Post-communist Countries In Europe Research Articles

Income inequality and socioeconomic differences in bullying perpetration among adolescents in post-communist countries of Europe: Findings from the HBSC study

BackgroundAdolescent bullying is a major public health concern in post-Communist countries of Europe (PCCE). We studied the impact of income inequality on the prevalence of and socioeconomic differences in bullying perpetration. MethodsNationally representative samples of adolescents aged 11–15 years from 14 PCCE participating in the Health Behavior in School-aged Children survey during 2017–18 years were included. Multilevel logistic regression models were fitted. ResultsOverall, 71,119 adolescents participated in the survey. About 27.7 % of country differences in bullying perpetration were attributable to high income inequality. Adolescents with low and high family socioeconomic status (SES) had a 10–15 % greater risk (P < 0.05) of bullying perpetration compared to middle-SES adolescents. In cross-level interaction, the risk of bullying perpetration was the highest among high-SES adolescents from countries with wider income inequality (P-interaction = 0.003). The odds ratios of bullying perpetration comparing high- vs. low-SES adolescents ranged from 0.67 in the least unequal to 1.59 in the most unequal countries. ConclusionsOur findings suggest that high income inequality might contribute to school bullying among adolescents in PCCE, particularly those from high-SES families. The necessary political and economic interventions should focus on improving the country socioeconomic environment in PCCE. Moving towards less neoliberal policies and creating a strong welfare state that promotes the population's economic and social well-being and reduces income inequality might be a necessary component of macro-level strategies aimed at preventing bullying among adolescents. Targeted public health interventions might be required for high-SES adolescents in countries with wide income inequality.

The impact of institutional factor on the dynamics of electoral Volatility in Post-Communist Countries of europe

The article examines the influence of the institutional factor on the dynamics of electoral volatility in post- communist European countries. The party and electoral systems were chosen as institutional variables. It is noted that a noticeable influence on the level of electoral mobility in the group of countries under consideration is not segmentation, but polarization of party systems. The author emphasizes that the small ideological distance between the parties competing in the electoral field hinders the formation of stable party identification of voters, which contributes to the growth of electoral volatility. The author comes to the conclusion that the institutional factor as a whole has a limited effect on the dynamics of changing party preferences of voters. Therefore it should be recognized that the factor of political culture continues to have a predominant impact on the electoral behavior of citizens of post-communist European countries.

