Power Grab Research Articles

1906년 천도교와 일진회의 분리 과정 재고찰

In modern Korean history, the segregation of Chundogyo and Ilchinhoe, or the action of Chundogyo's segregation of the Ilchinhoe members in September 1906, has been known as an example of the pro-Japanese behavior of the Ilchinhoe and the innocence of Chundogyo. The proposition that is premised on this perception is that Ilchinhoe was consistently a pro-Japanese trading organization and Chundogyo is a modernized national religion. However, it seems necessary to reconsider the separation of Chundogyo and Ilchinhoe, as there have been recent issues that the civil rights movement waged by the Ilchinhoe should be reevaluated. New questions have arisen, such as how Chundogyo and Ilchinhoe were able to work together, how the forces of Chundogyo and Ilchinhoe were able to combine and separate the two, what the perceptions of the contemporary and later generations were, and whether different hypotheses could not be established about the separation process of the two if the thoughts of the people involved were examined. In order to solve the above questions, this paper compared the hierarchical foundations of the leading forces of Chundogyo and Ilchinhoe. Chundogyo and Ilchinhoe not only shared political orientation and civilization theory, but also overlapped with the leading force and the hierarchical characteristics of the support base. Son Byung-hee and Lee Yong-gu, that is, Chundogyo and Ilchinhoe, are all common in that they tried to acquire political power by accepting various needs of the public. In the situation of the time, this was bound to be accompanied by dependence on foreign powers and opposition from vested interests. It can be said that Ilchinhoe pushed ahead 'nevertheless', and Chundogyo took a step back. In this separation process, it was confirmed that Oh Se-chang, the enlightened knowledge, played an important role. In fact, for Oh Se-chang, tradition, nation, and modernity were not all abstract and vague ideologies. In other words, there was no reason to cling to the theory of justification for studying abroad, and there was no reason to lean on the theory of Western civilization. For him, wasn't tradition and nation the spirit of ancestors contained in paintings alienated from the process of modernization? In the chaotic reality where foreign shocks and conflicts of foreign ideologies are rampant, his unideologicalized national consciousness sometimes provided an excuse for power struggles or power grabs. Ilchinhoe, which was reduced to a pro-Japanese traitorous organization while promoting reforms centered on the middle and lower classes, and Chundogyo, which insulated from Ilchinhoe and pursued a modern national religion, but eventually walked the path of decline, are also objects that were depreciated amid the confusion of modern and contemporary Korean history. This is why it is necessary to reevaluate them.

Ethnicity: A Trojan Horse for the Perpetuation of Armed Civil Conflicts in Africa

Abstract Purpose: The prevalence of armed conflicts in Africa seems commonplace, with little possibility to their end. This study aims to challenge a narrative that seem to consider ethnicity, or ethnic differences as the main causes of armed civil conflicts in Africa. This study argues that while ethnicity might play a role in conflict formation, ethnicity is simply a Trojan horse that is impishly presented as the main cause of armed conflicts in Africa. Design/Methodology: Data were collected from both primary and secondary sources. To evaluate the ethnicity vs. conflict nexus more conscientiously, this study provided two case examples: Ethiopia and Kenya, each providing distinct political trajectories. Findings: The study finds that ethnicity is not the main cause of armed conflicts in Africa; rather, the main causal factors are embedded in bad governance practices by political elites and their cronies. Notable is the practice of politics of power grab and marginalisation of certain groups to achieve Machiavellian ends. The additional causal factor is tied to external imperial exploitative motives of looting Africa’s natural resources, often using African puppets, bagmen and traitors of their own homeland. Thus, a combination of bad local governance practices and external economic interests is mainly what has led to a surge in armed civil conflicts in Africa. Originality/Value: The novelty of this study is that it challenges conventional political standpoints on the causes of ethnic-related conflicts and the solutions needed to end/reduce them. The study has achieved this by pushing the cloak of appreciating the scope and scale of Africa’s armed conflicts by advancing the argument that conflict management solutions lie inward rather than outward through the utilisation of local or homegrown conflict resolution mechanisms. Such local mechanisms must focus on addressing bad governance practices. The current penchant of relying on international or foreign mediatory systems as solutions is done merely at the behest of global politicking and, as such, only provides cosmetic solutions, hence themselves responsible for those protracted ethnic-related conflicts.

