Post-conflict Societies Research Articles

THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT IN TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE OF THE POST-CONFLICT SOCIETIES

As a complex concept, transitional justice includes processes and mechanisms related to the efforts of post-conflict societies to face inter alia the consequences of mass abuses and violations of basic human rights. National and international non-judicial and judicial mechanisms are included in these processes. The international courts, the aim of which is to prosecute genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, could also be included. The international intervention through investigations could be an important contribution in achieving the goals of transitional justice. Reasonably, these processes are expected to lead to reconciliation and sustainable peace. Unfortunately, in practice, sometimes these expectations turn into disappointments. The paper aims at providing an overview of some of the actual and potential questions of the contribution of The Court in transitional justice in post-conflict societas. The intention is to answer two key questions: 1. Whether and how the International Criminal Court can contribute in achieving the goals of transitional justice? 2. Has the Court since it was established until today made a significant contribution in achieving the goals of transitional justice in post-conflict societies? In this order, we will review the key instruments that are available to the International Criminal Court from a formal point of view, and will consider the Court’s possibilities for processing specific cases from a practical point of view. The factual challenges and criticisms that the International Criminal Court has faced since its inception, will also be discussed.

(Re)contextualizing the field. A Bourdieuian analysis of small rural school principal leadership in a post-conflict society

ABSTRACT As neo-liberal, economic and political fields increasingly contaminate the field of education, so a (re) contextualised understanding of the manifold and shifting social space small rural primary school principals occupy is of central importance to understanding practice. An understanding especially germane to a post-conflict divided and segregated society such as Northern Ireland. The paper draws on data from a mixed-method investigation including a survey of small rural school principals and case study research in five small rural primary schools. The findings are theoretically and conceptually informed by Bourdieu (1984) and his work on field, habitus and capital as a means to understand practice. The insight into principal practice that emerges is one that is, complex, fluid and uncertain; school leaders needing to negotiate diverse logics of practice as a response to the dominant fields in play at any given time. We contend that at one level, neo-liberal economistic imperatives and politicisation of education have led to a professional narrowing in principal leadership practice. While on another level, in a post-conflict Northern Ireland, we have arguably seen a professional widening, with principals afforded a leadership role potentially empowered to help balance cross-community religious tensions and facilitate peace and reconciliation.

Achieving Peace and Development in Post - conflict sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) through the Access and Participation of Girls and Women in Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET)

This is a desk review-based paper intended to incite debate within education and related fields, regarding the stance that girls and women who participate in TVET are likely to increase their chances of contributing to peace and development in post-conflict societies. Peace and development are inextricably intertwined. TVET plays an important role in the development of any nation, so its role in peace building and conflict prevention in the community can hardly be contested. On this account, the paper argues in support of the ‘notion of educating for a culture of peace through refocusing technical and vocational education and training’ programmes for the sustainable economic development of SSA; and calls on TVET institutions to do a reality check on their programmes to ensure that they are capable of delivering for girls and women the skills they need to integrate themselves in the community, and make a difference. This is important because the TVET of girls and women is essential, not only for girls and women to attain gender equality (a laudable and achievable goal!); but beyond that, to become leaders of, and contributors to, peaceful change in their countries and local communities. It is hoped that at the end of it all, this paper would have succeeded in stoking a debate on this important but often underdiscussed subject – and in the process the TVET of girls and women would have been accorded its rightful place in policy discussions in the region, and by extension, other regions of the world. The TVET system envisaged in this paper is that which is well- designed, managed and funded. This is because a poorly- designed, managed and funded TVET system should not be expected to have the same impact on its graduates and their communities. The paper’s theoretical underpinnings are derived, to varying extents, from the Social Learning Theory, the Human Capital Theory, the Sustainable Development theory and the Capability Approach.