Ethnic processes in post-communist Europe during the 1990s

In this paper, the author assesses and explains changes in ethnic composition that occurred in the postcommunist countries of Europe and the Caucasus during the 1990s. Quantitative as well as qualitative aspects of ethno-demographic changes are emphasized. Points of departure are the censuses of 1989/1992 and 1999/2004, and alternatively, the estimates of international organizations. Assessment is carried out at the state and regional levels. The current ethnic composition of post-communist Europe is the result of three ethnic processes. Homogenization concerns those states with a lower initial degree of ethnic homogeneity. Polarization (the formation of two or more ethnically dissimilar entities within one state) was also a prevalent outcome. Those processes were more powerful in war-stricken areas due to forced migrations and ethnic cleansing. Natural increase, governmental ethnic policies and the social atmosphere played an important role in the establishment of peaceful conditions. Conversely, countries that are ethnically homogeneous to a high degree recorded a decrease in their level of ethnic homogeneity. This was caused not only by immigration, but also by subjective factors. <b>Etnické procesy v postkomunistické Evropě v 90. letech 20. století</b> Článek hodnotí a vysvětluje proměny etnické struktury, jež proběhly v evropských a kavkazských postkomunistických zemích během 90. let 20. století. Důraz je kladen nejen na kvantitativní, nýbrž i na kvalitativní stránku etnodemografických proměn. Jde tedy o zhodnocení chování majority a minorit a vztahu mezi nimi, jenž byl ovlivněn rozmachem nacionalismu a separatismu. Výchozí datovou základnou jsou sčítání lidu 1989/1992 a 1999/2004, při jejich absenci pak odhady mezinárodních organizací. Hodnocení bylo prováděno na úrovni států a regionů, a to jak pomocí speciálně zkonstruovaných indexů, tak i korelace. Současná etnická struktura postkomunistické Evropy je výsledkem tří etnických procesů – etnické homogenizace, polarizace i heterogenizace. Homogenizace se týkala států s nižší výchozí úrovní etnické homogenity. Hojným výsledkem byla také u řady zemí jejich etnická polarizace, tj. v rámci jednoho státu zformování dvou a více etnicky odlišných homogenních jednotek. Tyto procesy byly rychlejší ve válkou zasažených územích, a to díky násilným přesunům obyvatelstva a užívání etnického čištění. V mírových podmínkách pak důležitou roli hrají přirozený přírůstek, vládní politika ve vztahu k menšinám a atmosféra ve společnosti. Naopak v etnicky vysoce homogenních zemích došlo během 90. let 20. století k poklesu etnické homogenity, tj. k heterogenizaci. Příčinou byla jednak imigrace, nemalou úlohu hráli také subjektivní činitelé (proměna etnické identifikace). Etnické konflikty jsou zejména doménou periferie, neboť historická jádra států jsou etnicky vysoce homogenní. Rychlejší etnická homogenizace periferie ve prospěch státního národa však nebyla pravidlem. K rozličným etnickým procesům docházelo také v jádrových oblastech. Při hodnocení etnických procesů v rámci dichotomie jádro–periferie tedy nelze hovořit o jasných pravidelnostech.

Dzisiejsza obecność teologa i teologii we wspólnocie akademickiej

The presence of theology in the academic community is today a challenge of particular significance. One of the most important reasons are political transformations in the post-communist countries of Europe in the last 25 years, as well as ideological and axiological transformations in the West of our continent. All these processes have affected many spheres of social, cultural and spiritual life and are directly related to shaping the contemporary theological thought. Although theology acquires potentially new opportunities for development and impact in the university space, in practice there are increasing difficulties in its affirmation. The problem primarily concerns the scientific profile of theology and the responsibility of theologians themselves.

Cleavages in the Post-Communist Countries of Europe: A Review

AbstractThis review of the historical studies of cleavages and seeks to bridge the gap between the historical study of cleavages and frozen cleavage theory and the post-communist states of Europe which have transitioned to democracy. The study identifies the literature on frozen cleavages and new divides which have arisen transition, as well as the primary actors in their political representation and issue positioning. The key literature in the development of studies on cleavages was provided by Lipset and Rok-kan, but their work focused mostly on Western democracies and did not include any of the countries which were behind the iron curtain at the time. However, the transition of the post-communist nations of Europe are now several decades old. Since the demise of communist regimes in Europe, much literature has been produced on the newly democratic regimes developing there. This article provides a broad overview of general trends in cleavage literature and more specific developments for Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia. The main findings were that there are frozen cleavages present in the post-communist countries of Europe, but that much of the developments since the fall of communism seem to be unpredictable and change-able — a fact reflected by the instability and constant change in the party systems.

