post-Euromaidan Ukraine Research Articles

Post-Euromaidan Ukraine: Domestic Power Struggles and War of National Survival in 2014–2022 by Bohdan Harasymiw (review)

Post-Euromaidan Ukraine: Domestic Power Struggles and War of National Survival in 2014–2022 by Bohdan Harasymiw (review)

The Multidirectional Turn in the Literature about Holocaust in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine (On the Material of Sofia Andrukhovych’s "Amadoka")

The Multidirectional Turn in the Literature about Holocaust in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine (On the Material of Sofia Andrukhovych’s "Amadoka")

Between Lenin and Bandera: Decommunization and Multivocality in Post‐Euromaidan Ukraine by AnnaKutkina. Soviet and Post‐Soviet Politics and Security, 231. Stuttgart: ibidem‐Verlag, 2021. xvii + 332 pp. $46.00 (paper). ISBN 978‐3‐8382‐1506‐8

The Russian ReviewEarly View BOOK REVIEW Between Lenin and Bandera: Decommunization and Multivocality in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine by Anna Kutkina. Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Security, 231. Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag, 2021. xvii + 332 pp. $46.00 (paper). ISBN 978-3-8382-1506-8 George O. Liber, Corresponding Author George O. Liber gliber1989@gmail.com University of Alabama at Birmingham Email: gliber1989@gmail.comSearch for more papers by this author George O. Liber, Corresponding Author George O. Liber gliber1989@gmail.com University of Alabama at Birmingham Email: gliber1989@gmail.comSearch for more papers by this author First published: 16 March 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/russ.12473Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Early ViewOnline Version of Record before inclusion in an issue RelatedInformation

The Conflict in Eastern Ukraine and International Support for the Decentralization Reform (2014–2022): Theory-Guided Observations

This article explores Western donors’ support for the decentralization reform in post-Euromaidan Ukraine prior to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, with a focus on the relationship between decentralization and conflict management. It demonstrates that, despite the protracted conflict in eastern Ukraine, bilateral donors have preferred to address Ukraine’s decentralization from the governance reform perspective, rather than as a form of territorial self-governance (TSG) arrangement, linked to conflict resolution. They have also tended to “outsource” conflict-related support to multilateral organizations. This article explains the Russian Federation’s use of the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk “People’s Republics” as proxies in an international conflict and the contested nature of the role played by the Minsk Protocol in determining the form of support provided for reform. It concludes with insights into the implications of donor support for the decentralization reform in Ukraine for research on decentralization and other TSG solutions in conflict-affected contexts.

Bayeh, Jumana – Oleinikova, Olga (eds.): Democracy, Diaspora, Territory

This volume offers a profoundly new interpretation of the impact ofmodern diasporas on democracy, challenging the orthodox understandingthat ties these two concepts to a bounded form of territory. Consideringdemocracy and diaspora through a deterritorialised lens, it takes the post-Euromaidan Ukraine as a central case study to show how modern diasporasare actively involved in shaping democracy from a distance, and throughtheir political activity are becoming increasingly democratised themselves.An examination of how power-sharing democracies function beyond theterritorial state, Democracy, Diaspora, Territory: Europe and Cross-BorderPolitics compels us to reassess what we mean by democracy and diasporatoday, and why we need to focus on the deterritorialised dimensions ofthese phenomena if we are to adequately address the crises confrontingnumerous democracies. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology andpolitics with interests in migration and diaspora, political theory, citizenshipand democracy.

Bayeh, Jumana – Oleinikova, Olga (eds.): Democracy, Diaspora, Territory: Europe and Cross-Border Politics

This volume offers a profoundly new interpretation of the impact of modern diasporas on democracy, challenging the orthodox understanding that ties these two concepts to a bounded form of territory. Considering democracy and diaspora through a deterritorialised lens, it takes the post-Euromaidan Ukraine as a central case study to show how modern diasporas are actively involved in shaping democracy from a distance, and through their political activity are becoming increasingly democratised themselves. An examination of how power-sharing democracies function beyond the territorial state, Democracy, Diaspora, Territory: Europe and Cross-Border Politics compels us to reassess what we mean by democracy and diaspora today, and why we need to focus on the deterritorialised dimensions of these phenomena if we are to adequately address the crises confronting numerous democracies. As such, it will appeal to scholars of sociology and politics with interests in migration and diaspora, political theory, citizenship and democracy.

