Postwar Program Research Articles

Postwar Immigration and Assimilation: A Reconceptualisation

The postwar immigration programme in Australia was a bold and visionary nation-building exercise, one that promised rapid assimilation of ‘aliens’. Some historians note deficiencies in the metanarrative of postwar immigration, but then fail to explain the contradictions which have become apparent. This article attempts to resolve those contradictions, by arguing that a distinction needs to be made between the rhetoric employed in selling the benefits of immigration to the Australian public and the implementation of policy. Assimilation policy was poorly conceived, ill-defined and without financial or human resources for meaningful implementation. Government concern was with public opinion—and with overseas recruitment of workers and labour control in Australia.

Sir George Stapledon and the Cahn Hill Improvement Scheme: A Dream Turned Reality

AbstractR. G. Stapledon was one of the most profound of twentieth-century thinkers on rural and landscape issues. Scientist, philosopher and teacher, he was an unconventional figure who, with a dedicated team of loyal colleagues, established the basic biology and breeding systems of the Graminae at the Welsh Plant Breeding Station in the 1920s and 1930s. They subsequently bred a range of grass and clover varieties which were to transform grazing lands throughout the British Empire. To Stapledon the grasslands of an island nation were of vital strategic importance and if Britain were to prepare for a future war, her grasslands would require dramatic improvement if they were to provide a reserve of fertility. In proposing and implementing a vast scheme of renovation of the uplands of Wales, against the fervent opposition of the economists, as a means of both improving agricultural output and stemming the haemorrhage of depopulation, he demonstrated the practical feasibility of land improvement. In so doing he provided a template for the massively subsidised post-war programme of land improvement which was so dramatically to change the face of Britain. This article describes the evolution and conduct of the Cahn Hill Improvement Scheme which was not only one of the most ambitious outdoor ‘experiments’ of the last century, but in a sense, a metaphor for nation-building itself.

Bachelors of Misery and Proxy Brides

In the postwar period, demographers and politicians both recognised that marriage was a good indicator of migrant assimilation. Getting married indicated a commitment to making Australia home, and to the new domesticated version of the ‘Australian way of life’. Patterns of intermarriage were especially suggestive of the willingness of migrants to marry outside of their ethnic group, and of Australian society to accept migrants as marriage partners. Yet, the labour imperatives of the postwar immigration program also produced a surplus of men across a number of ethnic groups, some of whom became ‘hard-core’ bachelors. Read in the context of a persistent imbalance of the sexes, it is argued that marriage also revealed the limits of assimilation.This article has been peer-reviewed.

Cuts to Supplemental Health Benefits for Refugees: Expanding the Understanding of Patient-Centred Care