How changing discourses on borders and masculinity leads to the intensification of draft evasion

ABSTRACT This study explores the vast intensification of ‘draft-dodging’ by looking at changes in attitudes towards the border and masculinity. Based on interviews conducted in 2011 and content analysis of newspaper coverage of military service and ‘draft-dodging’ in Cyprus between 2011 and 2019, this study shows that draft-dodging can intensify in the context of changing discourses on borders and masculinity. In particular, the opening of internal borders, the enlargement of borders to the European Union, and the shifting of the locus point of the conflict from inland to the maritime boundaries are the three border changes in Cyprus that contributed to draft evasion. Moreover, the emerging ‘Euro-Cypriot’ hegemonic masculinity maintains a weak relationship with the military. Through the case study of Cyprus, this article illustrates that paying attention to changing notions of border-related security and the reconfigured hegemonic masculinity will shed light on the model of public security and offer implications for draft evasion. The findings from post-conflict Cyprus can help understand draft evasion in Western and post-conflict societies.

Memory Mobilization and Postconflict Stability in CôTE D’Ivoire: Analysing the Transmission of Conflict Narratives Among Ivoirian Youth

Abstract After violence ends, former conflict parties and their civilian supporters often disagree about the origins and causes of the conflict. Post-conflict states vary in how they deal with these competing accounts of the past, ranging from selective remembering to state-backed forgetting. However, conflict narratives that are excluded from the public sphere are not necessarily forgotten and may be passed on between generations within families, social networks, and communities. These unofficial and often biased accounts can threaten the stability of post-conflict societies when appropriated by political actors who seek to challenge hegemonic memory practices and/or the legitimacy of the state—a process that we define as memory mobilization. In this paper, we argue that memory mobilization is particularly likely to occur when (1) unofficial conflict narratives persist among certain groups and sections of society, and are transferred from one generation to the next; and (2) regime opponents and/or other political actors have sufficient political and public space for contestation. To evaluate our argument, we examine these issues in the context of post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire. Based on 905 secondary school student essays, we show that competing accounts are reproduced among young Ivoirians and that these could potentially threaten the country’s future stability, if misappropriated.

Discerning risk-takers from avoiders: Which teachers are more likely to support teaching about the violent past in Ambon, Indonesia?

In 2005, Kitson and McCully introduced the ‘risk-taking’ continuum, representing the multiple ways in which teachers in post-conflict societies deal with the history of conflict in the classroom. ‘Avoiders’, at one extreme, refrain from teaching the violent past, while at the other extreme ‘risk-takers’ analyse multiple perspectives on what happened and why. Since their seminal study, scholars have increasingly studied the challenges and opportunities related to teaching the violent past. Yet, so far no study has empirically tested and applied the continuum. Drawing on a survey of 558 secondary school teachers in post-conflict Ambon, Indonesia, we analyse the proportion and characteristics of ‘risk-takers’ as compared to ‘avoiders’. Our results show that ‘risk-takers’ represent a slim majority. While ‘risk-taking’ is associated with political interest and higher levels of education, teachers who suffered much harm during the conflict, whose students belong to a religious group other than theirs and/or those who think conflict causes have been addressed are less supportive of conflict history teaching.

Intergenerational transmission of trauma and its association with attitudes toward reconciliation.

We aimed to investigate the link between mothers' posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms and their adult offspring's attitudes toward reconciliation and psychopathology among survivors of the 1994 genocide perpetrated against the Tutsi in Rwanda. We also sought to examine whether parenting styles mediate the relationship between mothers' PTSD symptoms and their adult offspring's psychopathology, if any. Mother-child dyads (N = 181) were recruited in Rwanda and completed measures of trauma exposure, PTSD, depression, attitudes toward reconciliation, and parenting styles. Adult offspring of mothers who suffered from more severe PTSD symptoms had less favorable attitudes toward reconciliation, even after controlling for their own PTSD symptoms. Mothers' PTSD symptoms were not associated with their adult offspring's PTSD or depression symptoms. In addition, mothers' PTSD symptoms did not predict their parenting styles. These results suggest that the mental health of survivors of mass violence has repercussions on the intergroup attitudes of the following generation. This study has practical implications for sustainable peacebuilding in postconflict societies. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).

Lost in Transition: Explaining Authoritarianism in Peru

ABSTRACT∞ International reports by human rights organizations coincide that the government of Dina Boluarte in Peru has responded to social mobilization with disproportionate actions by public forces. Whereas recent scholarship explains the rising authoritarianism in the country to the weakness of political actors, this article provides a different interpretation by focusing on the political and economic legacies of the authoritarian government of Alberto Fujimori (1990–2000). Post-Fujimori governments have been unable to complete a double transition: a transition to consolidate democracy and a transition to advance towards a postconflict society. Rather, they have empowered economic elites and have deepened stigmatization and repression of social mobilization. To understand current authoritarianism, it is important to identify where concrete power resides and how state practices respond to the influence and needs of powerful actors.

