post-New Order Research Articles

Revisiting Chinese Indonesian Violence in Indonesian Post-New Order Fiction

May 1998 saw one of the worst cases of racial violence in Indonesian history. During 13th to 15th May 1998, there were acts of expropriation, looting, arson and sexual assault targeting the Chinese community in Indonesia. Using two specimens of Indonesian post-New Order fiction, Sekuntum Nozomi 3 (SN3) by Marga Tjoa and Putri Cina (PC) by Sindhunata, this study investigates how cultural memories of the May 1998 Tragedy were shared with the post-event generation. The method employed is a qualitative narrative with a narratological approach. The results showed that literary works function as a medium for the spread of memory. Through SN3 and PC, the memory of violence against ethnic Chinese Indonesians between 12th and 15th May 1998 is transmitted, especially for the post-event generation who did not experience it firsthand. Despite the differing representation strategy, there was substantively one voice to be conveyed, namely that of “discrimination, violence and human rights violations” against Chinese Indonesians. Memories are institutionalised and distributed as part of the national memory in these works. Both works mediate the politics of cultural memory to memorialise the past “sins” of the Indonesian people. These literary works can be viewed as tools for minorities to articulate discrimination.

Pancasila dalam Dinamika Politik Identitas di Masyarakat Dayak

The research discussed in this scholarly work focuses on identity politics that has plagued the Indonesian nation due to abuses. The politics of abuse must be countered with the foundations contained in Pancasila, so that identity politics does not occur. For this, the method used is a quantitative research method. With this method, the author can describe Pancasila and identity politics with the data obtained, so that the reader can understand and reflect that unity is very important for this country. Therefore, this study will produce an outcome, which is to reverse identity politics into unity in social diversity or commonly known as tolerance to reconcile Indonesia and promote the prosperity of the community. advanced and growing Dayak coin. In West Kalimantan, the Dayak people were the first to seize the opportunity to openly organize along ethnic lines and pursue ethnic political goals. Immediately after the fall of the New Order, the Dayak people took to the streets demanding the appointment of Dayak police chiefs in two districts. This chapter examines the role of the Reformation, or post-New Order reform period, in Dayak politics and how Dayak politics has evolved since then. To understand the early development of Dayak politics in West Kalimantan, we will first look at how West Kalimantan experienced political transitions and intense Dayak political lobbying, including the government and other reactions from the large ethnic group, the Malays.

Tanah tak Bertuan: Volatilitas dan Stabilitas Elektoral di Jawa Barat Pasca Ode Baru

The changing power of political parties is one of the most important phenomena studied in democratic political systems. It can shed light on the extent to which political parties are connected to voters, the strengthening or weakening of party institutionalisation, the influence of personalities in politics, the influence of electoral and party institutional design, and so on. Studies on political party change (electoral volatility and stability) have been conducted comparatively, and some studies are conducted by looking at the national context of Indonesia. However, while studies have been conducted on these issues at the local level, they remain overlooked. This article fills this gap by presenting a description and analysis of electoral volatility and stability in West Java in the post-New Order era. Using the theoretical framework of electoral volatility and stability as well as the theory of party system institutionalisation (PSI), this study proposes three findings: high party turnover; higher electoral volatility in West Java compared to national electoral volatility; more competitive political party competition at the district/city level in West Java. The findings on electoral volatility, stability and competition are influenced by the restrictions of political party regulations, which have an impact on the decreasing number of political parties in elections, the personalisation of politics and the presidentialisation of politics, as well as the historical roots of the old-established parties that have been entrenched since the New Order era.

Rencana Aksi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia (RANHAM) 1998-2003: dalam Mewujudkan Masa Reformasi Demokratis

The 1998-2003 National Human Rights Action Draft (RANHAM) was an initiative of the Indonesian government that was launched after a period of political reform in 1998. This RANHAM aims to strengthen the protection and promotion of human rights in post-New Order Indonesia. Some of the main points in the RANHAM include community empowerment, legal reform, eradication of torture, protection of women's and children's rights, and strengthening human rights protection institutions such as Komnas HAM. RANHAM 1998-2003 is part of a broader effort to change the human rights paradigm in Indonesia after the authoritarian era. However, its implementation has not always gone smoothly, and challenges remain in the advancement of human rights in post-Reformasi Indonesia. This paper aims to analyze how the realization of RANHAM 1998-2003 and as a projection in the implementation of RANHAM today to be in accordance with what has been conceptualized from the beginning about RANHAM. The research method used in this paper is a qualitative descriptive research method which is to explain thoroughly about the problem by describing it. The data used in this writing comes from official documents, government evaluation reports and reports of human rights institutions that are collected and analyzed to then be described. In fact, it can be concluded that the RANHAM aims to strengthen the protection and promotion of human rights in Indonesia after the New Order period.