Between Frontline and Parliament: Ukrainian Political Parties and Irregular Armed Groups in 2014–2019

AbstractThe short-lived Ukrainian armed volunteer movement and its interaction with electoral politics, in some regards did, and in other regards, did not fit patterns observed in research into irregular armed groups (IAGs). The brief life span of most Ukrainian IAGs as more or less independent actors, and their swift integration into Ukraine’s regular forces during the years 2014–2015, were both unusual. They were also one of the reasons for the relatively low political impact of the IAGs as such - a repercussion that is in contrast to the partly impressive individual political careers of some IAG commanders in 2014–2019. There were various forms of interpenetration of parties with IAGs in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. Certain parties, political activists, and MPs took part in the creation and development of IAGs in 2014. Some – to that point, mostly minor - politicians became soldiers or commanders of IAGs. Subsequently, a number of IAG members transited into the party-political realm, either joining older parties or creating new political organizations.

Cross-dimensional network of democracy promotion: public administration reform in post-Euromaidan Ukraine

ABSTRACT The article seeks to explain why the restructuring of the Ukrainian public administration – a key element in democracy promotion – has been patchy, in spite of EU’s substantial investment in the reform process. On the basis of analyzing EU and Ukrainian documents as well as process-tracing and interviews with stakeholders, the paper highlights limitations of explaining the outcome of Ukrainian civil service reform exclusively through functional cooperation, structural factors or civil society mobilization. Drafting and passing new public administration legislation was impossible without civil society mobilization; high-level intergovernmental pressure or functional cooperation would not have been able to achieve this on their own. Subsequent challenges with the implementation process show that the active involvement of civil society does not automatically lead to effective reform. Ultimately, it is the collaboration – often across informal channels – between high-level diplomats and state-representatives, actors involved in functional cooperation and civil society activists that makes reform possible.

Church as an Existential Threat: The Securitization of Religion in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine

Church as an Existential Threat: The Securitization of Religion in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine

Mixed values and societal constraints: why the request for a "strong hand" will not lead to authoritarianism in Ukraine

Given the global rise of illiberalism and Ukraine’s own post-revolutionary turbulence, what are the risks that the war-torn society descends to authoritarianism? In contrast to numerous alerts, I argue that none of the modern forms of authoritarianism is likely in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. There are at least three groups of structural, institutional, and agency based factors that make the emergence of the authoritarian regime in Ukraine highly improbable. These are: poor leadership legitimacy, poor economy performance, regional polarization, weak state repressive capacity, the relative weakness of the ‘party of power’, fragmented elite structure, the growing linkage with the West, semi-presidentialism, institutionalized hybridity (the legacy of being hybrid regime), lack of charismatic leadership, mixed public attitudes and gravity of three (1990, 2004, 2014) waves of anti-authoritarian protest. Theoretically, this article draws on the congruence theory, which posits that the regime is stable in so far as its authority pattern meets people’s authority beliefs. The empirical data from the latest wave of World Values Survey demonstrate that Ukrainians share mixed authority beliefs, as exemplified in liberal and authoritarian notions of democracy. The score of liberal notion of democracy for Ukraine is twice higher than that of authoritarian notion (0.82 to 0.41) and is supported by the growing score of emancipative values. ‘The authoritarian congruence’, therefore is hardly achievable in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine, while any attempt to impose authoritarian rule from above would face the cumulative resistance effect produced by these three groups of factors.

Memory and Language: Different Dynamics in the Two Aspects of Identity Politics in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine

AbstractThe article compares the post-Euromaidan Ukrainian politics in the domains of memory and language, two prominent aspects of the politics of identity that have been sites of controversy since the early years of independence. It examines the government’s behavior in the two domains, taking into account constraints presented by opposition parties, civil society, foreign states and international organizations, and the perceived preferences of the population. In both cases, the government must reconcile the active minority’s call for a radical break with the imperial legacy and the majority’s preference for the preservation of the accustomed environment. However, the Ukrainian leadership chose very different courses for the two domains. While pursuing a rather radical nationalist agenda with regard to memory, they largely refrained from a resolute promotion of the Ukrainian language. This difference does not reflect popular preferences and rather can be explained by politicians’ misperception of what the population wants, as well as their apprehension of policies that would radically change the country’s linguistic landscape and thus their own everyday life.

