Power In Sudan Research Articles

Exergy analysis of the boiler in phase 3 of the Khartoum North power plant

In the context of global concerns surrounding the depletion of conventional energy sources, Sudan grapples with pronounced challenges related to its hydrocarbon reserves, relying predominantly on fossil fuel-powered thermal plants for electricity generation. Amidst these challenges, efforts to optimize power generation plants have emerged as crucial strategies to reduce fuel consumption and minimize environmental impact. This study delves into the assessment of energy and exergy aspects, focusing on the fifth unit steam generator at Khartoum North Thermal Power Plant (KNTPP). Revealing key findings, the investigation identifies the chimney as the primary locus of energy dissipation, responsible for a substantial 18% of the total energy input into the steam generator. Subsequently, the combustion chamber emerges as the second significant contributor, accounting for 9.2% of the overall energy losses. Notably, the combustion chamber exhibits the highest loss rate for exergy, reaching 39.8%. The evaporator, contributing to the second-highest exergy loss rate, registers at 12.7% of the entire exergy entering the steam generator at a Boiler Maximum Continuous Rate (BMCR) of 90%. Furthermore, the study underscores the pivotal role of chemical reactions as the primary driver of exergy loss within the system. Incorporating these insights, the research emphasizes the importance of implementing targeted strategies to enhance the efficiency of power generation processes, thereby contributing to reduced energy losses and improved environmental sustainability in Sudan's power generation landscape.

(Un)Just transition in power generation: neoliberal reforms and climate crisis in Sudan

ABSTRACT Given the undisputable reality of climate change, this article explores Sudan's power generation and its approach to the current climate crisis, focusing on the perspective of a just energy transition. It highlights how the power sector's plans remain centralised, favouring urban consumerism, cost-driven energy sources, and inadequate social and environmental evaluations with limited community involvement. Furthermore, the absence of timely adaptation measures has left off-grid populations and those displaced by hydroelectric dams disproportionately vulnerable to worsening climate conditions, loss of traditional livelihoods, and conflicts over dwindling natural resources. This exacerbates instability and regional development disparities. The article advocates for a just energy transition in Sudan that not only reduces CO2 emissions but also minimises adverse impacts on local ecosystems and livelihoods. It suggests a blend of distributed and utility-scale renewable energy sources alongside existing hydro-thermal capacity. It also calls for prioritising power supply to off-grid communities through socially driven financing mechanisms, countering the neoliberal push for privatisation and full-cost recovery.

Wind Power Harnessing in Sudan, Opportunities and Challenges

The African continent is endowed with large renewable potential, varying in types across diverse geographic areas. Wind resources are of the highest quality in the north, the east, and the southern regions [1]. This study concentrates on Sudan as one of African countries; that possess a good potential in wind power which can be integrated to support national grid as well as future regional power grid. This study uses windPRO 3.0.651 package [2] which is a software of wind energy project design and planning. In this study a comprehensive analysis for wind power in Sudan was done to verify the wind power potential in Sudan.

The Juba Peace Agreement in the Context of the Sudanese Constitution-Making Continuum

This briefing paper investigates both the role of the 2019 Constitutional Charter for the Transitional Period in facilitating the peace process and the impact of the 2020 Juba Peace Agreement on the drafting of a new (permanent) constitution and on the new balance of power in Sudan. In so doing, it puts the Sudanese peace process into the context of Sudan’s constitutional reforms and transition to democracy.

Sudan after Omar al-Bashir: A territory of instability

Sudan has a long history of civil wars and conflicts, much of which occurred during the 30-year (1989-2019) rule of Omar al-Bashir. The crisis in the Arab world, which came to be known as the “Arab Spring” and manifested itself in the early 2010s in major political upheavals in North Africa, did not spare Sudan, which has experienced several waves of popular protests over the past decade. The political situation in this country has noticeably worsened due to the loss of most of the oil fields as a result of the division of Sudan in 2011 into two states - the Republic of Sudan (RS) and the Republic of South Sudan (RSS). While mutinies by soldiers and officers were a common occurrence in the RS, it was the mass protests in late 2018 and early 2019, organized by the civil opposition and dubbed the “December Revolution” that provoked the military coup in 2019, which resulted in the overthrow of the long-lived president. However, the establishment of a transitional military-civilian government did not resolve the numerous contradictions in Sudanese society - between the army and civil society, individual security agencies, the ruling coalition and the leaders of the rebel movements, with whom a peace agreement was signed. Political instability was exacerbated by economic problems associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, and on October 25, 2021, another military coup took place, which, however, was not accompanied by regime transformation or significant changes in the composition of the ruling group, but allowed the military to extend the transition period and delay the transfer of supreme power in Sudan to civilians. Meanwhile, the intensity of military and political contacts between the Russian Federation and Sudan created a solid foundation for the expansion of bilateral relations, which continued to develop after the ouster of Omar al-Bashir.