Power Grabs from the Top: A Database of Self-Coups

Abstract This research note introduces new global data on self-coups—rapid moves by sitting executive leaders to “overthrow” their own governments and illegitimately maintain or extend power. Self-coups are distinct from ordinary coups (sudden illegal attempts by other elites to topple the sitting executive) and overlap with incumbent takeovers (incremental quasi-legal steps by the sitting executive to amass power). Still, there is conceptual discord about what delineates self-coups and a resultant lack of consensus about basic facts, even about where and when self-coups have happened. To provide a firmer foundation for investigating the self-coup phenomenon systematically, I draw from eight datasets and original data collection and coding to present comprehensive data on 147 individual events (plus 90 candidate incidents that did not fully meet the criteria) in the 1950–2022 period. The dataset provides information on the perpetrators, targets, flashpoint dates, and methods of these events. Illustrative statistical analysis suggests that following a self-coup, the level of international economic aid tends to have a negative effect on the probability that a country will hold competitive elections. Future research may apply these data for a better understanding of the causes of self-coups and the long-term effects of self-coups on political and economic development.

Under the Law: Title IX and the SCOTUS power grab

New Title IX regulations issued by the Department of Education expand the types of sexual harassment schools must address and give schools greater flexibility in how they handle hearings. But the Supreme Court’s recent ruling in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo expands courts’ roles in how federal agencies interpret and enforce regulations like Title IX. Robert Kim considers how the Loper Bright ruling might affect Title IX.

The Rise and Decline of Ennahda Party

Abstract Tunisia’s democratic trajectory has seen much regression in the past decade after the toppling of the former regime of Ben Ali and the rise of Ennahda party to power, following Tunisia’s uprising. Employing democratic theory, the research contends that, despite growing popular discontent with Ennahda’s performance, Ennahda remained Tunisia’s leading party even with its declining parliamentary representation until the 2021 setback in Tunisia’s democratic path. People’s disappointment with Ennahda emanated from volatile politics and socio-economic problems rather than ideology, and although the party reconsidered its strategy, which enabled it to withstand fractured polity and secure a leading seat in the political landscape until Kais Said’s power grab in 2021, it still bore much responsibility for poor government performance. In conclusion, Said’s hold on power is likely to persist and the future of Ennahda, in light of the on-going consolidation of power in Tunisia, depends on domestic and international efforts to regain democracy.

ВИКОРИСТАННЯ МОДУЛІВ КОМП’ЮТЕРНОЇ ПРОГРАМИ KDAM ДЛЯ ДИНАМІЧНОГО АНАЛІЗУ БАТАННОГО МЕХАНІЗМУ ПРИ ФОРМУВАННІ БАГАТОШАРОВИХ ТКАНИН

In the work, using the KDAM computer program module, a dynamic analysis of the batten mechanism of a heavy loom in the production of multilayer technical fabrics was carried out. The computer module allows you to determine the projections and full reactions in the hinges of the batten mechanism at the time of the weft thread surf in the zone of formation of multilayer fabrics, taking into account the structure of protective layers, main power layers and the method of connecting layers to each other. The influence of the structure of multilayer fabrics on the magnitude of dynamic reactions in the hinges of the batan mechanism was established. Multi-layer technical fabrics are used for the production of power grabs for laying pipes of oil and gas pipelines. Pipes are delivered with factory insulation. These fabrics have a high density of the main threads in the cross section of the power grip. The main thread system consists of the warp threads of the protective layers, the warp threads of the power layers, and the warp threads that bind the layers together. The formation of an element of multilayered technical fabric takes place by wefting the weft thread in the working area. Taking into account the very significant tension of the threads of the base, the strength of the surf can reach significant indicators. In the process of surf, there is a shock impact on the batting mechanism of the weaving loom. The resulting dynamic reactions in the hinges need to be evaluated, namely how the structure of multilayer fabrics affects the magnitude of the dynamic reactions in the hinges of the baton mechanism. Changing the structure of the multilayer technical fabric allows to reduce the tension of the base of the protective layers and power layers, which will lead to a decrease in the magnitude of the surf force and, as a result, to a decrease in dynamic reactions in the hinges of the batten mechanism. This will significantly reduce the wear in hinge pairs and increase the durability of the mechanism. To solve the complex task of dynamic analysis of the batting mechanism during the formation of multilayer fabrics, it is necessary to use specialized software complexes. The use of special computer modules allows you to determine the projections and full reactions in the hinges of the batting mechanism at the moment of the weft thread in the zone of formation of multilayer fabrics, taking into account the structure of protective layers, main power layers and the method of connecting the layers together.