Transitional justice model implementation’s mechanisms’ characteristics

Way of implementing transitional justice into national contexts is the parallel implementation of four conflict de-escalation strategies consisting of truth-seeking, judicial processes, reparations programs and institutional reforms. In this sense, the objective of this editorial is twofold, on the one hand, to present volume 41, number 78 of Political Questions and, on the other, to practical aspects of the transitional justice model implementation. The author substantiates that the process of transitional justice implementing is endowed with a certain ideological component serving the purpose of transitional justice implementing. The authors concept definition of “transitional justice model implementation” was proposed. It is noted that the mixed implementation mechanism of the studied model, combining domestic and international efforts in the field of peace building is the most acceptable for Ukraine. The author draws attention to the interdependence of the national context and the relevant mechanisms for the transitional justice implementation. The author concludes that implementation mechanisms are determined depending on the exigencies of the post-conflict society.

Risk and refuge: Factors that facilitate and impede community supervision in post-conflict Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT Community sanctions often require the coordination of support between probation staff and a range of non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Despite these burgeoning partnerships, few studies have explored the experiences of such support in settings where community spaces and structures remain contested, where violence remains endemic; and where paramilitary influence endures. This explorative study captured the voices of justice involved young men to understand the barriers and facilitators of accessing support intended to reduce the latent criminogenic effects of living in a post-conflict society. This study found that young men experienced ecological stressors known to increase criminal coping. Exposure to paramilitary-related harms and a lack of trust in police as well as local NGOs had a tangible effect on support seeking. Further, adherence to traditional masculine norms exacerbated these issues. Practical implications are discussed.

Crisis complicates peacebuilding in postconflict societies: COVID-19 support triggers negative outgroup emotions among individuals with low and high prejudice.

Crisis complicates peacebuilding in postconflict societies: COVID-19 support triggers negative outgroup emotions among individuals with low and high prejudice.

A slow-burning crisis: Executive relations and the normalisation of distrust in Northern Ireland's ‘cash for ash’ fiasco

This paper explores relationships between ministers, special advisers and civil servants through the lens of a high-profile government crisis in Northern Ireland (NI). Although political–administrative relationships are a mainstay of public administration research, we still have limited understanding of how these relationships feature and function within the ‘Westminster family’ of governance when operating within devolved institutions or post-conflict societies, nor of their role in crisis. We use Scott’s institutional pillars as an analytical framework and conduct a documentary analysis of public inquiry witness statements to explore the Renewable Heat Incentive crisis which led to the collapse of the NI legislature. Utilising a novel application of existing theory, we demonstrate that the implementation of the devolved, consociational power-sharing model incubated new governance norms, that prioritised and legitimised the agendas and actions of political actors (ministers and special advisers), over civil servants. Specifically, in understanding how relational norms – particularly distrust – feed public policy failure and institutional crisis, our findings contribute to this research area and to the broader public administration field. Government institutional crisis negatively impacts upon public service delivery and the wider health of democracy. Understanding such crises is an important first step in their amelioration. Points for practitioners Structural, systemic and day-to-day behavioural layering of distrust adversely impacts government professionals’ ability to recognise, communicate and respond to risk; this can create policy problems, which can escalate, unchecked, until they have become full-blown crises. In order to proactively mitigate crises in other public policy contexts, managers and teams should build in awareness raising, reflection and management processes to individual and operational performance reviews to improve relational norms, and prevent the normalisation of distrust.

Justice Now and Later: How Measures Taken to Address Wrongdoings during Armed Conflict Affect Postconflict Justice

ABSTRACT∞ Transitional justice has become a default response when rebuilding postconflict societies. Indeed, to reconcile and move forward, it is argued that societies need to confront the violence of the past. But what factors influence when and how past violence will be addressed? We argue that judicial and quasi-judicial processes initiated while armed conflict is ongoing have a substantial impact on the judicial policies pursued once conflict has ended. Through an analysis of during- and postconflict justice in Colombia since 2000, we demonstrate that a history of addressing human rights violations makes it more likely that transitional justice will be adopted given three mechanisms: policy precedent, institutional repertories and public expectations. We analyse this relationship through global patterns of during- and postconflict justice since 1946. Our findings confirm the expectation that justice polices pursued (or not pursued) during conflict are a strong factor in understanding how the past will be addressed post conflict.

