy. This is what distinguishes the Almighty God from theocracy. The writing method in this journal is a qualitative method, with an interdisciplinary approach. Although in the Indonesian state it is not based on religious legitimacy, morally the life of the state must be in accordance with the values derived from God, especially the law and morals in the life of the state.

The role of public transport in the legitimation of power: regional aspect

The article shows how the transport problems of modern Russian regions can have a direct impact on the legitimacy of the government. Using the structuralist and neoinstitutional method, the author identifies the factors of legitimation/delegitimation of municipal and regional authorities. All the highlighted factors are relevant to the discourse of public transport and are given in special tables. The author focuses on specific examples of the connection of public transport problems with the policy of regional authorities. The dynamics of public trust in the government directly depends on the timeliness of solving these problems. Russian cities are in unequal economic conditions. In this sense, the dependence of the specifics of a single Russian city on the prospects for articulating the protest transport agenda is given. The author believes that such a political situation will continue to be relevant both for the authorities and for society.

The Legitimation of Power

The Legitimation of Power

The Concept of Katechon in the Thought of Carl Schmitt: Towards a Different Universalism?

The concept of katechon, in the way it is generally invoked today, only exacerbates already existing political and ideological divisions, pitting ‘conservatism’ against ‘progressivism’, or ‘multipolarity’ against ‘globalism’ and ‘hegemony’. With Carl Schmitt as an unlikely ally, this article argues that the katechon might instead offer an alternative — non-liberal and non-revolutionary — universalist political project, thus showing the way out of these oppositions. Contrary to dominant interpretations, Schmittian notion of the katechon is not a legitimation of either sovereign state power or international plurality. Instead, it embodies an underappreciated universalist strand in Schmitt’s thought, which stands in tension with the confrontational and pluralist logic of his concept of the political or the idea of the Grossraum order. For Schmitt, the katechon implies an essentially non-sovereign form of power, which both maintains and renews an existing social order to ensure the continuation of history understood as the realm of ‘infinite singularity’. In modern times, this primarily involves guarding against the threat of technocratic globalization that portends either a collapse of humanity into nature-like regularities or its technological suicide. However, instead of opting for international plurality as a solution, in an often-neglected Spanish version of an essay “The Unity of the World” Schmitt directly links the katechontic theology of history to a specific kind of ‘true’ political universalism, opposed both to the ‘false’ universalism of techno-economic liberalism, and to antagonistic pluralism. Although he does not explicitly elaborate the details of this ‘true’ universalism, his work hints at the diarchy of spiritual and temporal powers as a crucial element of katechontic world unity.

Legitimnost kao faktor ograničenja političke korisnosti vojne moći

In the post-Cold War era, determined by the strong influences of globalization and the information revolution, it can be seen that military power fails to produce the expected political effects or at least those effects that could be produced in the past. One of the reasons why is that so, the authors find in the deficit of its legitimacy. The legitimacy deficit is discussed in the paper from three aspects. First, the legitimacy of the use of force is seen in the paper through the attitude of public opinion towards the use of force. In this sense, the sensitivity of public opinion to human casualties and destruction is expected. However, the authors note that today the quality of life has become the new vital value of the nation, which is reflected in the reduced willingness of citizens to give up their acquired rights and comfort of life. The willingness of the population to make the sacrifice that the use of force entails is a measure of the legitimacy of military power. Second, the authors point to the legality of the use of force as a source of its legitimacy. The legality of the use of force is viewed through internal and international law. Likely, the use of force that is contrary to internal and/or international law will be in a legitimacy deficit. By pointing out the illegal use of force, the military action itself is being de-legitimized and mobilizes public opinion resistance to such an act. And thirdly, the paper analyzes how the type and character of war determines its legitimacy. It is closely related to the question of the justification of starting a war and the existence of a "just aim" of war, but also to the question of how and by what means the war is waged. The authors also point to the misuse of the term "humanitarian intervention", which is used to provide legitimacy to military action, most often aggression. Considering the influence of legitimacy issues on the effectiveness of the use of force, the authors conclude that the success of states in imposing their own will on the opponent is no longer primarily based on their military power, at least not to the extent that it was before. Much more important today is the determination and ability of the state to combine military power with other types of national power. Only in this way will it be possible to turn a military victory in the war into a political victory, which should ensure an acceptable and long-term sustainable peace.