Black Sun Rising: Political Opportunity Structure Perceptions and Institutionalization of the Azov Movement in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine

AbstractThis article explores the rise of the Azov movement and explains the process through the political opportunity structure theory. We argue that a loosely coherent winning coalition of the post-Euromaidan ruling elites enabled Azov’s participation in conventional politics. As a result, Azov launched the ongoing institutionalization process which is largely responsible for Azov’s success as compared to other far-right movements. We show that two movement entrepreneurs’ profiles, namelypolitical activistandradical, dominated the Azov leadership structure and managed to promote their strategic vision on cooperation with state officials effectively combined with contentious action. We find thatpolitical activistentrepreneurs tend to push institutionalization alongside particular institutionalization axes, namely adaptability, reification, and systemness, whereasradicalentrepreneurs are responsible for Azov’s transformation into an intense policy demander.

Civil society as an anti-corruption actor in post-Euromaidan Ukraine

ABSTRACTOf the instruments available in the anti-corruption arsenal of nations, civil society usually plays an ambivalent role. It may or may not be decisive in helping to counter corruption, depending on other circumstances, although in developed societies with a strong tradition of rule of law it can make a definite contribution. In post-communist Ukraine, where political leadership for reasons of self-interest has been reluctant to pursue anti-corruption policy effectively, and where agencies created specifically for the purpose have been compromised by political interference, infighting, and lack of co-ordination, the question urgently arises whether civil society could compensate for these shortcomings so as to make a significantly positive change. Is civil society Ukraine’s “last best hope” to control political corruption and salvage the legitimacy of the regime? For this to happen, according to the theory put forward by Marcia Grimes and applied here, press freedom, political party competition, and government transparency must all be at a high level. Without these critical sources of support Ukrainian civil society cannot be counted on to manage the struggle against corruption successfully alone. The findings can be applied to other post-communist states.

EU's development policy vis-à-vis Ukraine after the Euromaidan: securitisation, state-building and integration

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on key trends in EU development policy regarding post-Euromaidan Ukraine against the background of the EU's commitment to the implementation of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The trends considered include comprehensiveness of the policy response, stronger coordination and coherence, security-development nexus, and policy securitisation, as well as values in development policy. This article touches upon the interplay of the EU's foreign, security, and development policies in the Eastern Neighbourhood; the role of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in the implementation of SDGs; and the role of development policy in the EU's Integrated Approach to External Conflicts and Crises.

Vigilante justice and informal policing in post-Euromaidan Ukraine

ABSTRACTDuring and after the Euromaidan, the Ukrainian society experienced an emergence of non-state groups that combined elements of civic activism and paramilitarism. They operated independently from the state and often used extra-legal violence to restore law and order, deliver justice, and protect Ukraine from external and internal threats. Their conduct closely resembles vigilantism. This article draws on the body of criminological and sociological research on vigilantism in order to understand the diverse landscape of vigilante groups in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. It explores the complex relationship between the most representative vigilante groups, the Ukrainian government, and the political and business elites; analyzes the legal boundaries of vigilantism in Ukraine; and discusses the outcomes of vigilante justice for democratic consolidation, rule of law, and human rights. This article offers a new paradigm for theorizing popular mobilization in Ukraine and sheds light on important dimensions of the formation of an informal system of policing and justice.

Revolution without regime change: The evidence from the post-Euromaidan Ukraine

What effects does a revolution have on the stability or change of a hybrid regime? Has the Ukraine's regime changed since the 2014 revolution? To answer these questions I examine the changes in formal and informal institutions and the quantitative and qualitative composition of elites after the change of power in Ukraine in 2014. I argue that despite greater than in the post-orange period quantitative renewal of elites, qualitative change has not occurred. Meanwhile, the old operational code, or modus operandi, of elites' political culture, composed of clientelism, secretive deals and quota based nominations to government positions continues to operate. The lack of elites' renewal and the dominance of informal rules over formal procedures – two factors that keep the institutional core of Ukraine's hybrid regime unchanged.