Public Support for Power Grabs after Civil Conflict

Power-sharing is a recognized strategy for reaching durable settlements among rivals. However, power-sharing arrangements are often violated when one side grabs power. We examine public perceptions of power-sharing versus power-grabbing in the context of local policing in Mosul, Iraq. In a survey experiment, we investigate if ­individuals believe that security in Mosul, in the aftermath of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) occupation, is enhanced or reduced under power-sharing versus power-grabbing treatments, which vary the authority held by distinct factions of the counter-ISIS coalition. The public is more likely to support power-grabbing than power-sharing in matters of policing and security. In the case of power-grabbing, there are also important moderating effects of conflict-related victimization. Unlike nonvictims who favor ingroup power-grabbing to enhance local ­sectarian control, victims place a premium on stability, welcoming even external, out-group control over power-sharing among groups who might be at odds. Our results underscore the challenges of institutionalizing power-sharing mechanisms for peacebuilding after conflict.

‘A troupe of mercenary writers’: the publicists in Chancellor Maupeou’s service, 1771–1774

Abstract Louis XV’s government led an ambitious communications campaign in 1771 to justify his power grab against the parlements. Chancellor Maupeou enlisted a propaganda office that notably included his personal secretary, Charles-François Lebrun, and François Marin, the secrétaire général of the Librairie. The minister also relied on the commitment of a group of writers. François-Marie Arouet Voltaire was the most famous of these writers, but other, less well-known authors also played a crucial part. This was notably the case with the Abbé Raymond Mary, a humble canon linked to the comtesse du Barry’s circle, who was arguably one of the most important actors in Versailles’ persuasion strategy. This article sketches a portrait of the publicists who put pen to paper in the monarchy’s service during the Maupeou revolution.

From “Living Constitutionalism” to “Zombie Apocalypse”. Valery Zorkin, the Constitutional Court and Russian Authoritarianism

Abstract The 2020 constitutional amendments marked a turning point for Russian constitutionalism. The Constitution finally lost its limiting function and the Constitutional Court lost significant power. The long-serving Chairman of the Russian Constitutional Court, Valery Zorkin, however, remained in power and continues to guarantee authoritarian legality and approval for Putin through favorable rulings, his theory of state and law, and support for the constitutional amendments in 2020. Over the years, Zorkin has adapted to the increasing authoritarianism of the Putin regime. This is all the more remarkable given that Zorkin was a strong defender of legalism and opposed Boris Yeltsin’s power grab in 1993. The figure of Zorkin can help us explain the development of Russian constitutionalism during the last 30 years and the poses questions for comparative constitutional law.

For Democratic Governance of Universities: The Case for Administrative Abolition

Abstract: In this essay, we argue for administrative abolition, that is, the elimination of all college presidents, provosts, deans and other top level administrators who we argue form a parasitical group that was developed over time in order to exercise both political and financial control over faculty, staff and students. We examine the way that the idea of "shared governance" disguises the de facto dictatorship of administration over faculty self-governance, explore the history of how this power grab took place and furthermore explore alternative forms of faculty self-management in both US history and abroad (especially in Latin America).

A tale of two exceptions: everyday politics of democratic backsliding in Tunisia

ABSTRACT Why do citizens support democratic backsliding through authoritarian populist power grabs? Tunisia has been upheld as the exception in the Arab World for its successful democratization. However, since the declaration of the state of exception by President Kais Said, Tunisia has witnessed deliberate acts of democratic subversion. Polls have been showing overwhelming support for the president despite his actions. Ethnographic evidence in the rural community of Vaga where the “yes” vote for the referendum was 80%, shows that emotional voting, illiberal values, and the paradox of nostalgia and fear can explain the support for Kais Said and his executive aggrandizement efforts. However, the approval is conditional and contested. Citizens in Vaga have not given up on critical democratic practices and democracy.

The Time Has Arrived for Post-Post-Secularism

Abstract Political secularism secures the disestablishment of religion by government. Religions sense an undemocratic power grab, and hence demand the disestablishment of secularism. The obvious options for political religion are few, to either promote populist majoritarianism, and/or control one or another branch of government. The options for political secularism in an age of secularization are no less momentous. Berlinerblau’s book Secularism: The Basics should be widely read as a clarion call for post-post-secularism, where political secularism has been all along. Post-secular academics and pro-religion intellectuals are getting called to account for their erosion of republican principles and their tacit or open endorsement of religious populism. The restoration of political secularism would counteract rising tides of conservative populism threatening constitutional democracy and human rights.

