post-Cold War Era Research Articles

The Relationship between China and Vietnam in Research Documents: Text Analytics

This study employs a rigorous bibliometric analysis to examine research trends and factors and discern the intellectual structure underpinning the research domain of China-Vietnam relations. This study uses Principal Component Analysis (PCA) on a large dataset of 161 articles from the Scopus database, covering 1975 to 2024. The goal is to find the important parts and main themes that have shaped scholarly discussion in this field. The findings reveal that Asian Survey, Contemporary Southeast Asia, and Pacific Review have emerged as the preeminent publication outlets. At the same time, authors affiliated with institutions such as the University of Southern California, the University of Virginia, and Vietnam National University have significantly contributed to the research corpus. Furthermore, the study identifies pivotal topics for further exploration, including "South China Sea," "the nature of Singapore," "China Sea disputes," "Vietnam's foreign policy," "policy studies organization," "post-Cold War era," "China Sea based," "growing economic interdependence," "ISEAS Yusof Ishak," "Yusof Ishak Institute," and "Vietnam's China policy." This study catalyzes knowledge dissemination, supporting the professional development of researchers in the international relations field, facilitating research planning, and fostering inter-institutional cooperation on a global scale. Future research should consider expanding databases and journals for comparative analysis and refining keyword searches to enhance sustainable knowledge dissemination and educational adaptability within this burgeoning area of inquiry.

A Different Perspective? Russian Interpretation of the International Law in the Post-Cold War Era

A Different Perspective? Russian Interpretation of the International Law in the Post-Cold War Era

Institutionalisation of Electoral Authoritarianism : A Study of The Syria’s Assad Regime

Authoritarianism is a prevalent form of political system in the world where democratic political ideals are limited through advocating strict obedience to a single ruler or group arbitrarily. Electoral authoritarianism is a form that falls between democracy and authoritarianism. They practice authoritarianism behind the institutional façade of representative democracy. The formal structures, guidelines, and practices that make up a political system evolve through a process called institutionalisation. Institutionalisation serves authoritarian regimes' purpose of establishing stability and legitimacy. Establishing long-lasting laws and policies to support the authoritarian government can institutionalise authoritarianism. Electoral authoritarianism became a major form of political system in the post-Cold War era. The institutionalisation of electoral authoritarianism is visible in various countries, especially in West Asia. Syria is the best example, which has a long history of institutionalisation of authoritarian practices. This was most visible during the period of Hafez al Assad in 1970 and continued during his son Bashar Al Assad’s tenure. This institutionalisation is practised by manipulating the country’s constitution, institutions like the army, Judiciary, media, political parties and electoral laws.

The Formation of a Strategic Partnership between China and Thailand: the Role of Belt and Road Initiative

This article attempts to consider the features of formation the strategic partnership between the PRC and Thailand, by tracing bilateral relations from mutual hostility in the 1950s–1960s, establishing official contacts in the 1970s amid the changes in international politics and during the Cambodian crisis, as well as deepening cooperation on a bilateral and multilateral levels in the post-Cold War era. The important role of Thailand in the process of bridge-building between China and ASEAN is noted. The article notes that there is a consensus among the Thai elite on the need to strengthen cooperation with China, which gives Thailand new opportunities for economic growth. China is a major trading partner and key investor for Thailand and provides significant opportunities in realizing Thailand's ambitions to develop advanced technology and infrastructure. An important component of Thai foreign policy is balancing between Great Powers. However, after the 2014 coup d'etat amid deteriorating relations with the United States, Thailand's military elite significantly expanded its strategic partnership with the PRC. This is evidenced by the growing supply of Chinese military equipment and the scale of joint military exercises. Particular importance in strengthening cooperation is the development of the China–Laos–Thailand transport corridor within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, which provides countries with new logistics opportunities. The article notes that in negotiations with China, Thailand follows a policy of economic independence and consistently defends its national interests, which cause delays in the implementation of the project, but China is forced to reckon with this.

