Post-conflict Period Research Articles

Using ethnographic and historical methods, this field account empirically describes the main characteristics of the political discourse expressed by veterans of the Peruvian « counterterrorist war » in the post-conflict period. This discourse reveals the intertwining of the memory of state violence after being victims of forced recruitment and, at the same time, the politicization of the war experience following

Using ethnographic and historical methods, this field account empirically describes the main characteristics of the political discourse expressed by veterans of the Peruvian « counterterrorist war » in the post-conflict period. This discourse reveals the intertwining of the memory of state violence after being victims of forced recruitment and, at the same time, the politicization of the war experience following

International legal support of post-conflict settlement (on the example of the UN practice)

The article considers the legitimate possibilities of involving the UN in a post-conflict settlement. The history of formation of the institute of peacebuilding in the system of bodies of this organization is analyzed. Institutional and regulatory mechanisms for the application of peacekeeping operations have been identified. The peculiarities of the creation of the UN police force with the functions of monitoring the observance of the ceasefire regime in conflict zones are revealed. The definition of peacekeeping operations is described and the mechanism of their establishment by the adoption of UN Security Council resolutions is described. The article states that it was the UN that helped end the war in the Congo (1964), Iran and Iraq (1988), El Salvador (1992) and Guatemala (1996). The United Nations has made significant contributions to peace in Mozambique (1994), Sierra Leone (2005), and the declaration of independence of East Timor (2002). If the parties to the conflict do not comply, "all necessary measures" may be taken, including military action as carried out to restore Kuwait's sovereignty (1991), to deliver humanitarian aid to Somalia (1992), to restore the democratically elected Government of Haiti (1994) or to restore peace and security in East Timor in 1999.
 It is determined that in the practice of the UN such means of peacekeeping as preventive diplomacy, peace-making, peace-keeping, peace-keeping, peace-enforcement and peacebuilding in the post-conflict period have been formed. -building). The article focuses on the Peacebuilding Commission, which serves as an intermediate link between peacekeeping and post-conflict operations. The main tasks of the Commission are to establish links between all parties to coordinate actions and ensure genuine post-conflict activities. Currently, several countries are on the agenda of the Peacebuilding Commission: Burundi, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and the Central African Republic.

The enduring consequences of conflict-related sexual violence: a qualitative study of women survivors in northern Uganda

BackgroundOne in three women in northern Uganda report having suffered from conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), including forced marriage and rape. Research on the long-term effects of CRSV on the health and social well-being of survivors is scant, but crucial to informing policy and improving programs tailored to conflict-affected communities. Understanding women’s perceptions of and experiences with CRSV, especially related to the persistent health and social challenges they continue to face, is critical for developing effective and targeted interventions.MethodsWe worked with a local, survivor-led organization to recruit participants purposively from three post-conflict districts in northern Uganda: Gulu, Lira, and Pader. Women who had experienced CRSV and who were 18 years of age or older were eligible to participate. We asked participants open-ended questions about their experience with CRSV, including how it continues to affect their health and social well-being, any impact it had on their relationships, and if they faced barriers to accessing services. We transcribed, translated, and uploaded interview responses to the qualitative data analysis software MAXQDA and analyzed data thematically using a modified approach to grounded theory.ResultsWe conducted 30 interviews between October 2016 and March 2017. All participants reported experiencing forced marriage, rape, or forced pregnancy. Over two-thirds of participants said they continued to face physical and psychological issues, including untreated sexually transmitted infections, anxiety, and depression. Almost half of the women faced challenges with maintaining links with family members, stigma related to their experiences during abduction that also extended to their children born in captivity, and difficulty with accessing and affording health care. Barriers to seeking care included fear of disclosure and being unable to find services. Women identified peer-support from other survivors as a key coping mechanism.ConclusionsWomen survivors continue to face multifaceted health and social problems in the post-conflict period. Most health-related programs that were set up at the end of the war in northern Uganda are no longer available. Increasing access to care, particularly services tailored to treating chronic reproductive health issues and mental health, is paramount for women survivors in northern Uganda and other conflict-affected regions.

The role of international institutions in transitional justice processes

The article analyses the place and role of international institutions in the process of transitional justice. It is determined that the concept of transitional justice is a system of mechanisms and tools implemented in a country that is in a state of transition from armed conflict to post-conflict period or from totalitarian to democratic regime.