In April 2012, the Minister of Citizenship, Immigration and Multiculturalism, Jason Kenney, unexpectedly announced that the federal government would no longer provide supplemental health benefits for refugees under the Interim Federal Health Program, a post-war program that had been established in 1957 to provide refugees with access to services such as dental care, vision care and medications. The Minister's rationale for eliminating supplemental health benefits was twofold: one, the $84 million was needed to help reduce the federal deficit, and two, refugees should not receive better public health benefits than Canadians. On the heels of this announcement, CPhA assembled a coalition of 8 other national health provider organizations, including the Canadian Medical Association, the Canadian Dental Association and the Canadian Nurses Association, in opposing this policy move. The coalition sent a strongly worded letter to the Minister in May 2012 outlining the negative implications of this change, and refuted the proposition that this announcement would result in cost savings to the taxpayer, given that other public bodies would ultimately be forced to absorb the costs of care. CPhA also spoke out loudly in the media against this change. The efforts on the part of the national provider groups were bolstered by advocacy efforts on the part of individual physicians and health care providers who targeted government politicians over the early summer, demanding answers as to why the federal government was abandoning this vulnerable population. These efforts culminated in a national Day of Action on June 18, when rallies (including a large one on Parliament Hill) were held across the country to protest this change. Our actions have had partial success. Immediately before the change was to go into effect July 1, the federal government partially backtracked by clarifying that refugees who fell under the “Resettlement Assistance Program” or its Quebec equivalent would remain eligible for supplemental health benefits — it is estimated that this category includes approximately one-third of all refugees in Canada. However, other refugees in Canada remain without any form of supplemental health benefits whatsoever, and therefore efforts to advocate on their behalf for reinstatement of supplemental health benefits will continue. (A breakdown of the benefits available to each classification of refugee is available on the Citizenship and Immigration Canada website1 or the CPhA website2). Given CPhA's leadership role in responding to this announcement, several pharmacists have asked a simple question — Why? With many other advocacy priorities that CPhA is actively pursuing, why take up this particular cause? The answer to that question goes to the very heart of the vision that CPhA and the Blueprint for Pharmacy have laid out: an evolution on the part of the pharmacist towards greater patientcentred care. For many pharmacists, the term “patient-centred care” may be seen strictly as providing enhanced medication management services for patients — in other words, focusing proper care on the individual patient. However, patient-centred care can, and arguably should, be viewed from a wider perspective. Patient-centred care should also extend to advocating on behalf of the patient — ensuring that systems, regulations and policies are in place that will protect the health and well-being of patients at a collective level, regardless of whether those regulations have a direct impact on the pharmacy profession or not. Physicians have a long history of advocating for better patient-centred care at a systems level. Organizations such as the Canadian Medical Association have taken strong positions on a broad array of issues that do not directly impact upon medical practitioners, but have a direct bearing on the health and well-being of patients — for example, their most recent Annual Congress in August 2012 was devoted in large measure to social determinants of health and the impact of income on health outcomes. Given pharmacists' history in medication management, and their day-to-day expertise in improving the health of patients, pharmacists and CPhA, in particular, can play a key role in advocating for better health policies and systems. From this perspective, CPhA's advocacy efforts to reinstate supplemental health benefits for refugees, who are undeniably some of our country's most vulnerable and disadvantaged members, can be viewed as a prime example of advocating on behalf of the interests of patients. As the Blueprint vision becomes more widely integrated into pharmacy practice and culture, we hope that the pharmacy community will embrace the notion of advocating not just on behalf of their profession, but for policies and programs that enhance the health outcomes of their patients. CPhA's efforts to protect refugee health are just one of the first steps to come in that direction.

Leadership: Arthur Calwell and the Post‐War Immigration Program*

Arthur Calwell was the major architect of Australia's successful post‐war migration program that laid the demographic, economic and cultural foundations of contemporary society. In public memory, however, Calwell is now mostly associated with the White Australia policy, which aimed to preserve Australia as a white, British‐Australian society by severely restricting Asian immigration. This article assesses Calwell's leadership of the immigration program, his impact and his legacy. It identifies three distinct, often irreconcilable leadership characteristics, defined in terms of him as “innovative policy‐maker’, “political broker” and “agitator”. This focus on leadership challenges the one‐dimensional view of Calwell that exists in Australian political historiography. It is also intended to extend our engagement with leadership studies and illuminate the role leadership plays in political decision‐making, especially sensitive portfolios like immigration.

Preparing for Victory. The U.S. Office of War Information Overseas Branch’s illustrated magazines in the Netherlands and the foundations for the American Century, 1944-1945

Winning the war against the Axis countries was not the only goal the US government had in mind; it was also working towards a new US led world order. Analysis of three illustrated magazines produced by the Office of War Information Overseas Branch for the Netherlands shows that in addition to short-term war-related goals, long-term goals sought to pave the way for the American Century. This essay also shows that, more than previously assumed, the content and approach of the activities undertaken by the OWI Overseas Branch during the last phase of the war anticipated the State Department's and United States Information Agency's post-war programs.

Japan's Democratization: Miyatake Gaikotsu on Prewar Plans and Postwar Programmes

AbstractJapan's early postwar leadership and American occupiers alike asserted that democratization was a new lesson that the Japanese public would have to learn. In fact, the ideas of democratic reformers had been broadcast to a large audience as feasible programmes decades before 1945. Miyatake Gaikotsu, the editor ofDemocracyin 1919, outlined the benefits that democratic reforms might provide in a post-World War I world. Decades later, Japanese people faced a new postwar struggle, not as victors but as the vanquished. Gaikotsu, writing in 1945, reflected on democracy in these new circumstances in his study,Amerika-sama. Although the situation was vastly different, victory and defeat in world wars had opened paths to new possibilities. This paper examines Gaikotsu's prewar writings as prescient prescriptions that he revisits in his essayAmerika-sama, or ‘Honourable America,’ at the point they begin to be played out, in some instances only partially and at times for ill as well as good, in occupied Japan. These reflections strikingly demonstrate the continuity of ideas during the prewar past and postwar present.Amerika-samais a representative expression of many programmes Gaikotsu and likeminded humanistic activists attempted to put into practice from the late nineteenth century until they were suppressed during the wartime years. Mainstream political parties, prewar and postwar, often found it difficult to embrace Gaikotsu's ideas and political programmes. Nevertheless, the general public embraced them and they now find legal support in the Constitution of Japan.