ЛЕГІТИМАЦІЙНІ ТЕХНОЛОГІЇ В МІЖНАРОДНИХ ВІДНОСИНАХ: ТЕОРІЯ ТА ПРАКТИКА

Legitimation technologies in international relations are an important means of influencing and regulating relations between states. They are used to acquire legitimacy, support and recognition of political power, as well as to create a favorable international environment for the realization of political and economic interests. Various legitimation technologies are used in international relations, which help political leaders and organizations gain legitimacy in the eyes of the public. Among the most common are: election processes. constitution and legal framework, public support and legitimacy, mass media and mass media, allied communication technologies, two-vector policy, soft power and others. The scientific novelty can be accounted for by the review of legitimation technologies in solving key challenges in international relations, in particular, in times of geopolitical changes and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The effectiveness of the use of authentication technologies in Ukraine and its role in maintaining and improving attitudes toward the country, attracting international support, and developing partnerships were investigated. Thus, the study expands the understanding of legitimation technologies as a tool that can be used to improve the image of Ukraine, its influence on global international processes, as well as social, cultural and economic enrichment. By applying a technological approach, the main authentication technologies used in the international arena are analyzed. Based on the research of Ukrainian and foreign specialists, a review of this technology is carried ou; the effectiveness of the use of authentication technologies as regulatory tools in international relations is outlined. Strategic areas of activity and effective use of identification technologies in Ukraine during the war and changes in the vector of development in international relations have been formed. The fakes can be used by the authorities to improve the image of the state and its recognition in the international arena. Keywords: world politics; legitimation; публічна дипломатія; public diplomacy; digital diplomacy; soft power.

ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКАЯ ПРЕСТУПНОСТЬ В СИСТЕМЕ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОГО УПРАВЛЕНИЯ: СПЕЦИФИКА И ВЛИЯНИЕ НА БЕЗОПАСНОСТЬ

Economic crime in the system of public administration of the Russian Federation in the context of the special military operation and confrontation with the NATO bloc is becoming a critical factor determining the state security of the country, as it affects not only the efficiency of economic processes, but also political stability in general. The purpose of the article is to analyze the phenomenon of official crime in the field of public service. The main hypothesis: malfeasance causes not only material damage to the state, undermining its state power and disorganizing the system of public administration, but also reputational damage, undermining the legitimacy of state power. A crisis of legitimacy is dangerous because it can lead to severe internal political conflicts. Results of the work: the dynamics of official crime for 2000–2022 was studied and it was concluded that only after 2012 it was possible to reverse the negative trend toward an increase in its level, which occurred thanks to the introduction of more effective countermeasures.