The Emergence and Stability of Political Family Networks (PFNs) in Banten Province, Indonesia

The emergence of political family networks (PFNs) is an anomaly in Indonesian democracy post-New Order authoritarianism. This article discusses the emergence of political family networks in Banten Province, Indonesia, and how they maintained stability and stayed in power for over two decades. The research data, crucial for our comprehensive understanding, were collected through rigorous, in-depth interviews with key informants in Banten. Observation and study of documents were also carried out during the process of collecting data in the field. The result of the study shows that in the two decades since the 1998 democratic transition, as many as five PFNs emerged and existed in Banten Province. However, the role of local strongman Tubagus Chasan Shohib, who leveraged his social and political influence, became the most intriguing aspect of this study. His influence was critical in this region's emergence and consolidation of PFNs. Stability in the political arena was built through the strengthening of social bonds and transactional, as well as the spread of institutions in a mimetic, normative, and coercive manner.

The Identity of Political Islam in a Democratic Regime: The Ideology of the Prosperious Justice Party (PKS), Indonesia and the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Turkey

This study focuses on the identity and ideological orientation of two Islamic political parties, as well as their steps towards ideological moderation and specific electoral strategies within the political landscapes of two different countries. This is a library-based research that explores the identity of political Islam ideology in secular democracies, utilizing a combination of historical and political approaches. The sources include literature and writings about political Islam groups in Indonesia and Turkey, specifically PKS and AKP, derived from reputable books and scholarly articles. The study concludes that both PKS and AKP are moderate in ideology and politics. PKS, especially in post-New Order, transformed through moderation and inclusion, maintaining its Islamist identity while forming coalitions with nationalist parties for survival. Meanwhile, AKP combines moderate Islamism with conservative democracy, though Erdogan’s dominant leadership tends toward authoritarianism.

Melampaui Dua Rezim: Analisa Politik Pemikiran Keislaman Nurcholish Madjid

This research investigates the political analysis of Nurcholish Madjid's Islamic thought, transcending the confines of two dominant regimes: conservatism and secularism. The paper poses a pivotal question regarding Madjid's intellectual journey in the socio-political context of Indonesia, particularly considering the absence of the New Order regime. By examining Madjid's embedded intellectualism, the study explores how historical contexts shape his Islamic perspectives, highlighting fundamental shifts influenced by pre- and post-New Order periods.

Between Exclusivity and Inclusivity of Institutions: Examining the Role of the Indonesian Ulema Council and Its Political Fatwa in Handling the Spread of Covid-19

The Indonesian Ulema Council (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI) was stigmatised as an institution accommodating conservative Islamic groups’ interests post-New Order. However, the religious fatwas produced by the MUI during the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020 had prioritised independence so that it returned to its original role, namely as a translator of government policies. For this reason, this article aims to examine the MUI fatwas and its relationship to state policies in tackling the spread of Covid-19. It is a qualitative research study with a historical approach, examining the content of seven fatwas issued by the Fatwa Commission (Komisi Fatwa) between March and July 2020 as the primary data sources. This study found that MUI’s legal arguments and methods are more inclusive, flexible, and progressive towards socio-religious problems. These fatwas have become a reference for the government in taking policies to suppress the spread of Covid-19. It is reinforced by the fact that several fatwas issued by MUI were used as guidelines by the government in formulating policies to curb the spread of Covid-19. Therefore, the authors argue that the MUI’s fatwa politics not only serve the interests of the Muslim community but also align with the state’s interests in tackling the spread of Covid-19. Thus, the debate regarding the stigmatisation of the role of MUI can be dismissed through these findings, providing new insights into the dynamic interplay between religious and legal frameworks.

