Post-conflict Situations Research Articles

Mechanisms of restoration of public authorities and justice in the de-occupied territories of Ukraine: theoretical and applied aspects

the context of russian aggression, which led to the temporary occupation of parts of the Ukrainian territory, there is a need to implement complex measures to restore sovereignty, law and order, and legality. The article reveals a number of important aspects, which include theoretical approaches to the restoration of public power, mechanisms for the restoration of justice, implementation of stabilization measures and practical aspects of their implementation in the de-occupied territories. The theoretical part of the article justifies the need to develop new legal norms that would take into account the specifics of the post-conflict situation, while integrating international standards and the experience of other countries that have undergone similar trials. The role of restoring trust in state institutions through reforming and modernizing the judicial system, ensuring the fair trial of cases, as well as ways of improving the efficiency of justice through the implementation of programs for rehabilitation and support of victims are considered. The mechanisms of restoring justice are highlighted, where the authors emphasize the need to strengthen the institutional base, create conditions for access to judicial protection, and bring to justice persons guilty of crimes during the occupation. Options for implementation of stabilization measures are discussed, in particular, restoration of infrastructure, provision of basic needs of the population, support of local business and creation of new jobs, which will contribute to social cohesion and restoration of public order. The conclusions emphasize the need for a systematic approach, comprehensive measures and adaptation to changing conditions for the successful restoration of law and order in the de-occupied territories. It is recommended to focus on the development of effective monitoring and evaluation mechanisms that will allow prompt response to challenges and adjustment of recovery strategies. This article will make an important contribution to the scholarly dialogue on restoring public power and justice in post-conflict development, providing valuable guidance for law enforcement and policy decisions.

Grappling with Health Rights of Women in Climate Change-Induced Conflict and Post-Conflict Situations

Grappling with Health Rights of Women in Climate Change-Induced Conflict and Post-Conflict Situations

Psychological, Subjective and Social Well-Being of Victims of The Armed Conflict in The Municipality of Chalán – Sucre (Colombia)

Objective: To describe the level of psychological, social and subjective well-being in victims of the armed conflict in the municipality of Chalán. Theoretical Framework: Mental health includes psychological, subjective and social well-being. Psychological well-being encompasses the satisfaction and optimal functioning of the individual. Subjective well-being refers to the perception of quality of life and personal satisfaction. Social well-being assesses the perception of social functioning and social context, including social integration and contribution. Method: A quantitative approach was adopted with a descriptive non-experimental cross-sectional cohort design. The participants were 75 victims of the armed conflict. The following scales were used: Ryff's Psychological Well-Being, Keyes' Social Well-Being and Sánchez Cánovas' Subjective Psychological Well-Being. Results and Discussion: 56% of the participants reflect a deficit in their psychological well-being, 36% are at a standard level and only 8% are at a high level, in line with research on victims of the armed conflict in Colombia. The 46.6% evaluate their subjective well-being negatively, while 57.3% evaluate it positively, highlighting the complex interaction between traumatic experiences and current satisfaction. 88% present a deficit in their social well-being. Research implications: The results have direct implications for the formulation of policies and intervention programs aimed at improving the comprehensive well-being of victims of the armed conflict. Originality/value: It lays the foundation for future research and practices focused on similar contexts, expanding knowledge and improving interventions in conflict and post-conflict situations globally.

Trafficking in Persons in Situations of Conflict Accountability, Prevention and Protection Gaps

Accountability for trafficking in persons remains limited. The consequences of such continued impunity include limited access to justice and effective remedies for trafficked persons and continuing failures of prevention and protection. UN Security Council Resolution 2331 (2016) recognises that 'trafficking in persons entails the violation or abuse of human rights, and underscoring that certain acts or offences associated with trafficking in persons in the context of armed conflict may constitute war crimes'. Further, it recognises that '[...] trafficking in persons in areas affected by armed conflict and post-conflict situations can be for the purpose of various forms of exploitation'. Despite this recognition, limited progress has been made in promoting accountability and access to justice for victims of trafficking in situations of conflict. This article deals with trafficking in persons in conflict and the failures of protection and accountability; the application of international criminal law to trafficking in persons; child trafficking and the continuing invisibility of child victims; the principle of non-punishment of victims of trafficking; and the gender dimension of trafficking: moving beyond stereotypes.