How is hygiene behaviour affected by conflict and displacement? A qualitative case study in Northern Iraq.

This research aimed to qualitatively explore whether the determinants of handwashing behaviour change according to the duration of displacement or the type of setting that people are displaced to. We conducted an exploratory qualitative study in three different post-conflict settings in Northern Iraq-a long-term displacement camp, a short-term displacement camp, and villages where people were returning to post the conflict. We identified 33 determinants of handwashing in these settings and, of these, 21 appeared to be altered by the conflict and displacement. Determinants of handwashing behaviour in the post-conflict period were predominantly explained by disruptions to the physical, psychological, social and economic circumstances of displaced populations. Future hygiene programmes in post-conflict displacement settings should adopt a holistic way of assessing determinants and design programmes which promote agency, build on adaptive norms, create an enabling environment and which are integrated with other aspects of humanitarian response.

Art, Science and Anthropology: Co-Creating Knowledge and Building Peace in Colombia

Abstract Following a peace agreement with guerrillas in November 2016, Colombia has been transitioning from almost six decades of violence to a post-conflict period. In such a process, members of society must reestablish dialogue and learn to coexist. Based on a participatory art approach used during a science project that involved ex-combatants, community leaders and biology researchers, this paper presents research methods that combine art and design exercises to advance scientific knowledge. Participants contributed to and developed new ways of understanding biological knowledge. Their collaboration also forged mutual trust and progress toward peace in the region.

Narrating everyday peace and (in)security: Somaliland women�s lived realities as sites of contestation

This article is a collection of Somali women�s narratives during Somaliland�s early peace and reconciliation conferences (1992�7) and their experience of the post-conflict reconstruction period (2000�12). Women�s experience with violence, insecurity and prevailing gender norms highlights that peace is not the absence of gendered violence and that everyday peace is mired in political stability and physical insecurity. Twenty years on, women�s narratives have helped to fill gaps by showing how women�s contributions have been sidelined but also demonstrate their unique experiences of �peace� and �security�. This has been instrumental to framing Somaliland�s political history as a region exempt from the civil strife manifest in other parts of the Horn. This article examines the sites of contestations and conflict that have emerged as a consequence of women�s narratives being marginalised and its implications on how �peace� and �security� are practised and framed in the Somaliland context.

ПОЛИТИКА ПОДДЕРЖАНИЯ МИРА КАК ЛЕГИТИМНОГО ПОРЯДКА В СОВРЕМЕННОМ ТАДЖИКИСТАНЕ: ИДЕИ, МЕХАНИЗМЫ И ИНСТИТУТЫ РЕАЛИЗАЦИИ

The article analyzes the policy of maintaining peace as a legitimate order and the role of the media in its implementation in post-conflict Tajikistan. The author offers an analysis of the communication factors of the stability of the peacekeeping policy as a legitimate order, which simultaneously acts as a factor in the stability of the current political regime in the conditions of political and ideological confrontation in the country. The institutions and mechanisms for the implementation of the peacekeeping policy as a legitimate order are determined, against this background, the participation of the media in maintaining this policy is analyzed, and opposite interpretations of the concept of peace in the media space of the country are identified. It is noted that the positioning of the Tajik media in the context of maintaining peace as a legitimate order is subject to reflection as the political situation changes, which can be considered a problem of the functioning of the public mind and following a certain trend of discursiveness of the communication space. The ways to change the situation proposed by the Tajik media are based on the ideology according to which the stability of the policy of peace as a legitimate order is possible only if pluralism and discursive order are ensured, as well as their discussion from the point of view of organizing this space. The author comes to the conclusion that in the context of the civil war, peace turned out to be an important factor in the legitimate social order in the country. This also takes into account the fact that peace as a legitimate order in the post-conflict period turned out to be unstable, which to a certain extent contributed to the formation of a personalist political regime in the country, including taking into account the inclusion of media resources in this process. On this basis, a hypothesis is put forward that the formed personalistic political regime in the country is a transformed and imposed form of the institutionalization of the world as a legitimate order, which seeks to be supported, including through the developed media strategy that ensures its information security.