Promoting Indonesian Moderate Islam on the Global Stage: Non-State Actors’ Soft Power Diplomacy in the Post-New Order Era

This paper investigates why and how Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have engaged in the soft power diplomacy of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia and how they mobilise their vast resources and networks to do so. The nefarious effects of radical extremism have invited the Muslim world, including Indonesia, to revert to the notion of Islamic moderation, a justly balanced Islam (wasatiyyat Islam), and to promote it nationally and globally. In this sense, both state and non-state actors, such as Muhammadiyah and NU, have pulled themselves into soft power diplomacy. Drawing upon the lens of soft power and public diplomacy theory, this paper finds that Muhammadiyah and NU’s involvement in Indonesia’s soft power and public diplomacy is generated by shared interests in reinstalling a moderate identity at home and abroad. In this vein, through dialogues, cooperation, humanitarian action, and the establishment of special branches and sister organisations, the two most prominent Islamic institutions in Indonesia have attempted to internationalise the best practice of Indonesian Islam, rooted sociologically and historically in tolerance, openness, and temperance. This paper discovers that, although confronted by some weaknesses and challenges, Muhammadiyah and NU constantly attempt to craft global networks of moderate Islam and to recenter Indonesian Islam as a new centre of Islamic civilisation.

STRATEGI PEMERINTAH INDONESIA MENGATASI MASALAH EKONOMI PADA MASA REFORMASI (1999 – 2004)

The 1997 economic crisis was a miserable history for the Indonesian. The New Order government, which was unable to handle the storm of crises, made people's lives even more miserable. The economic reforms carried out by the post-New Order government were expected to overcome the crisis. This study aims to explore the various strategies adopted by the government at the beginning of the reform to deal with the crisis. The government in question is from 1999 to 2004. The research method uses the historical method with 4 steps, namely heuristics, verification, interpretation, and historiography. The years 2001 and 2002 recorded the highest inflation rates, the weakening of the rupiah exchange rate against the US dollar, and the highest annual interest rates. The strategy undertaken to deal with the economic crisis included carrying out Monetary Policy (controlling the money supply and raising SBI interest rates), bank liquidation, forming the National Economic Council, financial restructuring, and increasing investment. These various strategies have had a positive impact on reducing the rate of inflation and increasing the rate of economic growth.

Legal Research Concerning the Legal Status of Surat-Ijo Land Owned by the City Government of Surabaya

The emergence of the liberation movement for the residents of the Surat-Ijo land is a form of response to the phenomenon of injustice that has surrounded and shackled some of the people of the city of Surabaya which has been going on for a long time. The emergence of the liberation movement was encouraged and facilitated by a situation that upheld the spirit of openness and freedom of expression, namely the spirit of reform that arose in the post-New Order era. One (of the many) factors that gave rise to the liberation movement for the residents of Surat-Ijo land is the difference in understanding of the applicable laws and regulations, especially the regional land laws and regulations. This difference in views has led to different perceptions between the two parties regarding the status of state land rights that are occupied by residents. The form of conflict resolution regarding the Surat-Ijo land can occur when there is a unified understanding between the residents of the Surat-Ijo land and the City Government of Surabaya regarding land laws and regulations, both national and local. Efforts to resolve the conflict require a bold breakthrough, not just to be handled legally which only involves the two parties to the dispute, but requires the involvement of at least three ministries, namely the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning, and the Ministry of Finance. The settlement of the Surat-Ijo land conflict must be encouraged by the spirit of upholding justice and prosperity for all Indonesian people as the goal of the proclaimed Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) in 1945.

Gerakan Islam Pasca Orde Baru: Kelahiran FPI dan Dampaknya

The purpose of this study is to trace the birth of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and its impact in Indonesia. This article uses the library method to read, analyze and systematize the data obtained with the theme of FPI-related research. This article finds that post-new order, the space of freedomis increasingly open. Among the open spaces that are used by radical Islamic movements to reveal themselves and help color Indonesian reform, one of which is the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). Furthermore, with the reality of open democracy earlier, through deliberations carried out by Habib Riziew et al, this movement grew organizationally. FPI is growing when it has good relations with the military and police, FPI often get funding supply and impunity over the law since its birth the existence of FPI has implications in national and religious life in Indonesia such as: accusations of hatred, assault and intolerance, religious politicization and encourage the birth of Sharia regional regulations (Perda Syariah) in Indonesia.