Tecno economics of LNG regasification terminal in Port Sudan

The main objective of this research is to select the appropriate regasification technology for Sudan liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminal at Portsudan, with a low Operating cost to suit the site climate conditions. Computer simulation software to design and simulate this technology to relize the optimum conditions which can regasify352169Kg/ hr of LNG is used, where this quantity per year is the energy demand of Sudan, was calculated by the Port sudan power station. Standard selection criteria were used to select the most suitable regasification technology. In this regard sea water vaporizer was found to be the best. Aspen HYSYS 10 was used for the simulation to design and determine the vaporizer specifications. Average monthly temperature and humidity data were used to run the simulation. Sea water consumptions in the vaporizer where 79880400 Kg / hr. Design was implemented by using Aspen Exchanger Design and Rating program, where the optimum design of shell and tube evaporators were obtained.

Restructuring state power in Sudan

Developing post-conflict economic policies in Sudan remains a significant challenge for the Sudanese transitional government and the international community. This article argues that understanding the conflict, its costs and the progress made during the current peace agreement are essential for advancing policy reforms in Sudan. The Sudanese transitional government has attempted to implement reforms, but little progress has been made because the civilian elements operate outside of the existing state power. The previous regimes policies sustained conflict(s) through both passive and active enablement of the Sudanese security forces, which means that the restructuring of state power is essential to place Sudan on the right course towards sustained democracy. This article posits that addressing structural reforms in Sudan means establishing control over the economy, defense, and security sectors.

Verhoeven Harry. — Water, Civilization and Power in Sudan

Issu de son travail de these soutenu en 2012, l’ouvrage de Harry Verhoeven entend etudier les efforts du regime militaro-islamiste, arrive au pouvoir au Soudan en 1989 et auto-baptise Al-Ingaz pour transformer l’economie politique du pays. Il montre combien le projet de « salut economique » est au cœur du projet islamiste et merite en cela une attention particuliere pour qui souhaite comprendre le fonctionnement du regime. L’auteur se concentre exclusivement sur l’un des aspects de ce salut e...

Leadership strategies of mobilisation and demobilisation in Sudan

A Sudanese Revolution overthrew the sitting regime in 2019, and a transitional government is in place. This article explores Sudanese respondents’ take on how the former regime managed to stay in power for so long. The National Congress Party in Sudan held on to power for three decades against all odds after taking over in a coup in 1989. Widely unpopular, the regime relied on repression and coercive tactics to stay in power. Based on interview data from three locations in Sudan 2011 and 2012, respondents’ accounts of the NCP leadership strategies for staying in power are explored in this article. The interview data speaks to two highly intertwined processes. First, to the mobilisation of support from those the government needed in key positions around the country, in the elite, and the security forces. Second, the data speaks to the demobilisation of people in general. Respondents point at five strategies deployed by the NCP to stay in power: Creating a secure repressive base; divide and rule strategies; controlling the media; creating a confusing and closed system and, lastly, not pushing people too far. For each tactic, it seems the regime attempted to demobilise people at large, but also tried to mobilise those it needed. These five strategies are in this study seen in light of leadership, identities and collective action, and the analysis emphasises agency through the concepts of group efficacy and illiberal statebuilding. The study contributes to developing a psychology of demobilisation as it explores the attempted hindering of collective action. Exploring these issues in a non-Western conflict case like Sudan is a particularly important addition to understanding leadership demobilisation in conflict settings. Seeing this in light of the more recent processes of people’s power in Sudan makes it even more relevant.

Rami Ginat. Egypt and the Struggle for Power in Sudan: From World War II to Nasserism.

Rami Ginat. Egypt and the Struggle for Power in Sudan: From World War II to Nasserism.

Knowledge and legitimacy: the fragility of digital mobilisation in Sudan

ABSTRACTThis paper examines digital mobilisation with respect to knowledge production, legitimacy and power in Sudan since new communication and surveillance technologies became widespread. Enthusiasm for digital opposition peaked with the Arab Spring and troughed through the repressive government apparatus. Social media (SMS, Facebook, Twitter) and crowdsourcing technologies can threaten the government’s control over the public sphere as participatory practices. To arrive at this finding, we argue the significance of epistemological tools of those who control the representation of digital power, and approach state legitimacy as an ongoing and fragile process of constructing “reality” that requires continuous work to stabilise and uphold. At the same time, the paper describes an international counterpublic of security researchers and hackers who revealed that the Sudanese government invested greatly in controlling the digital landscape. We analyse Nafeer, a local grass-roots initiative for flood-disaster-relief that made use of digital media despite the digital suppression. Nafeer’s challenge to the state came from the way it threatened the state-monopoly over knowledge, revealing both the fragility and the power of state legitimacy.