Israeli-Ukrainian Relations after ‘the Euromaidan Revolution’ – the Holocaust and the New Ukrainian Identity in the Context of the European Aspirations of Ukraine

The Euromaidan revolution totally reoriented Ukraine’s policy in both internal and external dimensions. The new Ukrainian authorities facing Russian aggression and domestic instability started to build a new national identity in order to consolidate social cohesion. Due to the fact that Kiev’s new historical narrative glorifies the Ukrainian nationalists from the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) who contributed to the Holocaust of Jews and committed mass murders on the representatives of other nationalities, such a policy may be a serious obstacle in the context of Ukraine’s external relations. The present article investigates particularly Israeli-Ukrainian relations after the Euromaidan revolution. The article analyses the impact of the new Ukrainian identity on bilateral relations as well as attempting to answer whether or not it may influence Kiev’s cooperation with the European Union. The article contains a brief description of the new identity building process in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine with special consideration of those elements of it, which are related to “Ukrainian Nationalism”.

Substituting for the State: The Role of Volunteers in Defense Reform in Post-Euromaidan Ukraine

While the role of volunteers in sustaining the Ukrainian armed forces against the backdrop of Russian aggression since 2014 has been widely acknowledged in literature, the effect of volunteer initiatives on the state defense capacity in longer term has not been studied thus far. This article aims to address this gap and explore whether volunteer participation led to institutional strengthening of the Ukrainian defense state capacity or to its weakening. The analysis will conclude that the volunteers in fact contributed to both – strengthening the state and weakening it at the same time; the outcome dependent on the context in which the volunteers took action at different times. While volunteer participation failed to bring about systemic reform, it did provide powerful democratic oversight over the state’s key defense institution.

Learning the Lessons from the Euromaidan: The ups and downs of LGBT Activism in the Ukrainian public sphere

This paper addresses the growing visibility of LGBT civil society organizations in Ukraine’s political sphere after the Euromaidan. Drawing on the data collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews; participant observations; and an analysis of social media, this study answers this question: How did Ukrainian LGBT groups reshape their political strategies after the Euromaidan? The Euromaidan was an anti-government, citizens’ protest that began in November 2013 in response to the government’s unlawful actions. During it, Ukrainian LGBT activists strategically decided to keep their presence in the protest camp invisible. Though this helped to avoid conflicts, the LGBT movement’s hopes for reforms in sexual minorities’ rights after the Euromaidan remained unfulfilled. This article illuminates how the LGBT activists’ approach to the public sphere in post-Euromaidan Ukraine has changed. It argues that the LGBT movement’s disillusion over the new government’s lack of support triggered a wave of LGBT activism that has resulted in new political strategies. Despite the visible backlash against sexual minorities in 2014–2015, Ukraine’s current turmoil has given the LGBT movement opportunities for political alliances and transnational activism that have seemed to have borne fruit.

The Comparative Analysis of Regional Governors’ Approaches to Fostering Inclusive Political Institutions in Post-Euromaidan Donbas

This study is inspired by a theory-driven expectation of a co-author of Why Nations Fail Daren Acemoglu in regard to fostering inclusive political institutions in post-Euromaidan Ukraine despite the armed conflict in Donbas. I examine how appointing a civil society activist – the one who used to help the Ukrainian Army during the security operation in Donbas – for a position of a regional executive in post-Euromaidan Luhansk oblast affects regional governors’ approaches towards the key conditions of inclusive political institutions: state capacity and power distribution. State capacity, namely its key dimension of monopoly over violence, is operationalized as control over the contact line in the armed conflict in Donbas. Power distribution is operationalized as holding democratic elections. I compare the approaches of three regional executives, including the one who was the civil society activist, towards state capacity and power distribution. I find that appointing the civil society activist for a position of a regional executive in post-Euromaidan Luhansk oblast affects regional governors’ approach towards control over the contact line, but not towards holding democratic elections. The study contributes to literatures on inclusive political institutions by analyzing new empirical data in line with the conceptual framework of Acemoglu and Robinson tailored for its application in post-Euromaidan Luhansk oblast .