Divided Opposition, Fragmented Statebuilding: Elite Bargaining in Pre- and Post-2003 Iraq

ABSTRACT Elite cohesion structures interethnic bargaining and institutional design in post-conflict divided societies. Although works have explored how interethnic elite bargaining affects institutional design and conflict and cooperation in multiethnic states, less attention has been paid to historical antecedents that precondition bargaining strategies and outcomes in post-conflict spaces. This article explores elite bargaining dynamics among Iraqi dissident and exiled elites prior to 2003 to explain fractionalization and incongruent institutional design following regime change. Treating elite interactions as antecedent conditions for explaining statebuilding outcomes, it situates Iraq’s informal consociational power-sharing institutional design, muhassasa, within preceding patterns of interethnic fragmentation of the anti-Ba‘thist opposition movement prior to 2003. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with dissident elites from Iraq’s pre-2003 opposition and exiled groups and American policymakers, this paper illustrates how ethnic elite competition for control and state capture impeded the adoption and design of consensual and durable power-sharing institutions following regime change. Thus, although collective grievances with Ba‘thist-era exclusion and repression facilitated interethnic mobilization among disparate elite, expedient statebuilding and the reliance on fractionalized opposition groups obstructed the development and evolution of a cohesive, durable, and inclusive conflict mitigating institutional design after 2003.

The phenomenon of network-centrism in conditions of modern cognitive opposition: on the example of the analysis of the Kherson case

The presented article discusses a new social phenomenon of network-centrism and its manifestations in the conditions of modern cognitive confrontation on the example of the analysis of the Kherson information space. This research topic is currently of particular relevance due to the introduction of new tools of network warfare in the physical, informational, cognitive and social spheres of life of individuals through the functioning of information impact centкes in post-conflict societies.
 Network-centrism in terms of cognitive confrontation is understood as a completely new social and civilisational phenomenon. Network-centric operations are understood by the authors as a kind of postmodern analogue of colonisation and subjugation, carried out in new conditions, in new formats and using new communication technologies. The main feature of the strategy of network wars using network-centric mechanisms is to achieve a damaging effect in all spheres of society, including its civilisational foundations. At the same time, not the power mechanisms of influence are used, but a wide range of factors - from civilisational and informational to social and cognitive ones.
 The analysis of network-centric operations is carried out through the prism of the classical concepts of network societies, the theory of "controlled chaos", as well as taking into account applied domestic ones - the doctrine of he USSR Marshal N.V. Ogarkov and foreign developments - the concept of network-centric wars by Vice Admiral of the US Navy A. Cebrowski, Pentagon researcher J. Garstka and Admiral J. Johnson.
 The idea of the study was to analyse the network structures of the content units of the information field of the Kherson region, that form military, crisis and post-crisis discourses.
 The results obtained by the authors indicate the presence of two information impact centres that use network-centric mechanisms of work in the cognitive field. In addition, the analysis of the work of network information centres showed that today the social media segment, primarily the Telegram segment, is a space for active network-centric influence on the mass consciousness of a conflict society, that creates an experimental platform for testing new tools of cognitive confrontation and forms an Internet audience, that is exposed to direct information impact and manifestations of network centrism in society.

How Mutually Hurting Stalemates Become Essential in Peace-building Efforts. The Case of Liberia

"The paper focuses on two concepts developed by William Zartman, namely “ripe moments” and “mutually hurting stalemates”. Basically, the concepts tackle the idea of certain proper moments for the beginning of peace talks when the parties to the conflict believe that they are trapped in a painful impasse which no longer brings them victory. Our paper aims to show that hurting stalemates are sometimes the adequate starting point for peace-building efforts as well, not only for starting negotiations, and to apply this on the case of Liberia. The paper is organized around the following research questions: Is the hurting stalemate a military deadlock? Is a similar painful deadlock a good starting point for building sustainable peace in post-conflict societies? Keywords: peace studies, ripeness, mutually hurting stalemates, peace-building, post-conflict development"