“Essa Dama Bate Bué” e o cânone literário angolano

Essa Dama Bate Bué and the Angolan Literary Canon. A relevant topic for the history of literature, the literary canon has been widely questioned and the Angolan literary canon is no exception, being constantly susceptible to changes. The current paper aims at challenging the Angolan literary canon and defending the necessity of including the novel Essa Dama Bate Bué by Yara Monteiro. Published in 2018, it represents an example of silenced literature about women and guerrilla movements during the war for national independence, the subsequent civil war, and the post-conflict period. The book problematizes the presence of women in national wars, the countless roles they played, but also their integration in the post-colonial society, giving insights into a topic largely ignored in Angolan literature. Keywords: Angola, Angolan women, canon, Yara Monteiro, guerrilla movements

Organized crime and state capture in the Western Balkans

The main objective of the article is to show that the temporary symbiosis between centres of political power and organized crime leads to the development of permanent, corrupt and opaque networks. Focusing on the countries of the Western Balkans, the author points to the reasons for the development of organized crime in the region and then to the conditions created in the post-conflict period that resulted in the failure of effective attempts to stop organized crime and the corruption that facilitates it in the these countries. The article also points out that the creation of symbiotic relationships between political elites and organized crime groups leads to a ‘state capture.’ The unresolved problems of corruption and organized crime, in turn, have a direct impact on these countries’ EU-integration processes.

Revitalizing Women as Heads of Families in Aceh (Conflict and Post-Conflict Period)

The protracted conflict in Aceh made women feel more suffering, both physically and mentally. Women are the backbone of the family because their husbands are kidnapped, killed, wandering in search of a safe place. Women who are abandoned by their husbands are often faced with negative stigma. The term woman as the head of the family is an effort to change the view of widowed women to be positioned in the position of roles and responsibilities as the head of the family. Women can be independent with support from various parties towards independent and prosperous, just and dignified families. Post-conflict women as heads of families have a role in women's economic empowerment such as women's savings and loans, joining cooperatives of non-governmental organizations and contributing to village development and development.

Responses of a Pre-hospital Emergency Medical Service During Military Conflict Versus COVID-19: A Retrospective Comparative Cohort Study.

ABSTRACTBackgroundDecreases in routine healthcare practices have been shown to occur during disasters. However, research regarding the impacts of natural disasters, pandemics, or military conflicts on emergency medical services (EMS) is scarce.ObjectivesThis study assessed the impact of a military conflict versus the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic on a national EMS organization in terms of responses to overall daily emergencies, medical illnesses, motor vehicle collisions, and other injuries.MethodsThis retrospective comparative cohort study assessed daily routine emergency ambulance calls to Magen David Adom (MDA), Israel’s national EMS organization. This included overall emergency calls as well as those related to medical illnesses, motor vehicle collisions (MVCs), and other injuries. All data were obtained from the MDA command and control database. During the military conflict Operation Protective Edge (2014), the civilian population was subjected to intensive rocket attacks for 24 days, followed by 26 days of a progressive withdrawal of operations and then to a post-conflict period. During the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic (March-April 2020), the population was subjected to 32 days of total lockdown, followed by 27 days of progressive relief of confinement, and then to a post-lockdown period.ResultsThe total number of emergency calls in this study was 330,430. During the conflict, the mean number of daily calls decreased, followed by an increase during Relief and Post-Conflict with higher values in Post-Conflict than in Pre-Conflict. During the COVID-19 pandemic, there was a decrease in the mean daily number of calls during Lockdown. It remained low during Relief and increased during Post-Lockdown. However, it remained lower in Post-Lockdown than during Pre-Lockdown. Calls related to medical illnesses decreased during the conflict and during the lockdown. The post-conflict period was characterized by a similar baseline call magnitude but not during the post-lockdown period. Decreases in calls for MVC and other injuries were significant during the lockdown but not during the military conflict. Post-lockdown was accompanied by return to baseline call volumes for MVC, whereas calls for other injuries increased above baseline both after the lockdown and military conflict.ConclusionThis study shows decreasing trends in routine daily calls for EMS during both Operation Protective Edge and COVID-19. However, different patterns of needs for EMS were evidenced for medical illnesses, MVC, or calls concerning other injuries. These results are instrumental for managing the operational demands of EMS during military conflicts and pandemics.