Феномен правління жінок-фараонів Хатшепсут та Таусерт: легітимація влади

Introduction. This article explores the phenomenon of female pharaohs' reign in Ancient Egypt, focusing on the rule of Hatshepsut and Tausert during the New Kingdom. The research delves into the historical context, cultural significance, and peculiarities of power legitimization during their reigns. By analyzing primary sources, including inscriptions, statues, and archaeological artifacts, this study aims to shed light on the unique circumstances that allowed these women to ascend the throne in a society traditionally dominated by men. The accession of Queen Hatshepsut, 18th Dynasty, challenged prevailing expectations, which required the use of various additional instruments to legitimize her power: adopting male portrayals, emphasizing divine lineage, implementing an extensive building program, military and trade expeditions, and more. Later, Queen Tausert, 19th Dynasty, who ruled during a period of political turmoil and decline, employed similar strategies. Tausert's reign serves as a contrasting example, characterized by her association with her deceased husband, Seti II, as a means of maintaining legitimacy. The article explores the complexities of Tausert's rule, including her attempts to consolidate power, overcome the influence of the powerful Theban priesthood, and the challenges she faced as a female ruler during uncertain times. Methods.The methods of textological and critical analysis were used in the work with sources, and the translation of Egyptian hieroglyphic texts into Ukrainian was also carried out. Through a comparative analysis of the reigns of Hatshepsut and Tausert, we can understand the broader socio-political dynamics of Ancient Egypt, the shifting structures of power, religious policies, and society's attitudes towards gender roles. Conclutions. The result of these research is the creation of new hypotheses regarding the interpretation of the phenomenon of the reign of female pharaohs in Ancient Egypt. This allows a comprehensive consideration and understanding of an important aspect of the legitimation of power during the crisis periods of the political history of Ancient Egypt.

Архетипы власти

The article is focused on the author’s understand- ing of the phenomena that are the basis of the ideological picture of the world of different social group categories. The author presents the histori- cal stage-by-stage development of the fundamental ideas that are the essence of social identity and, consequently, influence the legitimization of power throughout the organized history of mankind and in modern times. This understanding of archetypes in political science is presented for the first time. The article is built around the concept of “arche- type” and expands its meaning to political and ideological dimensions. Thus, using the methodolo- gy of categories of archetypes, the following forms prevailing in the organized history of mankind were identified: archetypes of the Sun, Church, Nation and Law. Such forms can be a convenient meth- odology in conflictology, political science, and the science of international relations. The presented approach opens a new theoretical direction in these sciences.

Легітимність влади: чинники детермінації у повоєнній Україні

In the center of the article is an analysis of the transformation of Ukrainians and our civil society during the first year of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war, conducted by the author with the aim of determining the possible limits of the format of the post-war normalization of the defects of Ukrainian democracy. Among the defects is the functioning of power, which gains the influence due to the electoral procedures of electoral democracies, but does not receive final legitimation due to the lack or even absence of public trust. The political product of the crisis of legitimacy of power in transit Ukrainian democracy is a weak state with dual institutions and an asthenic state of Ukrainian society with a dual national identity. The full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war created unique grounds (for the first time in 30 years after the renewal of Ukrainian independence) for the localization of the influence of the crisis of the legitimacy of power on the Ukrainian political system. The value evolution of Ukrainians, the active formation of national and civil identities, the unification of society, the formation of high level of trust of Ukrainians to the authorities, and the acquisition of new experiences by civil society – all these factors give hope for the formation and implementation of conventional instruments for overcoming crises and, accordingly, for the active promotion of Ukrainian democracy towards consolidation. The author notes that the qualitative construction of anti-crisis policies for the nearest future requires avoiding voluntarism when assessing the modernization potential of society, which determines the reforming potential of civil society. An objective look at modern Ukrainians forces us to recognize the fact that we have preserved a certain value dichotomy, certainly in much smaller sizes than on the eve of February 24, 2022. The axiological specificity of modern Ukrainians will also determine the post-war opportunities of civil society. Therefore, civil society will be active in the areas of supporting reforms, resuming all democratic procedures and processes after the end of hostilities, and actively formation of a new culture of discourse within the country. Advocacy of liberal democracy requires the participation of an exogenous actor.

ПОКОЛЕНЧЕСКИЕ ЦЕННОСТИ И РОСТ ПОПУЛИЗМА (Рецензия на книгу: Pippa Norris, Ronald Inglehart Cultural Backlash. Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism. Cambridge University Press. 2019)