Dealing With the Past for a Peaceful Future? Analysing the Effect of Transitional Justice Instruments on Trust in Postconflict Societies

ABSTRACT Can dealing with a history of violent conflict through transitional justice help to rebuild social trust? Addressing three gaps in the current literature, we (1) analyse the effect of transitional justice on social trust, thereby going beyond the predominant focus on renewed violence; (2) use novel, handcoded data to take donor support for transitional justice into account, a relevant but mostly overlooked factor; and (3) systematically investigate the combined effect of transitional justice instruments using qualitative comparative analysis. The analysis covers 24 cases in 19 postconflict countries over the period 1990–2010. Our results indicate that transitional justice needs to go beyond a narrow focus on victims or perpetrators to foster trust in postconflict societies. We find that combining victim restitution with amnesties or taking a broader, societal approach by focusing on truth-finding or bridge-building activities can increase trust. Moreover, international transitional justice support can play an important role in fostering trust, even in the absence of major national transitional justice processes.

Precarious Coexistence in Maluku: Fear and Trauma in Post-Conflict Christian-Muslim Relations

This paper examines the precarious coexistence between Muslims and Christians in post- conflict Maluku, Indonesia. The lasting effects of brutal conflict have left fear and trauma as the dominant emotions in the relationships of local residents. While these emotions are commonly seen as hindrances to peace by scholars and non-scholars alike, in post-conflict societies, they are inescapable and deeply ingrained. Nevertheless, they not only drive division, but also the desire to maintain peace. In Maluku, both Christians and Muslims are bound by the shared understanding that their current peaceful coexistence is delicate, and they must be cautious in their interactions with people of different religions, despite ongoing animosity and mistrust. This ongoing reality in Maluku calls for a reassessment of the normative tendency in peace discourses, which expect peace to be either ideal or impaired and tend not to be contextual in evaluating peace. To understand post-conflict coexistence better, we need to comprehend how emotions towards other groups operate in the emerging social settings.

Забезпечення принципу права на захист в Україні

The principle of the right to protection is crucial for upholding human rights, promoting social justice, and strengthening the rule of law in Ukraine. This article highlights the relevance of researching and addressing the challenges and opportunities in ensuring this right in Ukraine. It examines the country's political, social, and legal transformations, conflicts, and aspirations for European integration. The article explores Ukraine's legal framework, measures taken, and progress made in ensuring the right to protection, including the independence of the judiciary, access to justice, legal aid programs, and prevention of arbitrary detention or treatment. However, challenges such as corruption, delays in court proceedings, limited access to justice, conflict-affected areas, and societal attitudes persist. Addressing these challenges requires ongoing efforts, including judicial reforms, resource allocation, public awareness campaigns, conflict resolution, and human rights education. This research contributes to the broader discussions on human rights and the rule of law in transitional and post-conflict societies and informs strategies for promoting the right to protection worldwide. The article emphasizes the significance of the research topic by examining Ukraine's political, social, and legal transformations in recent years. These transformations have presented challenges related to the rule of law, corruption, and human rights protection. By focusing on the right to protection, researchers can assess the progress made, identify gaps and shortcomings, and provide insights into areas that require attention and improvement. This evaluation serves as a tool to measure the effectiveness of legal reforms, policy initiatives, and institutional changes undertaken in Ukraine to ensure the protection of individuals' rights. The relevance of this research topic is further underscored by Ukraine's ongoing conflicts and security concerns. The war and annexation of Ukrainian territories have resulted in human rights violations, displacement, and the need for accountability and justice. By examining the right to protection, researchers can explore the impact of these conflicts on individuals' rights, assess the measures taken to address the resulting challenges, and evaluate the extent to which the right to protection is upheld in Ukraine.

Unreconciled accounts? Screen and performing arts in post-conflict Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT In any post-conflict society, the work of creating an effective framework for truth and reconciliation is fraught with challenges that those in power will often seek to manage and manipulate. In this article we explore the critical role of the arts within the discourse of political reconciliation in contemporary Northern Ireland. Taking contemporary theatre and screen culture as our case-studies, we assess the extent to which these modes of cultural production create alternative spaces for dialogue and reconciliation in a dysfunctional post-conflict democracy, where the responsibility of political institutions and elites is failing to adequately address the rights of victims and survivors.