SOCIAL AND ENVIRONMENTAL ANALYSIS CONTRIBUTIONS TO FLORICULTURE IN THE HYDRANGEA SECTOR THROUGH A LIFE CYCLE ASSESSMENT APPROACH

In La Paz Province (Eastern Antioquia, Colombia), hydrangea floriculture has emerged as a significant driver of economic and social development following the post-conflict situation, offering high value-added contributions to the territory. The objective was to identify both the social and environmental aspects of hydrangea cultivation by small and medium-sized growers, assessing the environmental impacts and externalities across the crop’s life cycle. This initiative aimed to foster sustainable growth in floriculture production under eco-friendly conditions, safeguarding human health, and benefiting local stakeholders. To establish a methodological framework, the study adhered to the requirements and guidelines outlined in ISO 14040 and 14044 standards for environmental life cycle assessment, in addition to utilizing the UNEP Methodological Guide. The research revealed significant findings, highlighting the key environmental impacts affecting hydrangea production throughout its life cycle. These impacts primarily stem from the excessive use of agrochemicals, which pose risks to human health and ecosystems due to alterations in soil properties. Moreover, the reliance on fossil resources (such as plastics and fuels) at various stages of the cultivation process contributes to these impacts. From a social perspective, the study identified stakeholders and critical aspects requiring improvement, including integration, safety, occupational health, proper agrochemical handling, regulatory compliance, and system replacement issues. These challenges underscore the complexity of achieving sustainability, emphasizing the need for specialized technical support and new knowledge for growers. Implementing cost-effective technologies is crucial to mitigate environmental impacts, along with fostering associativity models among hydrangea crop producers, which significantly contribute to enhancing growing conditions.

Post-conflict economic recovery and land policy in South Korea between 1948 and the early 1960 s

A multiplicity of issues impact upon post-conflict economic recovery, one of which is land policy. Depending on the policy adopted, it could promote post-conflict economic growth, but it could also hinder the economy. This study reviews post-conflict economics and land conceptually and analyses the effect of land policy on post-conflict economic recovery in South Korea. Conceptually, post-conflict economy and land are interrelated in terms of security of land tenure, the land market, land (taxation) reform and revenue. Land tenure is secured through land reform in post-conflict situations. Security of land tenure stabilises and revitalises the land market, which leads to an increase in land tax. In addition, land taxation reform provokes an increase in land tax, and land tenure needs to be secured to maximise land tax collection through land taxation reform. The revenue collected through revitalisation of the land market and land taxation reform is utilised to stimulate post-conflict economic recovery. However, the South Korean case is not completely in line with the conceptual relationship. First, land taxation reform in South Korea resulted in an increase in public revenue, and the government was able to spend this revenue in supporting the war and partially stimulating post-conflict economic recovery. On the other hand, land tax reform could promote post-conflict economic recovery at the national level, while at the same time causing poverty at the individual level. Second, the South Korean case suggests that the foundation for the land market was laid during the post-conflict period and an increase in revenue through the revitalisation of the land market mainly contributed to economic development after the post-conflict period. In South Korea, land taxation reform had been more important than the land market for post-conflict economic recovery.

К вопросу освещения СМИ Азербайджана и Армении подписания Бишкекского протокола (1994-2021 гг.)

The article analyzes the information confrontation and the influence of the media of the South Caucasus states on the evolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its settlement on the example of the Bishkek Protocol of May 5-12, 1994. The activity of regional media in the conditions of the formation of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia as independent subjects of the world political process in the post-bipolar period is considered. The peculiarities of the functioning of mass media in the conditions of the active phase of the conflict and in the post-conflict period are revealed. The information concepts, strategies and ideological features of the media of the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Armenia, which were used by the conflicting parties when covering the signing of the Bishkek Protocol and subsequently, are studied in detail. The role and significance of the media, their influence on the dynamics of the ethnopolitical conflict and the formation of geopolitical stability in the South Caucasus are investigated. Based on the analysis of publications in the main state print media of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Armenia, regional electronic mass media, the author comes to the conclusion about the urgency of the problem – the negative influence of the media on the peaceful settlement and post–conflict situation in the region. The characteristic principles, approaches, ideological concepts and information strategies that were used by the Azerbaijani and Armenian media when covering the signing of the Bishkek Protocol are identified. A differentiated approach is noted in the process of covering the peace treaty. The main trends in the information policy of the parties in the period under review – from 1994 to 2021 are identified. The destructive role of the media, which acted as a tool of manipulation within the framework of long-term information and propaganda campaigns to discredit the Bishkek Protocol, is pointed out. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that on the basis of the studied publications, trends have been identified to belittle the historical significance of the Bishkek Protocol in order to resume the armed conflict and its “unfreezing” already in the first quarter of the XXI century.

