Potential Allies Research Articles

Naloxone Knowledge and Attitudes Towards Overdose Response Among Family Members of People who Misuse Opioids.

Providing family members of individuals with opioid use disorders (OUD) naloxone is a cost-effective way to prevent overdose deaths. However, misconceptions and negative attitudes towards naloxone hinder family engagement with naloxone programs. This study examines factors associated with knowledge and attitudes toward naloxone among adults with close family members who misused opioids. Adults with family members (parent, step-parent, child, spouse, sibling, or step-sibling) who misused opioids (N = 299) completed a web-based survey. Participants were recruited through treatment providers, community groups, and social media. Surveys assessed naloxone knowledge, attitudes toward overdose response, demographics, completion of naloxone training, attitude toward medications for OUD, and family members' overdose history. Multiple regression was used to identify factors associated with naloxone knowledge (Model 1) and attitudes toward overdose response (Model 2). A graduate degree (B = .35, p < .003) and a history of overdose (B = 0.21, p = .032) were associated with greater naloxone knowledge. Age (B = .11, p < .001), race/ethnicity (B = -1.39, p = .037), naloxone training (B = 2.70, p < .001), and more positive attitude toward medications for OUD (B = 1.50, p = .003) were associated with attitudes toward overdose response. Family members are potential allies in reducing drug overdose deaths, and families may need broader education about naloxone. Awareness of previous overdose was associated with greater naloxone knowledge. Findings related to race/ethnicity suggest the need to reach family members of minoritized racial groups to provide access to naloxone training. Findings point to where education and distribution efforts may focus on increasing knowledge and improving attitudes among those closest to people with OUD.

Does the union always make the force? Group status and recategorization influence the perceived physical formidability of potential coalition groups.

Coalitions among individuals and between groups, which have had critical evolutionary benefits for humans, play an important role in contemporary life. One key element of the processes of assessing potential allies is how they may contribute to the perceived physical formidability - fighting ability or the capacity to inflict costs on others - of the alliance. In three studies, focused for the first time on intergroup coalitions, we investigated how qualities of the groups such as status (social prestige) and the relationship between them influence the perceived physical formidability of a coalition (i.e., European Union, EU). Study 1 found that the inclusion of a group with higher or similar (but not lower) status increased the perceived formidability of the EU. Studies 2 and 3 showed that learning that ingroup members recategorized a low-status group within a common-group identity increased the perceived formidability of the EU including that group, compared with the conditions in which either outgroup members recategorized or no information was provided. Study 3 also revealed mediation by fusion - a visceral connection - with outgroup members, which has been relatively unexplored. Taken together, these studies reveal that both, status and social identity processes, may significantly affect the estimations of coalitional formidability.

The EU's CBAM and Its ‘Significant Others’: Three Perspectives on the Political Fallout from Europe's Unilateral Climate Policy Initiative

AbstractAs part of the European Green Deal, the European Commission has launched a tool to protect the fulfilment of Europe's climate policy targets – the carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM). It is thought that the CBAM will spark stiff resistance from Europe's external trade partners, potentially undermining the initiative. How this plays out will depend in part on who the opponents and potential allies are – and how the European Union (EU) engages with them. But which non‐EU countries have a stake in the CBAM? The criteria for selecting third countries that are relevant for the CBAM are often implicit, which can lead to contradictory policy analyses and confused climate diplomacy. This research note compares three different perspectives that result in different lists of non‐EU countries that are important for the success of the CBAM. Awareness of these three perspectives amongst EU actors can help the CBAM succeed.