Reconnecting with the Urban Vernacular through Post-New Order Visual Art

Abstract Indonesia’s urbanization and economic development projects during the New Order established regimes of visuality that ignored aspects of everyday urban life. Contemporary Indonesian artists attempt to share untold histories and stories of everyday life from the urban past or give expression to the social and creative challenges and opportunities of the urban present. This article focuses on multimedia artist Maryanto and new media art collective Ruang MES 56. Maryanto’s use of allegory and his notion of art as a ‘space of exception’ constitute thoughtful ways of engaging with the transformations of people’s urban environments and identities. MES 56’s work utilizes the critical and humorous potential of the ludic to deal with the new urban realities and possibilities under democratic reform. I argue that artistic exception does not exclude but in some ways strengthens, and in other ways contradicts, reconnection with the everyday realities of Indonesian urban life.

Mekanisme Penyelidikan, Penyidikan Dan Mengadili Di Indonesia Pasca Orde Baru

Inquiry and investigation in the mechanism there is a difference between the two. Article 1 point 5 of the Criminal Procedure Code regulates investigations to determine whether an event that is suspected of being a crime is true before finally proceeding to the level of investigation. Where the investigation stage aims to determine the truth of a criminal act. After finding out who the perpetrators of the crime were, then in accordance with the constitution a court process will be carried out through an independent judicial power. Merdeka has the principle that judicial power must be free from any form of encouragement or interference from any outside party. It is different from the power to adjudicate in the post-New Order era where legal dualism occurred. This study uses a normative juridical method with a statutory approach (Statute Approach) regarding Law Number 14 of 1970 concerning Judicial Power in the New Order regime as well as a Case Approach (Case Approach) of legal dualism carried out by President Soeharto where presidential power is attached to legal authority. justice. The power of the president attached to the power of the judiciary will give birth to the independence or independence of the decisions of the judges because there is interference from the power of the president.

Accommodating Non-Muslim Rights: Legal Arguments and Legal Principles in the Islamic Jurisprudence of the Indonesian Supreme Court in the Post-New Order Era

Abstract Most Islamic legal literature describes non-Muslims as ‘second-class citizens’. They do not have equal rights to Muslims, particularly under Islamic inheritance law. This article attempts to re-evaluate this general assessment by presenting cases of Islamic inheritance involving non-Muslims in post-New Order Indonesia. Using five decisions of the Indonesian Supreme Court, we argue that whilst the judges’ legal arguments are relatively progressive and inclusive by accommodating non-Muslim rights, their analogical interpretation of the waṣiat wājibah (mandatory will) is still trapped in classical fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) norms that position religious differences and apostasy as an obstacle to inheritance. Although their analogical interpretation has in some cases resulted in equal rights, the protection of non-Muslim rights has not been fully realized. The legal arguments and principles they adopt are made acceptable to the Muslim community because they maintain traditional fiqh in the context of a multicultural Indonesian society. This study has implications for equal rights among Indonesian citizens and the realization of the state’s ideals that uphold the right to freedom of religion.

From Pemuda to Remaja

ABSTRACT This study investigates how the civic nationalism of the current millennial generation is perceived and expressed in contemporary Indonesia. We define civic nationalism as nationalism in which the foundations of citizenship are civic ties that ensure equality for people of different religions or ethnicities. Since the post-New Order period, religious nationalism promoted by vocal Islamist groups such as Laskar Jihad, Front Pembela Islam (Islamic Defence Front, FPI), and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) has contested Indonesian civic nationalism. Despite this challenge, we argue that Indonesian civic nationalism has been vibrantly reproduced, with the current millennial generation playing an active role, despite studies that frequently portray them as apolitical remaja (consumerist youth). We use NusantaRun and SabangMerauke as examples of youth communities that actively promote civic nationalist narratives. We also contend that their ideas on civic nationalism emphasise interfaith engagement in activities centred on consumer culture, self-development, and volunteerism, all of which fit into the broader neoliberal milieu of post-New Order Indonesia. These findings, deriving from our interviews and analyses of their social media discourse, will help to advance research on changing nationalist expressions across Indonesian generations.

The shift in the regime of silence: Selective erasure of the 1965 massacre in post-New Order Indonesia’s official narrative