Vulnerability of Female Headed Households

Abstract Research has shown that the vulnerability of female headed households is hugely exacerbated during crises such as wars and conflict. However, little research has uncovered the unique challenges that single women face in accessing humanitarian aid, for themselves and for their dependents, before, during and immediately following a crisis. This article critically examines the challenges that female headed households face in accessing humanitarian aid in crisis settings to provide a clearer and deeper understanding as well as exploration of the risks. This research found that although social and cultural health but also logistical as well as economic challenges limit female headed households’ access to humanitarian aid, female heads of households use their agency to actively respond to these challenges to provide for their dependents during a crisis. Thus, female headed households must be recognized as active agents prior to, during and immediate post conflict situations and must be supported socially, politically and economically, using effective, sustainable and equitable techniques.

Strategic options for building a new electricity grid in South Sudan: The challenges of a new post-conflict nation

This article presents a case study of the struggles of South Sudan, the newest country to develop a new electricity grid, and the strategic choices it faces in a post-conflict situation. In addition to the energy trilemma around security, price, and sustainability, we add a fourth consideration for policy, namely the distribution of benefits and ability of government both to provide collective goods and to use them to reinforce its power in the context of the resource curse. Despite having an abundance of oil, South Sudan has struggled to build its grid. Ongoing conflict, geographical distance, ethnic differences, and more practical factors including lack of capital all play a role. This has led the government to adopt plans for a centralized grid, which it is unable to execute in a timely fashion. As a result, the country has a de facto set of decentralized energy systems. Our analysis reveals that neither a centralized nor a decentralized approach best resolves such tradeoffs. Instead, we conclude a hybrid approach makes the most sense in a post-conflict situation. This preserves the possibility of providing long-term grid connections while acknowledging the need for immediate energy access.

Пионерский отряд «Каравелла» как контрпроект человека в условиях постконфликтной ситуации 1970‒1980-х годов

The end of the Second World War had a profound impact on the societies involved, shaping their post-conflict situations. It is crucial to distinguish between two key concepts: the “post-war situation”, denoting the period following the cessation of hostilities and transition to peace, and the “post-conflict situation”, defined by how the parties involved in the conflict experience, understand, and respond to its progression and resolution. During this period, youth organizations worldwide embarked on projects aimed at preparing individuals for the new era after the war. However, by the early 1960s, society began to move away from immediate post-war expe-riences and focus on commemoration, constructing individual and collective memories. Children's organizations in many countries shifted from project-based approaches to operational ones, updating existing models for shap-ing successive generations. This shift ushered in a phase of “mass production” of individuals tailored to society's specific needs. Simultaneously, a new post-conflict situation emerged globally, marked by internal conflicts in the Warsaw Pact countries (for example, Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968), as well as in Western nations (such as the late 1960s student movements). Against this backdrop, alternative approaches to human de-velopment gained traction. These counter-projects offered different perspectives on the education of the younger generation, challenging mainstream practices. One notable example of this was the Soviet pioneer group “Caravella”, distinguished by its passion, clear vision for the future, and the resources for implementing its social engineering project. This article reconstructs the social engineering project implemented within the “Caravella” group, examining its characteristics as a counter-project opposing the mainstream pioneer movement.

Trauma of Conflict Victims and Criminal Prosecutions in Nigeria: Discourse on Post-Conflict Transformation

The aim of this paper is to examine the pursuance of criminal prosecutions after a conflict in healing the trauma of conflict victims to rebuild societies. In most conflict situations, there are different types of victims, thousands of people lose their lives, displace, rape, torture and detain or forcibly disappear. While other people will continue suffer from Trauma of Conflict Victimization. Therefore, the lack of accountability, criminal justice, rule of law can lead to widespread violation of human rights and crime against the law. This paper is qualitative in context, nature, and structure; hence Library Research method and content analysis were adopted and carried out to review the data acquired and evaluate the studies originality. The paper adopted theory of peace making criminology to understand and explain the process of healing conflict victims’ trauma in post-conflict transformation situations. The study revealed that, in some cases such as Kenya, Nigeria and South Sudan conflict, the crimes under international law and other serious human rights violations and abuses were committed. The findings also revealed that prosecutions of war criminals and human rights abusers will promote peace and prevent conflict victimization. Furthermore, Post-conflict transformation contain peace building and requires the development of rules, norms that transform potentially violent actors in to non-violent actors and support political, economic, social and military measures and structures aiming to redress the root causes of conflict. The study recommended that, post-conflict policy efforts should focus on peace building, because that is how the warring parties could be settled, negotiation can be facilitated with the armed groups, and the victims could be empowered and compensated. The paper also recommended that the rule of law should not only serve the rights of dominant social groups while leaving other minority groups behind in the post-conflict settings and international institutions should take into cognizance such issues as the entitlements of groups that are vulnerable to marginalization and discrimination- minority groups, women and children, internally or internationally displaced persons and refugees- in a conflict setting or a country.