Preventing sexual violence in Vietnam: qualitative findings from high school, university, and civil society key informants across regions

BackgroundSexual violence by young men against women is common, but efficacious primary prevention interventions tailored to men are limited in low- and middle-income settings like Vietnam. GlobalConsent, a web-based sexual violence prevention intervention tailored to university men in Hanoi, is efficacious. Implementation research is needed to understand facilitators and barriers to scaling GlobalConsent and prevention programs generally. We conducted qualitative research with key informants from three youth-focused organizational settings to understand the context of implementation in Vietnam.MethodsInterviews with university (n = 15), high-school (n = 15) and non-governmental (n = 15) key informants focused on perceptions about sexual violence among young people and prevention programming. Four focus group discussions with 22 interviewed informants, following the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research, asked about facilitators and barriers to implementing GlobalConsent. Narratives were transcribed, translated, and coded inductively and deductively to identify salient themes.ResultsOuter-setting influences included greater expectations for sex among young people alongside norms favoring men’s sexual privilege, ostensibly ambiguous and lax laws on sexual violence, government ministries as bureaucratic but potential allies, external subject-matter experts, and the media. Inner-setting influences included variable cultures regarding openness to discuss sexual violence and equitable gender norms, variable departmental coordination, limited funding and ‘red tape’ especially in public institutions, inconsistent student access to technologies, and limited time and competing priorities among students and teachers. Several actors were considered influential, including institutional leaders, human-resource staff, the Youth Union, and student-facing staff. Important characteristics of individuals for implementation included subject-matter expertise, science or social science training, younger age, engagement in social justice related activities, and more open attitudes about sex. Regarding characteristics of sexual violence prevention programming, some participants preferred online formats for busy students while others suggested hybrid or in-person formats, peer education, and incentives. Participants generally accepted the content of GlobalConsent and suggested adding more content for women, ancillary support services, and adapted content for high-school students.ConclusionsImplementation of sexual violence prevention programs in youth-focused organizations in Vietnam requires multilevel strategies that connect outer-setting subject-matter experts with supportive inner-setting leaders and student-facing staff to overcome normative and organizational constraints, and thereby, to deliver institution-wide programming.

Attempts at Rapprochement between Bulgaria and Serbia in the Period 1908 – 1909 through the Eyes of Minister Plenipotentiary Andrey Toshev

The article aims to trace the rapprochement negotiations between the Bulgarians and the Serbs in the period 1908 – 1909, initiated by the government officials in Belgrade. Through this maneuver, they are trying to secure their Eastern border, which would allow them to focus on their other pressing foreign policy tasks. An important role in the negotiations conducted during the mentioned period was played by the newly appointed Bulgarian diplomatic representative in the Serbian capital Andrey Toshev. A significant part of the research is based on a thorough study and analysis of reports and telegrams written by him to the ruling Democratic Party government in Bulgaria, preserved in funds 176 K (fund of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Confessions) and 315 K (fund of the Bulgarian Legation in Belgrade) of the Central State Archives in Sofia. The later works of the experienced Bulgarian diplomat, concerning the period in question, are also examined, in order to take into account his later positions on the subject. The main method used in the article is historical analysis. Тhe author pays special attention to the tendency of the Serbs to demonstrate ambivalent behavior towards their potential political allies in Sofia, which discourages the latter that rapprochement is a realistic scenario.

Preventing Coups and Seeking Allies: The Demand and Supply of Alliances for Coup-Proofing Regimes

Prevailing accounts of alliance formation emphasize either external threats or domestic politics, without an explicit consideration of how the two factors might interact. Instead, this paper theorizes about a specific type of interaction: coup-prevention strategies in nondemocratic regimes and external threats. Through quantitative analyses using the Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions (ATOP) and the State Security Forces (SSF) data, we find that “coup-proofing” reduces the probability of alliance formation when potential allies are under high external threat and that this effect is driven by the coup-proofing regime’s reduced capability to defend their allies, rather than the regime’s increased vulnerability to aggression. Furthermore, we find evidence for the interactive relationship at the negotiation stage of alliance formation. Upon entering an alliance, a coup-proofing regime facing a higher level of external threat offers more policy concessions to the ally, whereas an ally under higher threat could make fewer concessions to the coup-proofing regime. Our study highlights the way nondemocratic domestic political institutions can interact with external threat to shape states’ alliance behavior.