ФАКТОРИ РОЗВИТКУ ФЕСТИВАЛЬНОГО ТУРИЗМУ У ДРУГІЙ ПОЛОВИНІ ХХ СТОЛІТТЯ

The article deals with the development of festival tourism in the second half of the 20th century. Festival tourism is referred to the special types of tourism and should satisfy specific needs of people during the trip. The motivational basis of the festival tourism is the desire of people to visit new places, regions and events in the world, including festivals. The article analyzes the main factors of the development of festival tourism in the second half of the 20th century after the end of the Second World War. Six main groups of factors are determined, in particular: civilization, sociological and psychological factors; economic factors; political factors; technological factors; ecological factors and tourism as a factor in festival development. It was established that the progress of civilization and higher incomes made it possible to satisfy the basic social needs in the highly developed countries, as well as to concentrate on high-level needs, including those connected with culture and entertainment, thus, also with festivals. The collapse of the USSR and the democratization of the post-communist countries in Europe caused the appearance of a new cultural and entertainment activity. Moreover, the authorities began to take more and more responsibility for the socioeconomic development of cities and regions, including the cultural aspect, which in turn resulted in promotion of local festivals. The development of transport infrastructure and modern information technologies has also positively contributed to the development of festival tourism. The ecological approach to life and to civilization in general is considered to be an important factor in the development of festival tourism in recent years.

Evaluation of Trends in Foreign Trade Development in the Post-Communist Countries of Europe in the Years 2000–2012 Following their Accession to the EU

AbstractThis paper seeks to analyse directions in foreign trade in the post-communist countries of Europe over the years 2000-2012 in the context of changes observed in other EU states. It was assumed that changes in the directions of foreign trade in post-communist states would be similar to those noted in Western Europe. On the basis of data derived from the OECD, EUROSTAT and OECD-WTO we show that the trading rules used by the old EU-15 adopted by those countries have brought them measurable benefits. As a result, the post-communist economies have become similar to those of the EU-15. Considering the structure of their trade and links with the EU-15, it is apparent that they have become the main trading and investment partners for the European Union. Hence, their integration with the EU structures made their development faster, but also made them more sensitive to industrial and demand shocks coming from the eurozone. It is predicted that the present model is not going to change, especially in the context of the participation in production networks.

Nationalisation of regional elections in Central and Eastern Europe

Territory is a salient issue in post-communist countries in Europe, yet subnational elections have received surprisingly little attention. This article analyses congruence between national and regional elections in Croatia, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania and the Slovak Republic held between 1993 and 2010. The findings suggest that election incongruence can be partly explained by approaches which work well in the West European context – territorial cleavages, regional authority and the second-order election model – but in order to fully grasp regional election outcomes in post-communist countries one also needs to take into account electoral alliance strategies and party supply change.

MAGNITUDE OF BIRTH DEFECTS IN ELBASAN REGION, ALBANIA, FOR THE PERIOD 2003-2013

BACKGROUND: Birth defects are a major cause of childhood mortality and morbidity in Albania, similar to the situation observed in other post-communist countries in Europe. Our aim was to describe the magnitude and distribution of birth defects in Elbasan region, a rather polluted area in transitional Albania. METHODS: A cross-sectional study was conducted in Elbasan region covering the period 2003-2013. The information for the period 2003-2009 was available from the Albanian Ministry of Health, whereas the information for the period 2010-2013 was based on the national surveillance system on congenital malformations which was established in Albania in 2009. Cox-Stuart test was used to assess the linear trend in the increase of birth defects in Elbasan region for the period 2003-2013. Conversely, Fisher’s exact test was used to assess the distribution of birth defects by socio-demographic characteristics and birth-related factors for the period 2010-2013. RESULTS: Overall, there was evidence of an increase in the rate of birth defects n Elbasan region from 1.1/1000 births (in 2003) to 8.7/1000 births (in 2013). The trend over time was inconsistent notwithstanding the evidence of a borderline statistical significance (linear trend: P=0.063). During 2010-2013, there was evidence of an increase over time regarding the proportion of newborns with birth defects pertinent to rural areas of Elbasan region (P=0.04), but no relationship with mothers’ age or educational level, duration of pregnancy, and newborns’ sex or birth weight. CONCLUSION: Our study provides useful evidence on the magnitude and distribution of congenital malformations in Elbasan region, which consists of a highly polluted area in post-communist Albania. Health professionals in Albania and other transitional settings should be aware of the means of treatment and especially prevention of birth defects. Keywords: Albania, birth defects, congenital malformations, Elbasan, surveillance system

Background Report on Private Sector Development in Latin America, the Post-Communist Countries of Europe and Asia, the Middle East and North Africa

After a long period in which state-led development was the dominant economic paradigm, since the 1980s private sector development has been the focus for economic policy makers. It is probably no coincidence that economic growth, stagnant for a few decades in much of the developing world, took off in the 1990s after this policy shift, and has generally remained high (in spite of a wave of crises and recessions in the late 1990s and early 2000s). Privatization has made a great deal of progress in the developing world, particularly in Latin America, though the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have lagged somewhat.