An Intersectionality Approach to Addressing Gender-Based Violence Against Internally Displaced Women Living in IDP Camps in Northern Nigeria

In the Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps, gender-based violence continues to be widespread. Women and girls living in IDP camps are not only vulnerable because of their gender and displacement status, they become even more vulnerable because family and community structures have broken down. This article aims at discussing the intersectional paradigm, developed primarily in the past two decades, and how it helps us to better understand gender based violence of the IDPs. It argues that there is no ‘one size fits all’ approach to gender based violence against women in general and IDP women in particular. A more complex analysis is needed to understand how race, class, gender, sexuality, ethnicity, and displacement status intersect with violence against women. These intersecting vulnerabilities which makes them exposed to gender-based violence from a number of different perpetrators equally lead to a lack of access to sexual and reproductive health services. The plight of women living in IDP camps, lack of protection and especially the pressing need for a specific protection regime is the focus of this article. Using analytical study to inquire into the connection between power and gender-based violence against vulnerable persons of concern such as IDP, findings reveals that structural contexts elevate risks of gender-based violence (GBV) targeting internally displaced (ID) girls and women living in IDPs camps and therefore, the intersectional approach, not typically used in the post-conflict situation literature, must become a significant part of its framework.

EU’S TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE POLICY, PROGRAMS AND INSTRUMENTS

The article examines the EU’s policy framework, programs and tools on support to transitional justice, and evaluates their impact and challenges. Transitional justice refers to the various ways of addressing the past human rights violations and serious crimes that occurred in contexts of political transition, such as post-conflict or post-authoritarian situations. The EU has adopted a comprehensive policy framework on support to transitional justice in 2015, which defines its principles, objectives, and modalities of engagement with partner countries and international and regional organisations on transitional justice issues. The EU has also used various instruments and actions to support transitional justice initiatives worldwide, such as providing financial assistance, engaging in political dialogue, offering technical expertise, and advocating for transitional justice norms and standards. The article also illustrates how the EU has supported transitional justice processes in different contexts and regions, such as dealing with the legacy of World War II, the fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, the war in the former Yugoslavia, and the Arab Spring. The article concludes by identifying some of the achievements and shortcomings of the EU’s involvement in transitional justice processes, such as contributing to accountability, recognition, trust, reconciliation, and non-recurrence; but also facing inconsistency, selectivity, conditionality, interference, cooptation, politicisation, fragmentation, duplication, etc. The article also suggests some ways to improve the EU’s policy framework, programs and tools on support to transitional justice, such as enhancing consistency, coherence, coordination, complementarity, and adaptability. The article also explores how the EU’s role and approaches in the field of transitional justice can affect its own identity and credibility as a global actor that promotes human rights, democracy, and the rule of law as core values of its external action.

Post-Conflict Safeguarding of Built Heritage: Content Analysis of the ICOMOS Heritage at Risk Journal, 2000–2019

The International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) publishes several academic and professional publications, including Heritage at Risk World Reports. These reports examine heritage properties at risk globally, showing the trends and sharing recommendations. The role of local communities (LCs) and local resources (LRs) in safeguarding built heritage in periods following conflict has been highlighted by academics and international organisations. However, there are few research studies examining the indicators of the roles of LCs and LRs, which can depict the priorities in such circumstances. A systematic review (analysis) of this ICOMOS publication in a post-conflict context has yet to be undertaken. This method is utilised to identify key indicators of both elements in the context of post-conflict safeguarding of built heritage. The systematic review using content analysis and keyword frequency classified 69 post-conflict cases (countries) and identified significant LC and LR indicators. The findings reveal that the community’s awareness of built heritage and the availability of local experts are the most significant indicators for the LC and LRs, respectively. Both the LC and LR roles have a strong correlation in periods following conflicts. In addition, within the ICOMOS reports, results show a growing emphasis on post-conflict situations since the first volume. This study contributes to providing a shared vision regarding the roles that LCs and LRs can play in safeguarding built heritage following conflicts. Through analysing related policy documents, future research could investigate a policy-led perspective for safeguarding built heritage following conflicts.