Hydrogen energy and prospects for its development

The article is devoted to hydrogen as a promising source for obtaining clean energy. Attention is paid to the development of hydrogen energy both in the world and separately in the Russian Federation. The accumulated international experience in the production of hydrogen fuel is considered. The article mentions various methods of extracting hydrogen for its use as a fuel. Water electrolysis is noted as a promising method of hydrogen production due to its environmental friendliness. Particular attention in this article is paid to the current situation in the world in the fuel and energy complex, namely, the introduction of hydrogen fuel. For this, all possible lines of hydrogen supply to friendly countries that could be potential allies of Russia in the hydrogen energy industry are considered.

Economic Security, Sanctions and Reorientation of Russian Foreign Trade Flows

Relevance. Under the conditions of sanctions pressure, Russia needs to protect its economic interests and strengthen economic security. Therefore, the reorientation of foreign trade flows requires additional analysis. The purpose is to consider the direction of reorientation of Russian foreign trade flows in the context of anti‒ Russian sanctions.Objectives: to determine the main agenda of world trade policy; to identify common priorities of world trade; to provide quantitative data on the volume of trade of countries, to analyze the specifics of trade agreements over a decade, to identify the main economic method of pressure on states; to provide data on Russia's trade with other countries; to consider the Russian export commodity structure; to identify the relationship between the share in the commodity structure goods and growth rates in stable and crisis periods; identify priority export Russian goods in modern conditions.Methodology. The research methodology included the use of methods of analysis of quantitative and qualitative characteristics, correlation analysis, description, retrospective analysis, abstraction, generalization of the analyzed information.Results. The reasons for the forced change in the direction of foreign trade flows are not only direct pressure on the Russian economy, but also global trends of deglobalization and regionalization. The current trading partners, despite the restrictions imposed, continue to trade with Russia. When finding potential allies, the focus is primarily on the reliability, security and strength of partners on the world stage. The Russian economy should not deviate from the current export structure, as the demand for energy resources continues to be high. And Russia retains the role of one of the guarantors of global energy security.Conclusions. The issue of reorientation of Russian trade flows to alternative directions will remain one of the prevailing ones today. This is able to stabilize the economy and protect the economic interests of the country, to ensure the economic security of Russia. By diversifying and transforming trade flows by changing channels, the Russian economy will be able to discover new opportunities for the development of the world market.

A call to action: Taking the untenable out of women professors’ pregnancy, postpartum, and caregiving demands

AbstractDespite becoming increasingly represented in academic departments, women scholars face a critical lack of support as they navigate demands pertaining to pregnancy, motherhood, and child caregiving. In addition, cultural norms surrounding how faculty and academic leaders discuss and talk about tenure, promotion, and career success have created pressure for women who wish to grow their family and care for their children, leading to questions about whether it is possible for these women to have a family and an academic career. This paper is a call to action for academia to build structures that support professors who are women as they navigate the complexities of pregnancy, the postpartum period, and the caregiving demands of their children. We specifically call on those of us in I-O psychology, management, and related departments to lead the way. In making this call, we first present the realistic, moral, and financial cases for why this issue needs to be at the forefront of discussions surrounding success in the academy. We then discuss how, in the U.S. and elsewhere, an absence of policies supporting women places two groups of academics—department heads (as the leaders of departments who have discretion outside of formal policies to make work better for women) and other faculty members (as potential allies both in the department and within our professional organizations)—in a critical position to enact support and change. We conclude with our boldest call—to make a cultural shift that shatters the assumption that having a family is not compatible with academic success. Combined, we seek to launch a discussion that leads directly to necessary and overdue changes in how women scholars are supported in academia.

The Case for Rage: Why Anger is Essential to Anti-Racist Struggle, by Myisha Cherry

Cherry builds the case for rage that boomed in Audre Lorde’s verse and prose. The Case for Rage delivers a systematic vindication of anger’s essential role in anti-racist struggle, where moral and productive anti-racist anger is named ‘Lordean rage’ after the poet, activist and teacher. The book is incredibly timely, offering the thorough investigation of political anger called for following the extensive uptake of the Black Lives Matter movement during the pandemic. The pandemic has, I think, made this book particularly timely for two reasons: first, for starkly revealing (again) which lives are on the front lines and which are least valued, and secondly, for shutting down most of the distractions that could occupy the time and minds of potential allies. With the world (especially of the privileged) at a standstill, those gripped by profound outrage at the murders of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor were starved for ways to divert or subdue their anger. Many anguished about what to do with their rage. Cherry provides the answer. By combining philosophical rigour with accessible prose Cherry appeals to both ‘academic and activist, the philosopher and citizen’ (pp. 7-8), delivering a methodical treatment of anger that is apt to change not just how we think about the emotion but what we do with it.