Seeing Like an Islamic State: Shari‘a and Political Power in Sudan

Islamic law, or shari‘a, has been incorporated into the legal systems of many states. In much of the existing literature, this process is understood as part of the colonial and postcolonial state's attempt to render law legible—that is, codified, standardized, and abstract. In this article, I show how some state actors chose to move in the opposite direction, actively discouraging the transformation of shari‘a into a formal and codified system of law. Using the case of colonial and postcolonial Sudan, I argue that these actors viewed legal legibility as a threat to state power, recognizing the jurisgenerative potential of an informal and uncodified law.

Water, civilization and power in Sudan: the political economy of military-Islamist state building. By Harry Verhoeven

Water, civilization and power in Sudan: the political economy of military-Islamist state building. By Harry Verhoeven

Steven Serels. Starvation and the State: Famine, Slavery, and Power in Sudan, 1883–1956.

Steven Serels. Starvation and the State: Famine, Slavery, and Power in Sudan, 1883–1956.

The Islamic Awakening's Second Wave

Hassan al‐Turabi, often referred to as the most significant Muslim cleric since Ayatollah Khomeini, had a central influence during the 1990s on the rise of Sunni Islamist movements across the Middle East and North Africa. He was a mentor of Ayman al‐Zawahiri and had a close personal relationship with Osama bin Laden, sponsoring his presence in Sudan before the Al Qaeda leader fled to Afghanistan. Al‐Turabi was the ideological force behind the coup led by Omar al‐Bashir, with whom he has since fallen out, that brought Islamists to power in Sudan in 1989. As an opposition leader al‐Turabi has been in and out of jail for years, most recently over the issue of Darfur.The soft‐spoken philosopher of Islam sat down with me for a lengthy and candid discussion in the summer of 1992. We met in a dilapidated townhouse near DuPont Circle in Washington, where he had come, as it turned out without success, to repair relations with the United States.

Islamism and Its Enemies in the Horn of Africa

1. Introduction (Alex de Waal) 2. On the failure and persistence of Jihad (A. H. Abdel Salam and Alex de Waal) 3. Islamism, jihad and state power in Sudan (Alex de Waal and A.H. Abdel Salam) 4. Islamic dynamics in the Somali civil war (Roland Marchal) 5. The promise and peril of Islamic voluntarism (M.A. Mohamed Salih) 6. The politics of destabilisation in the Horn 1989-2001 (Alex de Waal) 7. Africa, Islamism and America's 'War on Terror' after September 11

The Sudan under Islamist rule

On 30 June 1989 a group of army officers seized power in Sudan and overthrew the democratically elected government headed by al‐Mahdi. The coup was engineered by the NIF, founded in 1985 by the Muslim Brothers. This article examines how the Muslim Brothers succeeded in penetrating the army and gaining a foothold within the officer corps, and attempts to explain why a political‐religious movement opted for a military takeover. The political and ideological basis of the NIF are examined, including its adamant insistence on an Islamic state. The Sudan presents a unique case study: its three major political parties are led by leaders of Muslim movements who all support the promulgation of an Islamic constitution leading to an Islamic state. Why could Sudan not agree on an Islamic agenda without resorting to a military coup?

Bibliography

Bibliography

Turabi's Revolution: Islam and power in Sudan by Abdelwahab El-Affendi London, Grey Seal, 1991. Pp. xvi+209. £25.00. - The Call for Democracy in Sudan by John Garang, edited and introduced by Mansour Khalid London and New York, Kegan Paul International, 1992 enlarged and revised edn. Pp. xxv+292. £12.95 paperback.

Turabi's Revolution: Islam and power in Sudan by Abdelwahab El-Affendi London, Grey Seal, 1991. Pp. xvi+209. £25.00. - The Call for Democracy in Sudan by John Garang, edited and introduced by Mansour Khalid London and New York, Kegan Paul International, 1992 enlarged and revised edn. Pp. xxv+292. £12.95 paperback.

BOOK REVIEWS

BOOK REVIEWS Turabi's Revolution: Islam and Power in Sudan By ABDELWAHAB EL-AFFENDI. London: Grey Seal, 1991. Pp. 209. Price HB not given. 1-85640-004-2. John L. Esposito John L. Esposito College of the Holy CrossWorcester, MA Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of Islamic Studies, Volume 4, Issue 1, January 1993, Pages 114–116, https://doi.org/10.1093/jis/4.1.114 Published: 01 January 1993