PROCESSES OF METROPOLIZATION IN THE TERRITORY PLANNING DOCTRINE OF THE EU AND LITHUANIA

The paper is devoted to the analysis of the main con- temporaty notions of metropolization in the doctrine of the EU, its development, pluses and minuses and to the consideration of the present processes taking place in this respect in modern- day Lithuania. In the beginning the author widely points to the main terms, such as metropolis, region metropolitan region, and shortly reviews the history of the EU, its territory planning principles. He reveals the early roots of these conceptions found in the works of utopian thinkers – Sir Thomas More, Robert Owen – productively continued in the territory planning blueprints of the19th century accomplished by A. Soria у Mata and E. Howard. An important stage of modern regional planning, paving the way to the later EU steps in this sphere, were wide-scale planning projects of the early decades of the 20th century and especially post-war regional programmes like Great London development. All these achievements of the past in regional planning enabled to arrive at an idea of uniting efforts on a European scale which took place in 1970 and to proclaim the Europe’s Regional Planning Chart seventeen years later. The prominent Maastricht Treaty signed in 1992 finally balanced the interests of the whole Europe and laid down the fundamentals of its “common home”. The regional situation in Lithuania, as in all the new EU member states, is rather multipartite. Its greatest drawback is lack of its own representative in the highest echelon of the Baltic Sea Region urban categories – in the composition of cities officially included into the list of the so-called european Cities. This status provides the most prestigious situation and evident advantages in the international urban network as well as in the intercon- nectional relations and cooperation of the largest metropolies. Eventually the grade of euro City presents as if an important “gate” to the wide field of various beneficial actions overgrowing national borders. The author reports his position towards Lithuania’s abilities “to delegate” its representative to the top of the BSR city hierarchy. According to the arguments given in the paper, an exclusive chance to achieve this international appreciation is through employing a unique and unprecedented situation of the country, namely, existence of the twin cities of Vilnius and Kaunas, similarity of their size and typological feature, their close many-sided cooperation, distinction by intensive oncoming commuting flows and so on. Studies of labour market show that in this spontaneous urban belt a qualitatively new model of “job-residing” location comes into being: to settle in one city and to work in the other one. Together with improving communication between these cities and mounting traffic rate, this process will certainly flourish. By a reasonable regulation and stimulation of these spontaneous processes, a great combined metropolitan unit (“dipolis”) containing Vilnius and Kaunas can be formed. Inexorable processes of globalization definitively stimulate necessity to shake-up local and national economies, to revise essentially inveterate principles of territory planning. Processes taking place globally within the last decades show unceasing trends to join cities, towns and townships network into united polycentral or bipolar systems along the main communication channels. A model of concentrated location of urban units (as the opposite to their geographically dispersed, gradually developed network suggested by W.Christaller) seems to be more rational and advantageous in numerous aspects. Therefore, resuming all these considerations, a new essential question arrises: is the idea of sustainable development formulated in 1987 by Gro Harlem Brundtland the only and undisputed alternative in territorial development? Metropolizacijos procesai ES teritorinio planavimo doktrinoje ir Lietuva Santrauka Peržvelgiama Europos Sąjungos sukūrimo chronologija, jos teritorinio planavimo doktrinos ištakos, pagrindiniai Europos „bendrųjų namų“ pamatus padėjusios Mastrichto sutarties teiginiai. Atskleidžiamos šiuolaikinių globalizacijos procesų stimuliuojamų didelių metropolinių regionų formavimosi procesų priežastys. Pritariama vis dažniau pasigirstančioms abejonėms, ar kelis dešimtmečius vyravusios darniosios plėtros samprata teritorinio planavimo procese yra vienintelė ir nenuginčijama alternatyva. Šiuo požiūriu Baltijos jūros regiono ir nusistovėjusių teritorinių struktūrinių vienetų (NUTS ) kontekste Lietuva stoko ja ryškaus urbanistinio centro, galinčio pretenduoti į oficialiai pripažintų European City rango miestų sąrašą. Vienintelė galimybė tokiam metropoliniam centrui sukurti – tai Lietuvos Respublikos teritorijos bendrajame plane numatytas Vilniaus ir Kauno potencialų sujungimas.