Insight of suicide in Iraq: a coroner’s report

BackgroundSuicide is a serious public health problems worldwide. Although suicide rates in the eastern Medetranian region are lower than western countries, increasing incidences is reported. This study aims to explore the demographic, clinical characteristics, and associated variables of people died by suicide in Iraq through a limited retrospective sample symbolized as biopsy.MethodsThe retrospective analysis included the electronic records of a hundred cases of suicide saved in the archives of the Medico-Legal Directory in Baghdad. Data were extracted from the legal investigation which included police investigations, family reports, and post-mortem reports. Simple descriptive satstistical analyses of the selected data was conducted.ResultsIt estimated through this study that the crude rate of suicide was 1.75 per 100,000 population which is higher than 1.09/10,000, previously reported by the Iraq national study of suicide 2016. Most cases occurred in ≤ 29 years old, Muslims, city dwellers, and middle-class people aged 29 years or less. The prevalence of suicide was significantly associated with unemployment, good education, and income. The most common methods used were self-burning, gunshot, hanging, and jumping from heights. The reason for taking their own life was unknown for half of the sample. Depression was relatively common, while other mental disorders were of low rate or unrecognized. Family conflicts and environmental stressors were considered as motives.ConclusionsThis study exemplifies suicide patterns where young age, female gender, and violent methods are represented more than before, reflecting the impact of environmental and personal stressors and may be related to violence and the post-conflict situation initiated by the 2003 war. Little is known about suicide architecture due to stigma and poor surveillance system. A multidisciplinary suicide prevention strategy is crucial to implement in Iraq’s health service. Large-scale studies are called to cover the data gap.

Depoliticised humanitarianism: critiquing the effectiveness of international aid for the Bedouin communities in the Jerusalem periphery

ABSTRACT Since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, Palestine has been the subject and recipient of significant humanitarian and development aid. This article critiques the humanitarian and developmental assistance provided by major donors in Palestine, with a particular focus on the E-1 area in the central West Bank, highlighting its depoliticisation and the misdiagnosis of the context of Palestine as a post-conflict situation, and showing how aid has had an adverse effect on Palestinians. This article, drawing on the Do No Harm approach, argues that aid has not only been ineffective in achieving its stated goals, but has also harmed Palestinians by entrenching the occupation and advancing settler colonialism.

Necropolitics, peacebuilding and racialized violence: The elimination of indigenous leaders in Colombia

This paper proposes the concept ‘necropolitics of peacebuilding’ to analyse how contemporary geographies of peace and post-war violence are shaped by the articulation of race, space, politics and the coloniality of power. We explore how post-conflict programmes, plans and policies shape the uneven distribution of life and death, focussing in particular on the elimination of indigenous leaders. Drawing on research conducted in northern Cauca, Colombia, where many indigenous leaders have been threatened and murdered despite the signing of the Peace Agreement in 2016, our analysis reveals four key factors: 1) The coloniality of power that treats their bodies as disposable and not fully human; 2) The juxtaposition of illicit economies and neoliberal extractivist enterprises in their territories; 3) Violent opposition to their autonomous political projects that aim to defend their land and forms of being; and 4) The disputed presence of peacebuilding programmes seeking to substitute illicit crops. Analysing the relationship between necropolitics, racism and spatial segregation is shown to be crucial to understanding the violence faced by indigenous leaders and communities in post-conflict situations. This paper thus makes an important contribution to understandings of the continuity of necropolitics within the context of peacebuilding.