The article reviews a widely cited book “Cultural Backlash” by Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart, focused on the recent rise of populism all over the world. According to the authors, the generation is the strongest predictor of authoritarian-populist values and voting for the ones. They understand populism as a rhetoric style, based on two main features: challenging the established power and proclaiming that people are the only source of legitimate power in a society. Old generational cohorts, tend to have more populist attitudes and vote for populist parties, while young cohorts have more libertarian values and less likely to vote for populists. Majoritarian institutional design, such as indirect presidential elections in the USA or plural electoral system in Great Britain exacerbate the rise of populism in these countries. Other contributors to this trend are so called “silent revolution”, a massive change of cultural and societal environment in many countries (access to higher education, women emancipation, migration, etc.), which old cohorts tend to oppose, and economic crises, which make people feel more vulnerable and provoke even the young cohort to incline to authoritarian-populist values. The book under review is a crucial paper for understanding massive success of populism in different countries for the last twenty years.

Power of Tax Authorities, Tax Morale, and Tax Compliance: A Mediation Analysis in East Malaysia

Manuscript type: Research paper Research aims: This paper aims to scrutinise the association between the power-based model (power of tax authorities) and sociopsychological factors (tax morale) in the theoretical framework of the tax compliance model Design/Methodology/Approach: A survey was completed by 116 selfemployed and salaried individuals in East Malaysia. Partial Least Squares- SEM (PLS-SEM) was employed to analyse the data. Research findings: The results show no impact of the power of tax authorities (coercive and legitimate power) on tax compliance. Only the coercive power of tax authorities has a significantly positive effect on tax morale. However, a significant negative relationship was found between tax morale and tax compliance. Finally, tax morale is proven to mediate coercive power and tax compliance. Theoretical contribution/originality: The study adds to the body of knowledge by including the power of tax authority and tax morale in a tax compliance model. Theoretically, this study contributes to the literature that moral consideration should not be overlooked in its mediating value between the power of tax authorities and tax compliance. Practitioner/policy implications: The present study provides novel insight into how tax administrators, especially the Inland Revenue Board of Malaysia (LHDN), utilise their power to influence tax morale and tax compliance. Research limitation: The study’s limitation is that only a minority of higher-income and self-employed respondents participated. Future research should consider expanding the existing tax compliance model to be tested in a different region. Besides, other sociodemographic variables can be used as possible moderators in future studies.

Valeurs pragmatiques du discours violent dans des comédies de Molière

Molière’s comedies are fundamentally based on a conflict concretized discursively through aggressive language used on both sides for different purposes. They usually revolve around a dispute between two individuals or two rival clans who dispute controversial interests. The question of power and its distribution within discursive contributions is at the heart of this genre of comedy. It is always a question of a third party (authoritarian father, romantic rival, or jealous husband) with legitimate power who threatens the love project of two young individuals. Discursive strategies denouncing aggression are generally mobilized to circumvent a social norm that is too strong to be disrespected. The fundamental objective remains, in our opinion, to serve a cathartic comedy which, while erecting models not to be followed, does not forget to make them the laughingstock of the public. The comedy that arises from such conflicting situations is fundamentally cathartic as it helps weak characters vent their grudges against more powerful characters. It also serves to question the balance of power and to partially submit to revision the relationships established between characters motivated by opposing aspirations.

‚Wir haben eine Lösung‘: Einlösung des Versprechens zur nationalen Verantwortung für die Entsorgung nuklearer Abfälle

We examine the realization of the umbrella promise to assume national responsibility for the final disposal of spent nuclear fuel. Three case studies are used to illustrate how Finland delivers on the promise to take care of its own nuclear waste – a promise that has greatly contributed to the legitimacy of nuclear power in Finland. The article shows how this promise is being challenged by new competitors, business visionaries, and the public. The case studies illustrate the tensions between those who made the promise and the actors who interpret and mobilize the promise for varying purposes and under changing circumstances. We investigate techno-scientific promises by looking at debates about (1) the idea of a national solution, (2) the limitations that the promise of a national solution places on international business opportunities in the waste sector, and (3) the challenges related to credibility and spatial requirements in managing waste from small modular reactors.