Understanding Change and Stability in Party Ideologies: Do Parties Respond to Public Opinion or to Past Election Results?

Previous research explains the evolution of parties' ideological positions in terms of decision rules that stress the uncertainty of the political environment. The authors extend this research by examining whether parties adjust their ideologies in response to two possible influences: shifts in public opinion, and past election results. Their empirical analyses, which are based on the Comparative Manifesto Project's codings of parties' post-war programmes in eight West European nations, suggest that parties respond to shifts in public opinion, but that these effects are only significant in situations where public opinion is clearly shifting away from the party's policy positions. By contrast, no evidence is found here that parties adjust their ideologies in response to past election results. These findings have important implications for parties' election strategies and for models of political representation.

Nature, Technology, and Nation

This essay explores the early cold-war attempts of the Radio Physics Laboratory (RPL) to link shortwave radio disruptions to the unique geophysical phenomena of northern regions. Born out of prewar traditions of geophysical research and applied to the communication demands of the Second World War, this approach placed the laboratory in the midst of wider post-war programs to assert territorial and cognitive sovereignty over the Canadian North as a way of empowering and defining the nation. The laboratory’s approach to linking nature and technology, however, required an additional act of sovereignty—a reform of the practices of geophysical research on which those associations depended. The resulting arguments from the laboratory echoed with broader post-war understandings of how the North and technology were intertwined.

Moving home: changing attitudes to residence and identity

This essay discusses mid-twentieth-century domestic design in Britain, reflecting on modernist reform principles that focused attention on the restructuring of social relations in spatial design through the introduction of the open plan. The reception of open plan is considered historically and in the light of recent analyses of the social meanings of domestic space. The implication of gender distinction in the design, use and critiques of domestic space, is posited as an aspect of material culture objectifying strategies of social relations. This account draws together a series of issues under the theme of 'flexible space', comparing two case studies of moving home in mid- and late-twentieth century. The first appertains to several generations of residents moving into one of the new towns of the post-war Reconstruction programme, and the second to a recent study of older people moving into retirement accommodation.

Creating a Virtuous Society: Immigration and Australia's Policies of Multiculturalism

Australia's post-war programme of mass immigration has been accompanied by growing ethnic and racial diversity. This process of diversification accelerated markedly from the 1970s onwards after the abandonment of the White Australia Policy in the 1960s. Despite this diversification, Australia has been able to sustain itself as a peaceful liberal democracy. It is the contention of this article that Australia's policies of multiculturalism have played an important role in contributing to this state of relative peacefulness. This article seeks to assemble some evidence from the Australian experience to ‘test’ the notion that the peacefulness of Australian society may, in some measure, be understood as a product of the contribution of its policies of multiculturalism to engendering and reinforcing those very virtues which liberal democracies require in order to sustain themselves over time.

White flour, white power: from rations to citizenship in central Australia

The colonial practice of rationing goods to Aboriginal people has been neglected in the study of Australian frontiers. This book argues that much of the colonial experience in Central Australia can be understood by seeing rationing as a fundamental, though flexible, instrument of colonial government. Rationing was the material basis for a variety of colonial ventures: scientific, evangelical, pastoral and the post-war program of 'assimilation'. Combining history and anthropology in a cultural study of rationing, this book develops a new narrative of the colonisation of Central Australia. Two arguments underpin this story: that the colonists were puzzled by the motives of the Indigenous recipients; and that they were highly inventive in the meanings and moral foundations they ascribed to the rationing relationship. This study goes to the heart of contemporary reflections on the nature of Indigenous 'citizenship'.

Institutions, Interests, and Ideology in Economic Policy in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States

In previous research on economic policy in Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States, from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s, the author found that the primary determinant of economic policies and their outcomes appeared to be powerful organized interest groups, with differences in governmental institutions having little apparent impact. The ideologies of Thatcherism and Reaganism contributed to the reduction of the role of government and established conservative agendas, but left their postwar welfare state programs intact. This study of economic policymaking in the three countries since the mid-1980s confirms the ‘new institutionalist’ position in political science that institutions—government organizations, political parties, and electoral systems—do matter. Interest groups are also crucial, but they are not as determinative as previously argued. Ideology can be critical, but the influence of ideology is neither pervasive nor continuous. Strong, forceful, goal-directed leadership can also play a vital role.