The European Dimension of Minority Political Representation

The political integration of ethnic minorities is one of the most challenging tasks facing the countries of post-communist Europe. The roads to their political representation in the mainstream political process are numerous and diverse. The EU accession of the Central and East European countries has expanded the scope of the political participation of minorities by adding an electoral process at the regional level: the elections for members of the European Parliament. This article presents a comparative study of the ways in which EU-level electoral processes affect the scope and quality of minority representation on the example of the participation of ethnic political parties in Bulgaria and Romania in the 2007 and 2009 electoral cycles of the European Parliament.

It is not how many votes you get, but also where you get them. Territorial determinants and institutional hurdles for the success of ethnic minority parties in post-communist countries

Electoral rules have long been held as important for the success of new political parties, but research has neglected the dimension of territory in this equation. This article argues that the territorial structure of social groups, in interaction with the electoral system, makes a crucial difference for the ability of new parties to enter parliament. In district-based electoral systems, social groups that are highly concentrated face much lower hurdles with an own party than groups that are spread throughout the country. The argument is tested on a novel database on ethnic minority groups from post-communist countries in Europe, including 123 minorities in 19 countries. To test hypotheses with complex interaction effects and binary variables, Qualitative Comparative Analysis appears as the most suitable method. After controlling for size and special minority-relevant provisions in the electoral systems, there is strong confirmation for the hypothesised effect.

The Nationalisation of Post-Communist Party Systems

Party nationalisation, defined as the homogeneity of party strength across a country, has recently become a major issue in research. Even though territory is a salient political question in the post-communist countries in Europe, party nationalisation in these countries has been neglected by the literature so far. This article presents data on party nationalisation for 20 countries over the period 1990–2007. It shows that the nationalisation of party systems in post-communist democracies is closely related to the territorial structure of social divisions, except for cases where the electoral systems provide for a high degree of nationalisation, or where super-presidentialism inhibits the creation of strong nationalised parties.

Electoral Protests and Democratization Beyond the Color Revolutions

The sight of thousands of people demonstrating for clean elections and an end to corrupt postcommunist regimes led many observers to declare that the so-called color revolutions had finally brought democracy to Serbia, Georgia, Ukraine, and Kyrgyzstan. But how successful have these electoral revolutions actually been? The authors analyze all cases of electoral revolutions worldwide since 1991, distinguishing between failed and successful electoral revolutions, to conclude that even successful electoral revolutions have shown insignificant or no democratic progress in their wake. Electoral revolutions are ineffective at advancing democratization because they place too great an emphasis on elections themselves and do not address other fundamental obstacles to democratization in hybrid and authoritarian regimes. International influences have proven more successful in promoting democratization in countries of postcommunist Europe.

Lustration and Lapse of Time

Czech Lustration Acts: basic features – Among the most far-reaching in the postcommunist countries in Europe – Challenges for the rule of law – 2001: Czech Constitutional Court upholds their validity – Case-law of the European Court of Human Rights – ‘Transition-to-democracy’ circumstances that justified their adoption have ceased to exist

Comments on “The Empirical Analysis of East German Fertility after Unification: An Update”