The Promises and Perils of Corporate Purpose

Corporate purpose is taking off as a concept within both the corporate world and management academia. Despite many bold pronouncements by companies about pursuing purpose and not just profits, evidence suggests that these are often decoupled from real action on social and environmental issues. In this essay, I grapple with a number of questions that arise for scholars and practitioners given the state of the field. Is the lack of progress intentional such that corporate purpose is just a power grab for firms to protect their influence and profits? Is making the business case for corporate purpose just part of this power grab? Stepping back, what is corporate purpose anyway? Additionally, how does it relate to trade-offs across stakeholders? Who counts as a stakeholder? How can we account for value distribution along with value creation? How can we conceptualize the firm if we take purpose seriously? What would it mean to decenter the firm (and center the stakeholders) in the practice of corporate purpose? What governance structures are needed to enact corporate purpose? Additionally, what are the implications for a new model of decentered leadership? There are not a lot of answers yet, but this review of recent research in the domain spots many excellent clues and paths for future progress.History: This paper has been accepted by Matt Kraatz for the Strategy Science Special Issue on Corporate Purpose.Funding: The Michael Lee-Chin Institute for Corporate Citizenship at the Rotman School of Management, University of Toronto provided financial support for the author’s research in this domain.

The Rest Is History

The Rest Is History

Getting a Seat at the Table: Changes in Military Participation in Government and Coups

Why do coups happen and how can state leaders affect their likelihood? Existing research focuses on structural factors as well as “coup-proofing” as drivers of coup risk. I argue that the literature misses an important alternative avenue by which leaders affect the likelihood that their militaries remove them from office: adding or removing military officers from the government. When leaders bring military officers into the government, they signal to the military that there is a peaceful path to sharing power and provide an alternative to coups. In contrast, removing military officers from government dramatically increases the risk of a coup attempt as the military retaliates against the leader’s power grab. I test this theory using cross-national data that captures changes in military representation in national cabinets and state councils from 1969 to 2008 and find mixed support. In line with the theory, there is strong evidence that large reductions in the military’s government positions lead to coup attempts, and more modest evidence that large increases reduce coup attempts. However, contrary to expectations, the results also suggest that small increases in military government positions increase the risk of a coup.

Toward Stable Civil‐Military Relations in Sudan

AbstractThe most dramatic of military interventions is the coup d’état, and the cyclical melodrama of putsches in Sudan has placed the country on a violent path. Perhaps a major reason for an irascible officer corps to plot coups is the lack of an effective contract binding the armed forces and society. This is keeping a chokehold on the country's progress, limiting its potential. In search of a better answer, revisiting the past cycle of military interventions is critically important. The recurrent mass actions and fleeting democratic transitions have exposed the bungling civilian leadership and defined the sociology in which Sudan's civil‐military alchemy has fermented or gone bust. However, if the country had any concord among the military, the political leadership, and society, the risk of domestic military interventions would have been reduced, limiting the scourge of the power grab.

From Secret Fashion Shoots to the #100projectors

From Secret Fashion Shoots to the #100projectors

Pandemic power grab

ABSTRACT Is Covid-19 undermining European democracies? Recent scholarship overlooks the fact that most pandemic-related erosions of democracy can be attributed to illiberal inertia long in place before 2019. Did the democratic decay occur during the pandemic or due to the pandemic? We analyse the extent to which pandemic power grabs succeeded and failed in Europe with special attention to the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia. The executive power of the purse was an opportunity to abuse state resources. Governments that engage in the “pandemic heist” with impunity can be directly linked to a power grab due to the pandemic.

East Central Europe in the COVID-19 crisis

ABSTRACT This article introduces the Special Issue on Eastern Europe in the COVID-19 crisis. It seeks to shed light on the different and partly worse experiences in East Central Europe compared to those of the West by analysing the crisis, its governance, and effects in the region from the vantage point of specific vulnerabilities, which have been building up for years. We identify four major vulnerabilities – a severe crisis of care, strains in social solidarity, democratic erosion and dependent capitalism – which have contributed to the East having experienced high infection and death rates, major economic crises, and pandemic power grabs.

On the Character and Causes of Inequality in Latin America

On the Character and Causes of Inequality in Latin America