Defense investment cycles 1948–1993: The environment of postwar program management

Defense investment cycles 1948–1993: The environment of postwar program management

Science, Technology, and Reparations: Exploitation and Plunder in Postwar Germany.

Preface Part I. From wartime military intelligence to postwar commercial exploitation: 1. Wartime scientific and technical intelligence 2. From wartime intelligence to postwar exploitation Part II. The Postwar Programs: 3. Project paperclip 4. The documents program 5. Consultants and missions 6. Transferring the technical know-how Part III. Terminating FIAT and Evaluating the Take: 7. Governors versus exploiters 8. Evaluating the take 9. The Germans assess their loses Part IV. Conclusion: 10. Observations and reflections Appendix Notes Bibliographical notes Index.

Project Paperclip: German Scientists, American Policy, and the Cold War

The American program to bring German scientists and technicians to the United States after World War II (Project Paperclip) was but one aspect of a larger postwar program designed to exploit German scientific and technical know-how for the benefit of the military and industrial establishments in the United States. That larger postwar program, which the American military and industrial establishments helped to promote and implement, had its roots in the war and was inspired or influenced at every stage of its conception and development by prior British initiatives. Project Paperclip itself was in part an attempt to deny the benefits of German expertise to all nations except Great Britain, with whom the United States (at the suggestion of the British) worked out an allocation formula and a procedure to share the German scientists and technicians. The project was not conceived primarily as a weapon in the Cold War with the Soviet Union, nor was its primary purpose in practice to deny scientific and technical talent to that country alone.

Book Review: Ian Budge, David Robertson and Derek Hearl, (eds.), Ideology, Strategy and Party Change: Spatial Analyses of Post-War Election Programmes in 19 Democracies (Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. xvii, 494. $144.00

Book Review: Ian Budge, David Robertson and Derek Hearl, (eds.), Ideology, Strategy and Party Change: Spatial Analyses of Post-War Election Programmes in 19 Democracies (Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. xvii, 494. $144.00

Wartime Housing Limited, 1941 - 1947: Canadian Housing Policy at the Crossroads

Entre 1941 et 1947, une corporation de la couronne appelée Wartime Housing Limited (WHL) construit et gère avec succès des milliers d'habitations qu'elle loue aux travailleurs de guerre et aux vétérans. WHL constitue une approche interventionniste directe des problèmes de logement et démontre que le gouvernement fédéral a su effectivement et d'une manière efficace satisfaire les besoins sociaux en participant à la constitution d'un stock de logements. Bien que le Comité consultatif sur la Reconstruction ait recommandé un programme complet de logement à l'échelle nationale, mettant l'accent sur le logement à loyer modique, le gouvernement fédéral met sur pied un programme d'après-guerre encourageant l'accès à la propriété et l'entreprise privée et, dans le processus, néglige la planification à long terme et le logement à faible revenu. Déplus, à la fin des années 1940, le réservoir de logements constitué par la WHL est privatisé. Cette perspective orientée vers le marché retarde les progrès de la politique du logement de l'après-guerre de même que, pour des décennies, la tradition législative en matière d'assistance publique entrave l'adoption par le gouvernement d'une politique d'aide aux chômeurs. Cet article passe en revue les registres de logement de la WHL et examine l'échec du gouvernement fédéral à constituer, à la fin de la guerre, une agence permanente de logement à loyer modique à partir de l'expertise de la WHL.

Engineer training in Sweden during the postwar period in the context of technical and structural change

Abstract A predilection for far-reaching social planning has been the norm in Sweden for most of the postwar period. During the Second World War, for example, planning ideas were developed by Swedish economists and officials (most of them associated with Social Democratic circles) serving on the Myrdal Commission, as it was called.1 Many of these ideas turned up subsequently in the labour movement's postwar programme and were implemented to some extent during the 1950s and 1960s. In this way a kind of supply economy came into operation. Many prominent Swedish economists became heavily involved in the work of forecasting and planning, in which oneimportant planning aim was the avoidance of structural problems. The end in view, in other words, was to plan in such a way that mutually complementary combinations of productive resources were to hand at every given point in time. Manpower forecasts and socio-economic ‘long-term planning commissions’ were some of the instruments that came to.be employed.