Values that strengthen the relationship of sports and citizenship in the colombian post-conflict

The objective of this article was to relate the exercise of citizenship with the practice of sports in the Colombian post-conflict context. The methodology used was documentary research. The result was that it is possible from such a combination to promote values that help improve coexistence, based on the principles of respect for others, tolerance, and the exercise of solidarity. It is concluded that such a combination is a way of contributing to peace in Colombia, during the post-conflict period that the country is currently experiencing. This article addresses how sport can contribute to the consolidation of a new exercise of citizenship, understanding that the teacher, regardless of their specific knowledge, is called to promote the exercise of citizenship in a democratic and free way among their students, to knowing that the values that each sport demands go hand in hand with those that are required for the democratic exercise.

Mental health consequences of armed conflicts in children and adolescents: An overview of literature reviews

ResumenIntroducción. Los conflictos armados dejan consecuencias evidentes en la salud mental de la población infantil y adolescente. En ese marco, se ha documentado una serie de situaciones que tienen como factor común la vulnerabilidad de esta población y las afectaciones biopsicosociales significativas.Objetivo. Determinar y sintetizar las diferentes consecuencias de los conflictos armados en la salud mental de la población infantil y adolescente.Materiales y métodos. Se realizó una búsqueda sistemática exhaustiva de revisiones bibliográficas hasta julio de 2019 en las bases de datos MEDLINE (Ovid), EMBASE, Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials, LILACS y otras. Se seleccionaron los artículos y se analizaron de forma narrativa sus características, objetivos y consecuencias en salud mental en tres momentos: antes del conflicto, durante el conflicto y en el posconflicto. Resultados. De un total de 587 artículos potencialmente relevantes, se seleccionaron 72. En los estudios sobre el periodo anterior al conflicto, se detallaron experiencias psicológicas y síntomas somáticos anticipatorios. Durante el conflicto, se evidenciaron síntomas regresivos, conductuales y cognitivos, como enuresis, miedo, tristeza, agresión, hiperactividad e inatención, entre otros. Además, se establecieron consecuencias directas, como trastornos de adaptación, depresión, ansiedad y, en mayor medida, estrés postraumático. Por último, en el posconflicto, se recopiló la información sobre los procesos de transmisión de las consecuencias y la resiliencia. Por otro lado, se profundizó en las consecuencias potenciales en el desarrollo biopsicosocial, la moralidad, la identidad, el contexto, la cultura, la educación y la sociedad.Conclusiones. Las consecuencias de los conflictos armados en la salud mental se inscriben en un proceso complejo que se expresa en función de la etapa evolutiva de la exposición, del tiempo del conflicto armado y de los factores contextuales.

Understanding social disruption in armed conflict: its significance for post-conflict reconstruction in Swat Valley, Pakistan

ABSTRACT Addressing social issues that arise due to wars and how they impact on post-conflict reconstruction is an area of theoretical debate and policy interest. This article explores the social impact of the armed conflict which took place in Swat Valley, Pakistan from 2007–2009. Based on 28 in-depth interviews and six focus group discussions conducted in the valley, the article examines the damage to community life. The findings show that local institutions, societal values and social relations were dramatically impacted. The analysis led the researcher to term this impact social disruption, a phenomenon that is defined as an abrupt and forced change in the socio-cultural system. To reconstruct society, understanding and addressing social disruption holds a crucial position for local, national and international actors in the post-conflict period.

Perspektif Transmigrasi Jawa di Tinjau dari Komunikasi Terkait Konflik dan Rasisme di Desa Alue Leuhob Kabupaten Aceh Utara

This study discusses the perspective of the Javanese people who occupy Alue Leuhob Village, North Aceh Regency. The purpose is to describe, explain so that it becomes knowledge for the Indonesian people in general to briefly know the history of the conflict in terms of the communication that was built up to the emergence of negative views (racism) of the Acehnese people towards Javanese transmigration and the views of the objects in this study related to conflict at that time and post-conflict until now. This study uses a qualitative type with a descriptive form and is combined with an ethnographic approach that reconstructs the culture of a certain group of people. The results of the research during the conflict period that have been mentioned above show that: 1) Javanese people are very hated by GAM elements and by some Acehnese people who are victims of the Army on duty at that time. 2) Transmigration of Java must return to their hometown. 3) The Java transmigration food crisis resulted in famine. In the post-conflict period, namely: 1) Transmigration of Java and Aceh's security was at peace, referring to the Helsinki agreement. 2) the negative view of the Acehnese people who beat the average Javanese ethnicity has been minimized as evidenced by the fact that many Javanese are married to Acehnese. 3) Javanese Transmigration Have the same rights as citizens by having an ID card domiciled in Alue Leuhob Village, North Aceh Regency.