This study revisits the regime of silence surrounding the official representation of the Indonesian 1965 massacre after the collapse of Suharto’s New Order regime in 1998. Focusing on the educational arena, where textbooks convey knowledge as well as moral meaning of the past, I conceive textbook authors as memory agents and seek to highlight narrative strategies in their representation of the 1965 killing. I argue that the narrative strategy opted by post-New Order textbook writers underscore silence as a selective erasure, featuring a continuance as well as a shift in the regime of silence before and after 1998. This article suggests that while before 1998, Suharto’s New Order regime imposed an official narrative that emphasized the leading role of Suharto pertaining to the 1965 killing, after the collapse of Suharto’s New Order regime in 1998, the official narrative instead opts for the strategy of selective erasure, circumventing a direct link between Suharto and the 1965 massacre while maintaining the rest of the New Order’s account of the perpetrators, victims, as well as when, how, and why the killings took place. This study further contributes to the existing discussions of strategies opted for maintaining or breaking the cycle of silence pertaining to the past. Through the strategy of silence as selective erasure and by crafting double-layers of silence, not only do state-supported memory agents in this study perpetuate the cycle of silence, but they also pave the way to join contesting efforts to shape post-memory of the past despite more than two decades of regime change from an authoritarian to a more democratic political system.

PERKEMBANGAN JUMLAH FRAKSI DPR RI MASA ORDE BARU HINGGA REFORMASI (1966-2004)

The function of the House of Representatives as stated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Article 20A paragraph (1) is a legislative function, a budget function and a supervisory function. The provisions in the 1945 Constitution were then translated into Law Number 22 of 2003 concerning the Structure and Position of the MPR, DPR, DPD and DPRD. The House of Representatives (DPR) in Indonesia has experienced many ups and downs. At least it is divided into 3 (three) periods, namely the Old Order, New Order and Post New Order or Reformation periods. However, in this paper the researcher only discusses the New Order and Post-New Order or Reformation periods. At the beginning of the New Order government, the DPR underwent several changes, both regarding its membership and authority. This research is entitled "Differences in the Membership Structure of the DPR in the New Order Period and the 1966-2004 Reformation Period." using historical research methods which include heuristics, verification, interpretation, historiography. In the composition of the membership of the New Order DPR from 1971 to 1977 the role of the People's Representative Council was more to support the executive than as a supervisor. The period 1971-1977 was different from the previous year's period. During the New Order period of 1966-1977 there were 9 political parties that existed during the New Order era, namely Parmusi, NU, PSII, Perti, PNI, Catholic Party, PARKINDO, IPKI, and Murba. In the composition of the New Order DPR membership from From 1971 to 1977 the role of the People's Representative Council was more to support the executive than as a supervisor. The 1971-1977 period had a difference from the previous year's period, in which during this period it provided a place for members who were appointed to the DPR, such as ABRI and Golkar

THE USE OF ENGLISH IN INDONESIAN FILM TITLES: A HABITUS IN THE INDONESIAN POST-NEW ORDER FILM INDUSTRY

The use of English in several Indonesian film titles is a reality that has been seen since the collapse of the New Order era in 1998. Aspects of social conditions and historical background led to the assumption that the use of English in several Indonesian film titles is related. Therefore, this study aims to prove this assumption by using qualitative methods and a phenomenological approach supported by literature studies in examining social conditions and historical contexts that encourage the birth of phenomena in the Indonesian film industry based on a cultural perspective by applying Bourdieu's habitus theory. emphasizes habitus as a historical product and the role of English in Indonesia after the collapse of the New Order era. The results of the study prove that the rapid development of Indonesian cinema, in terms of the use of English in a number of Indonesian film titles, cannot be separated from the historical context, globalization, and social conditions that underlie its emergence. Such a phenomenon then becomes a recurring habit in the Indonesian film industry which shows that habitus is a product of history. This is also a sign that departs from the increasing role of English in the post-New Order era, because there is no longer any control or restriction on the use of Indonesian under the pretext of uniformity and improvement of national identity.

Efforts to Erode Dichotomies Using Integrative Learning Models in Islamic Religious Education

Science and religion have always been regarded as two conflicting and even conflicting regions. The post-new order situation gave birth to freedom of voice, thought and work which greatly influenced a person's morale towards views on the world of education. Public Public Primary School education seems to have failed to produce civilized human beings according to Islam. Islamic-based education, which was originally not in great demand, reinvented space in the eyes of the community. Both of these regions are actively involved in efforts to answer human origins and goals. Religion draws its answers from revelation and intuition, whereas science bases its beliefs on ratios and scientific reasoning. As for the efforts of science and religion to coexist, it is nothing more than an attitude of mutual respect for each region but a collaboration between the two sciences in order to erode the dichotomy in the field of education and be able to answer the times. The purpose of this writing is to attempt to erode the dichotomy of education with integrative models. The discussion shows that there are four kinds of conflicts between religion and science, namely conflict, independence, dialogue, and integration.