Forms of gender-based violence in the conditions of armed conflict (martial law)

The problem of gender-based violence in the conditions of armed conflict (martial law) in Ukraine is urgent and important. It has been stressed that the definition “gender-based violence” is used in international law, Ukrainian legislation and in scientific researches. Simultaneously this term is being applied in description of any harmful effect caused against human’s will and is based on socially determined differences between men and women. Whereas men and boys can be victims of certain types of gender-based violence (in particular sexual), usually such violence is directed against women and girls. After consideration of scientists’ approaches concerning determination of forms (types) of gender-based violence it has been noted that they allow to establish that only certain ones emphasizes on their commission during armed conflicts (namely violence during war, conflict and post-conflict situations). Provisions of international humanitarian law are not being taken into account as well.With regard to the provisions of international humanitarian law based on international legal acts in the fields of human rights protection and protection of the victims of armed conflicts a classification of gender-based violence in the conditions of armed conflict (martial law) has been suggested as follows: 1) on the type of the conflict – international and non-international; 2) on the person of the victim – against women, men and children; 3) on the status of the victim – civil population and prisoners of war; 4) on the type of violence – physical (violence against life and health, namely all types of homicide, mutilation, abuse and torture; hostage taking; conviction and application of punishment without prior court decision made by a proper established court which provides judicial guarantees recognized by civilized nations as necessary); sexual (rape; threats and attempts of any type of rape or any other sexual assaults; genital mutilation; sexual slavery; sexual torture; forced prostitution; forced pregnancy; forced sterilization and forced abortion; forced nudity, forced to contemplate sexual acts; sexual violence and other acts of sexual nature); psychological (insult to human dignity, in particular offensive and humiliating treatment); economic (deprivation of housing, food, clothes, other property, money or documents).

Političke i bezbjednosne dimenzije u rješavanju Kosovsko-Sjevernomakedonske demarkacije granice

Drawing borders in post-conflict situations is a challenging undertaking between two or more actors that often ends up in arbitration. In some cases, it produces a political confrontation that may turn into a cycle of violence. This article sheds light on the dynamics of political and security challenges, the interaction of the foreign actors and the role of the local government and civic activism in resolving disputes related to the Kosovo-Macedonia border. This article focuses on the obstacles that came from the non-definition of the status of Kosovo and the popular and institutional dissatisfaction regarding the agreement on the border between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) and Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), bypassing Kosovo and UNMIK from decisionmaking. Secondly, it asks whether these two sovereign countries have had the right to decide on the part of the border that separates Kosovo and Macedonia and was it an appropriate moment to reach an agreement on the border in tense situation between Kosovo, Serbia, and Macedonia? If so, why was Kosovo not included in the final stage of implementation of the agreement? Third, in unclear situation with Kosovo political status, which of the parties to the agreement would be able undertake practical ground activity, that of placing the border stones and which kind of writings will take place on them: „Serbia” and „Macedonia”, or „Kosovo” and „Macedonia”? Could the implementation of the agreement be postponed, at least for the part that divided Kosovo and Macedonia, and completed instead after the final status of Kosovo was determined? We argue that political momentum between Kosovo-Macedonia-Serbia triangle did not favor achieve such sensitive agreement between newly created states of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and FYROM. Excluding Kosovo provisional institutions and UN civil administration from the border agreement was a mistake that produced instability, hostility and additional bitterness in interethnic relations at the early stages, followed by the status quo. And, finally, including Kosovo as a partner in implementing the border issue paved the way for interstate cooperation that led to Macedonia’s recognition of Kosovo, which erupt a short wave of anti-Macedonian rhetoric by both, Serbian political leadership and people protests. The evidence used for the arguments presented were positivists qualitative methods such as social survey and official statistics. The principle of uti possidetis was applied on the border disputes in the period after the breakup of Yugoslavia, and also in the case of the demarcation of the border between Kosovo and the states of Macedonia, Montenegro and Albania, as the best solution because it lies in „its primary aim of securing respect for the territorial boundaries at the moment when independence is achieved”. In drawing conclusions related to the article topic, I used a combined methodology of literature research, comparative analyses and positivist qualitative methods such as social surveys through structured questionnaires, official statistics, interviewing the bearers of the institutions of the time and members of the technical commission for border demarcation. Archive of Kosovo Parliament and personal files also became important sources.

Consequences of Lifting UN and US Sanctions on Iraq after 2003

Both the international community and individual states against Iraq applied some of the most extensive sanctions in recent history under President Saddam Hussein in 1990–2003. The State’s ability to withstand external threats has been weakened. The changing international dynamics influenced this, but also by the long-term sanctions regime. The United States and the coalition led by them took advantage of a weakened Iraq and invaded the country in 2003, overthrowing the regime of S. Hussein. The post-conflict situation and the occupation situation in which Iraq found itself headed by the new government required alternative approaches. The lifting of sanctions was because of the need to stabilize the new political regime in the country close to the occupiers after the overthrow of S. Hussein. Also, it contributed to the enrichment of certain lobbying groups in the United States associated with this military policy.