Power use, cooperative behavior and alliance performance: evidence from contract farming supply chains in China

PurposeThis study aims to explore the relationship among five types of power (expert, referent, legitimate, reward and coercive power), two dimensions of cooperative behavior (specific investments and communication) and three types of alliance performance (alliance stability, income increase and cost decrease) in contract farming. By investigating the dyadic perspectives of companies and contract farmers, the authors examine how power use influences cooperative behavior, which further enhances alliance performance.Design/methodology/approachThe authors construct a theoretical model grounded on resource dependence theory (RDT). Data from 202 companies and 462 farmers in China are used to test the proposed hypotheses using structural equation modeling.FindingsThe authors' results show that the five types of power play different roles in cooperative behavior. On the one hand, farmers' expert, reward and coercive power enhance the company's specific investments; farmers' expert power enhances the company's communication but farmers' coercive power harms the company's communication. Also the company's specific investments enhance communication that is positively related to alliance ability, income increase and cost decrease. On the other hand, the company's expert, referent and legitimate power enhance farmers' communication, while the company's coercive power harms farmers' communication; the company's reward and coercive power enhance farmers' specific investments. Moreover, farmers' communication is positively related to alliance ability, income increase and cost decrease, but farmers' specific investments do not significantly influence such.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the literature on contract farming supply chain management by examining the relationships among power use, cooperative behavior and alliance performance from the dyadic perspective of companies and farmers. These findings have practical implications for agricultural companies and farmers promoting cooperative behavior and alliance performance through appropriate power use in contract farming supply chains.

Pandemic Policing and Community Engagement: Preparedness, Legitimacy and Public Support During the COVID-19 Crisis in Nigeria

This study brings to the fore, insights into three key factors that had been widely noted to play significant roles in driving effective pandemic policing. These are the preparedness of the police as first responders to a public health crisis, the level of public trust in the police as a legitimate power holder, and community engagement as a tool to drive public support and participation in fighting COVID-19. Using the Nigeria police as a case study, with the damning reports of abuse of power and other misconduct, this study examined how the police responded to COVID-19 mandates and community participation. Interviews with 40 police officers who enforced the COVID-19 lockdown, 16 senior police officers, and 18 community leaders within Lagos and Ogun states were conducted, and a thematic analysis of the narratives was carried out. Findings indicated that community engagement was not effectively deployed by the Nigerian police in the course of pandemic policing. This was due to a lack of police preparedness, over-reliance on the use of force for public control, public distrust in the police, and a lack of prior practice of community engagement by the police. Public distrust in the police was found to be central to peoples’ disobedience to COVID-19 rules which worsened police-community relations, culminating in protests against the police and its formations. These findings have important policy and practical implications if police legitimacy and post-COVID police-community relations are to improve.

Coercive and legitimate power in the sharing economy: Examining consumers’ cooperative behavior and trust

• Coercive and legitimate power are used in the sharing economy. • Legitimate power has an impact on cooperative consumer behavior and trust. • Coercive power has an impact depending on the form of organization. • Sharing economy should invest in legitimate power but be careful with coercive power. Sharing economy organizations depend on customer cooperation. According to the existing theory, namely, the extended slippery slope framework, coercive and legitimate power are two means of achieving cooperation and trust. Based on this theory, we examine the role of coercive and legitimate power in the sharing economy in four studies. Study 1 has examined the extent of existing sharing organizations’ coercive and legitimate power (B2C, P2P, and communities) by employing website analysis. In Study 2, consumers have discussed which forms of power (coercive or legitimate) were perceived by sharing organizations in focus groups. Study 3 has investigated the impact of coercive and legitimate power on consumer cooperation in a laboratory experiment using a give-or-take-some (GOTS) game. Study 4 has examined the impact of coercive and legitimate power on cooperation using an experimental online questionnaire. We find that providers of sharing economy services highlight coercive measures on their websites, whereas consumers in the focus group discussions highlight the importance of legitimate power, as is evident in the experiments. Thus, while sharing organizations could increase their use of legitimate power, they should apply coercive power carefully.