RUSSIAN-IRANIAN RELATIONS AT THE PRESENT STAGE: PROSPECTS AND POTENTIAL RISKS

Since the beginning of 2022, relations between the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran have intensified, directly affecting all areas of cooperation between the two countries. In addition to the general positive trend starting in 2012, the Ukrainian crisis and the subsequent sanctions imposed on the Russian Federation by the European Union, the United States and others, which have significantly limited the political circle of Russia's engagement, have become the main drivers of the development of mutual relations between Russia and Iran. On the one hand, improving relations with Iran relatively mitigates the impact of the sanctions measures, however, on the other hand, it deprives Russia of diplomatic flexibility, which could have an extremely negative impact on relations with potential allies in the Middle East and the rest of the world.

Toward New Feminist Aesthetics

Toward New Feminist Aesthetics

‘Why haven’t you known?’

This article critically examines the character and extent of transoceanic solidarity in feminist anti-nuclear activism. Drawing on archival research into a British-based solidarity network, Women Working for a Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (WWNFIP), the article centralises the rhetorical question ‘Why Haven’t You Known?’ demanded by Māori activist Titewhai Harawira of her British audience in 1986, and extends it to contemporary scholars of feminist anti-nuclear activism. The article makes three main empirical claims. First, the WWNFIP archive pushes Indigenous women from across the Pacific into the limelight as experts and teachers, with British-based counterparts playing a supportive role. Second, the archive foregrounds Indigenous knowledge claims about nuclear colonialism and correspondingly represents decolonisation as essential to nuclear abolition. Thirdly, solidarity is shaped in ambivalent ways by these knowledge claims, which simultaneously evoke sisterly closeness and the discomfort of potential white allies. Overall, WWNFIP’s relatively successful construction of transoceanic solidarity, notwithstanding some ambiguities and limitations, points to the crucial relationship between knowledge and solidarity. The case study not only offers some valuable lessons for contemporary efforts to forge anti-nuclear solidarities but also disrupts dominant accounts of feminist anti-nuclear activism, past and present.

Allyship for Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion in Hand Surgery.

This article endeavors to be a resource to those individuals interested in becoming an ally or educating potential allies in the field of Hand Surgery. The definitions of allyship, its history, and its expected benefits are considered. The qualities of a good ally are enumerated, and approaches to becoming a better ally are described. The authors provide personal experience with impactful allies and describe strategies and resources on a local and national level. The authors conclude with "Bigger Questions": those issues that seem essential to have allyship succeed in expanding diversity, equity, and inclusion in the specialty.

Dispositional Balancing and Hegemonic Order: US Response to China’s Financial Statecraft

Abstract How does the USA react to Chinese initiatives that gather allies from among the states that have been instrumental in sustaining the American-led liberal international order? We contend that Washington deploys dispositional balancing against Beijing, supporting this argument through a close scrutiny of US support for the projects of international developmental organisations (IDOs), such as multilateral development banks (MDBs), that target borrowing members of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). In theoretical terms, dispositional balancing is a relatively cheap strategy whereby the hegemon (the USA) reacts to the emerging power (China) by signalling to both old and potential allies its immutable ability to match that rival’s benefits and hence retain its status and order. We build our theory through logit and linear models, tackling potential endogeneity through use of an instrumental variable strategy. In line with the theoretical expectations, we identify that the USA favours AIIB members, particularly those that also display high levels of dependency on Chinese aid, in IDOs/MDBs, wherein Beijing competes with traditional Western donors from the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development’s Development Assistance Committee. Our findings contribute to both the debates on hegemonic-order transitions and the growing scholarship on soft balancing, contested multilateralism, and collective financial statecraft.