In his recent paper "The empirical analysis of East German fertility after unifica tion: An update", Michael Lechner (2001) presents the idea that the steep decline of period fertility rates in East Germany after 1990, followed by a slow recovery since 1995, occurred mostly due to the adjustment of East German fertility to West German fertility patterns. Although the argument that young cohorts of East German women have a similar fertility level as their West German counterparts is well illustrated, in my view the paper provides an oversimplified picture of fertility change in the former GDR. Apart from the statement that the adjustment is a reaction of East German individuals to the new institutional framework (p. 62), less generous than the previous East German system and particularly favouring later births (p. 64), there is no explanation in Lechner's line of reasoning. The micro-model presented in the paper does not include variables that might have been crucial for fertility decisions among East German women. Furthermore, the author does not discuss the potential influence of prevailing socio-economic differences between East and West Germany on fertility change. In my view, the fertility transformation that appears to bring the convergence in fertility patterns between East and West Germany, is in fact the result of the rapid postponement of childbearing combined with the decline in fertility a trend present in many post-communist countries in Europe. This comment discusses the possibility that the hypothesis put forward by Lechner is incorrect. In addition, even if Lechner's hypothesis were correct, it would not explain how persistent differences between East and West Germany can be compatible with the supposed convergence in fertility. In Western, Northern and Southern Europe women have been postponing births since the mid-1970s. In the 1980s, all East European countries including East Germany stood out demographically for their early timing of marriage and child bearing. In the 1990s, when the post-communist countries experienced intensive social and economic changes, women started to postpone births towards higher ages; consequently, period fertility rates declined substantially (see Council of Europe, 2000). Within the explanatory framework proposed by Lechner, we could *

The Weakness of Postcommunist Civil Society

Civil society continues to thrive as an object of study in postcommunist Europe, as in most other regions of the world. Much of the literature on postcommunist civil society, however, stresses its relative weakness, whether compared to other regions or to the high expectations of 1989–91. This emphasis on weakness is especially notable given that, only a decade ago, so many observers expected postcommunist civil society to be unusually strong and vibrant. Indeed, although specialists on Latin America and Southern Europe were also beginning to take the concept seriously in the 1980s, most scholars agree that the rapid revival of civil society as a major object of study resulted largely from developments surrounding the collapse of communism. The weakness of postcommunist civil society leads to a host of important questions. Yet is it actually correct to assert that postcommunist civil society is particularly weak? It seems clear that, when compared to the idealistic hopes of 1989–91, the current political, economic, and social realities have fallen short. When compared to other regions, however, the conclusion that postcommunist civil society is distinctively weak needs further substantiation. Such evidence is provided by the World Values Survey, which shows that in a wider crossregional perspective—compared against both older democracies and postauthoritarian countries—postcommunist countries do have relatively lower levels of organizational membership. This finding suggests that, even though there is some variation among the countries of postcommunist Europe, on the whole they still appear to form a coherent group. These empirical findings may affect the prospects for democracy and Marc Morje Howard is assistant professor of government and politics at the University of Maryland, College Park. This article draws on his forthcoming book, The Weakness of Civil Society in Post-Communist Europe (Cambridge University Press, 2002).

SME Support in Post-Communist Countries: Moving from Individual to Cooperative Approaches (Reflections on the Polish Case)

In the most advanced post-Communist countries of Europe, including Poland, the dynamic growth of the small business sector has been the chief factor driving economic growth since 1992, and has been accompanied by a number of public programs supporting Small and Medium-sized Enterprise (SME) development. However, I argue that something crucial is generally missing from these programs; namely, an attempt to go beyond the problems of individual businesses to approaches based on forms of association and cooperation which preserve, and even enhance, the overall competitiveness of the economy. As a result, while the Visegrad countries are doing well on numbers of SMEs, they are lagging behind in the development of those firms. While proponents of such cooperative arrangements in Poland usually meet the argument that Polish culture does not provide fruitful soil for them, one can point to a handful of experiments in the area of small business finance which prove that this is not necessarily so. This paper presents reflections on the problems and potential of public SME support programs based on case studies of two mutual loan guarantee funds, an enterprise incubator, and various types of business supports centers in one region.