Insecurity and the reintegration of former armed non-state actors in Colombia

AbstractIn this paper, we focus on the completion of a government reintegration program in Colombia for former non-state armed actors, such as rebel forces and militias, in the post-conflict period. As the members of these groups lay down their arms and return to a peaceful existence, the effectiveness of their transition to ‘normal’ lives can be critical in preventing the re-emergence of conflict and violence. Former combatants face numerous challenges and hardships such as criminal violence, political violence, economic hardship that, if not properly addressed, may increase the likelihood that some of them become involved in criminal work, political violence, or other activities that undermine peace. We develop a theory of the impact of violence and insecurity challenges facing former, non-state armed actors (henceforth, ANSAs). We suggest that the numerous challenges involved in leading a normal life under conditions of abnormal security will likely make successful completion of government reintegration programs more difficult for ANSAs. We also consider and account for the powerful effects of gender and family in the successful completion of a reintegration program. We test our theoretical model on the successful completion of a government reintegration program in Colombia, and test our hypotheses on a large database of ANSAs. We find support for our hypotheses, as well as social factors that greatly influenced the likelihood of successful completion of the Colombian government’s reintegration program.

Experiences of Spiritual Advocacy for Land and Territorial Itineraries for the Defense of Wiwa Women’s Rights in Postconflict Colombia

Abstract This article explores Wiwa female spiritual advocacy in the Colombian Caribbean region during the postconflict period. The methodologies and practices of indigenous communities have been underappreciated in transitional justice literature about land and property rights. This article seeks to analyze spiritual and territorial advocacy by local indigenous women for the defense of their lands and their collective rights. We examine intercultural and intersectional methodologies, rituals and recollection as strategies for clarifying the ‘truth.’ These methodologies attempt to revitalize indigenous women’s advocacy for sacred sites of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta affected by armed conflict. These spiritual advocacy practices are one expression of the Law of Origin, the customary law as a form of telling the truth. Here, we explain how participatory action research should be used to include female indigenous techniques and conduct ethnographic observations.

The effects of armed conflict on forest cover changes across temporal and spatial scales in the Colombian Amazon

The Amazon rainforest covers roughly 40% of Colombia’s territory and has important global ecological functions. For more than 50 years, an internal war in the country has shaped this region. Peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) initiated in 2012 resulted in a progressive de-escalation of violence and a complete ceasefire in 2016. This study explores the role of different deforestation drivers including armed conflict variables, in explaining deforestation for three periods between 2001 and 2015. Iterative regression analyses were carried out for two spatial extents: the entire Colombian Amazon and a subset area which was most affected by deforestation. The results show that conflict variables have positive relationships with deforestation; yet, they are not among the main variables explaining deforestation. Accessibility and biophysical variables explain more variation. Nevertheless, conflict variables show divergent influence on deforestation depending on the period and scale of analysis. Based on these results, we develop deforestation risk maps to inform the design of forest conservation efforts in the post-conflict period.

LESS DIVIDED AFTER ETA? THE EVOLUTION OF IDEOLOGICAL CLEAVAGES IN THE BASQUE ENVIRONMENTAL FIELD, 2007–2017

The Basque Country has traditionally been considered a strongly polarized political community. The influence of the center-periphery cleavage and the shadow of political violence have conditioned many aspects of social life, including relations among civic organizations. Previous literature suggests that differences in organizations’ national identities and/or position towards ETA’s (Euskadi ta Askatasuna, or Basque Country and Freedom in the Basque language) violence have often acted as cleavages fragmenting collective action fields. This research examines whether this picture changed substantially after ETA’s abandonment of violence in 2011 by taking the environmental field as a case study and looking at the evolution of patterns of interorganizational collaboration between 2007 and 2017. The results of statistical network analyses show that both Basque nationalism and ideological positions towards ETA’s use of violence had a strong influence on organizations’ decisions to collaborate with one another up to 2011, whereas during the more recent postconflict period, collaboration seems to occur in a more pluralistic and less ideologically driven fashion.