The Road to Blair Mountain: Saving a Mine Wars Battlefield from King Coal

The Road to Blair Mountain: Saving a Mine Wars Battlefield from King Coal

In search of a common enemy: Russo-Turkish cooperation and its discontents (1908–1923)

The uneasy Putin-Erdogan partnership reminds of the early twentieth-century trends in the Russo-Turkish relations – taking advantage of each other’s dissidents vs cooperating against Western imperialism. Imperial Russia tended to indulge in the former which undermined the latter tendency in its policies in regards to the Young Turk regime who were similarly making irredentist overtures to Russian Muslim minorities. Both sides were also tempted or constrained by their existing or potential Great Power allies. In contrast, the partnership between the Soviets and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk would be more consistent as they minimized meddling in each other’s internal affairs to jointly oppose European encroachments. This article also shines a new archival light on the motivations of the Soviet side while highlighting the less well-known opposition to close cooperation between traditional rival empires on all levels of Soviet leadership. There is no scholarly work focusing on the 1908–1923 period in a single monograph or article (from the Young Turk revolution to the Lausanne negotiations). Looking at both sides of the 1917 divide reveals surprising continuity between the imperial and the Soviet policies despite the earthshattering effects of the First World War.

International Influences on the Survival of Territorial Non-state Actors

AbstractTerritorial contenders are political entities that control populated territories but lack recognition as sovereigns. They pose existential threats to their host states by reshaping recognized borders and generating zones of contested authority. States have strong incentives to eliminate them, and yet they persist—developing countries host an average of three territorial contenders within their borders. Understanding why territorial contenders survive and how they die is a critical puzzle in the study of state making. International forces offer important, if overlooked, explanations for these seemingly domestic processes. First, we argue that international rivals perpetuate the existence of territorial contenders by undermining a state's ability to reintegrate them through peaceful negotiations or by force. Secondly, the international human rights treaty regime provides a mechanism by which territorial contenders can galvanize support from potential allies, increasing a state's willingness and ability to resolve these disputes through peaceful reintegration processes.

Polyvocal articulations of climate justice and the commonality of loss

The political-intellectual project of climate justice (CJ) is diverse in its analyses and proposals. Recently, some sympathetic critics have worried that, together with its often-contentious tenor, this polyvocality renders CJ incoherent and/or ill-suited to legal and policy application. Divergent choices of framing and means do matter, since they entail implications for the development of constituencies, alliances, and political, legal, and/or policy action. This paper argues, however, that rather than incoherence, the variation, fluidity, and complexity of CJ evidence logical adaptations to differing positionalities and circumstances, made necessary by the multiple, geographically varying dimensions of climate injustice. Critical political geographic perspectives (which happen to complement those of many movement adherents) help to expose this adaptive logic. Correspondingly, diverse articulations of CJ and their implications help show how political spaces and ecologies matter in contesting the multiple inequalities and power moves with which climate injustice is intertwined. Moreover, recent public health analyses and testimonies from affected groups suggest that shared experiences of rising, disproportionate climate-related death and other forms of individual and collective loss increasingly underpin and motivate CJ's multiple forms. The trajectories of compounding loss, still-rising greenhouse gas emissions, and the growing hegemony of CJ in a variety of settings underscore the need for continuing development of extensive solidarities among dispersed and differently positioned affected groups and potential allies. Though other approaches – including those which address climate injustices without naming them as such – may bear fruit, such extensive articulations of CJ are crucial needs that intellectual labor can help to meet.

How urban riots influence political behavior: vote choices after the 2011 London riots

AbstractWhat are the electoral consequences of urban riots? We argue that riots highlight the economic and social problems suffered by those who participate, inducing potential electoral allies to mobilize. These allies can then punish local incumbents at the ballot box. We test this hypothesis with fine-grained geographic data that capture how exposure to the 2011 London riots changed vote choices in the subsequent 2012 mayoral election. We find that physical proximity to both riot locations and the homes of rioters raised turnout and reduced the vote for the incumbent Conservative mayor. These results are partly driven by a change in the turnout and vote choices of white residents. This provides support for the view that riots can help shift votes against incumbents who oppose the implied policy goals of rioters.