India’s economic diplomacy in the post-cold war era

India’s economic diplomacy in the post-cold war era

Sombart’s history of capitalism and contemporary world, global and transnational history: Similarities and differences

With the great wave of global integration in economy, society and culture, historiography began to acknowledge the importance of interpreting the past at the highest - world level. Under the influence of numerous historians (primarily in the United States and Western Europe) during the 19th century, and to a much greater extent after 1945, rather innovative directions of world, global and transnational history were created trying to overcome contradictions and a narrow interpretation of the history of international relations, national states and local communities. These focused both on local identities and on states as key factors in the past. In the search for phenomena that permeated world societies, historians, under the influence of other social sciences, began to recognize capitalism as par excellence supranational, that is, a world phenomenon. Although it may seem that the interest in capitalism as a building block of global history (that is, the world system as Immanuel Wallerstein said) is more recent and under the influence of the post-Cold War era, the world-historical significance of this phenomenon was first recognized by authors from the turn of the 19th to the 20th century. Among them, the German economist, sociologist and historian Werner Sombart (1863-1941) has a special place, since he devoted several decades of his career to the study of this phenomenon.

Founding Father or National Traitor? Contested Memories of Syngman Rhee in Mid-1990s South Korea

Abstract: The present study focuses on the 1990s as a pivotal era in the mnemonic landscape of post-authoritarian South Korea, and bridges the gap between the ample literature on the revolutionary 1980s and the "history wars" of the 2000s–2010s. Through a case study of the cultural memory of Syngman Rhee (1875–1965) and his role in the division of the Korean peninsula, this mnemohistorical account investigates how his memory became pivotal to South Korean mnemonic disputes in the 1990s. Contestations over the memory of Rhee during this period are dissected using critical discourse analysis, beginning with the "re-discovery" of Syngman Rhee in the early 1990s by conservative journalists and intellectuals. The article then explores how Chosun Ilbo and Joongang Ilbo , two of South Korea's largest newspapers, led extensive Syngman Rhee "re-evaluation" efforts in 1995 to revise South Korean cultural memory, before addressing how such efforts were met by fierce opposition from progressives. Although ultimately unsuccessful, these conservative re-evaluation efforts and the opposition that ensued veritably mapped the mnemonic coordinates for South Korea's later "history wars." As such, the present study provides an insight into the origins of the mnemonic polarization that characterized South Korea in the mid-2000s. As a first historical dispute initiated by conservatives post-democratization, this "re-discovery" and "re-evaluation" of Syngman Rhee as South Korea's "founding father" arguably provided conservatives with a historical narrative for the post-Cold War era, cementing a pillar of conservative functional memory that would eventually merge into a "foundation"-centered narrative after the late 1990s.

Peace, Conflict and the Resurgence of Religion in World Politics

Religion has become an issue that not only affects domestic politics but also international security and world peace. There is a debate among scholars on how to interpret this resurgence of religious identity in international politics. There are scholars who regard the resurgence of religion as the reflection of the undeniable importance of religion to human beings who find meaning in life through religion. On the other hand, this phenomenon can be understood as a manifestation of the importance that identity politics, based on factors like race, religion and ethnicity has gained in international politics in the global age. There are interpretations that emphasize that the resurgence of identities in the global age is a result of the competition for power and resources. This has important implications for understanding the principles which can be used to resolve the conflicts associated with the resurgence of religion internationally as well as at the domestic level. Hence, this paper reviews some of these arguments and attempts to probe the factors behind the resurgence of identity politics across the globe in the post-cold war era. The paper also tries to understand the ways of conflict transformation, thereby emphasizing the role of peace education in the process.

NATO’s Southern Flank: The Evolution of Türkiye’s Strategic Role and Its Implications for Regional Security

This article delves into the progressive development of Türkiye's strategic function within NATO, and what it signifies for regional security along the Alliance's Southern Flank. Türkiye, as a crucial NATO member since 1952, has steadfastly assumed a considerable part in the organization's collective defense, thereby bolstering the stability of the region. The article offers a historical review of Türkiye's involvement in NATO, tracking its journey from joining the Alliance during the initial Cold War years to navigating the more intricate security milieu of the post-Cold War era. The focus then shifts to the geopolitical challenges faced by NATO on its Southern Flank, particularly in the Middle East, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Black Sea region. Within this context, the article analyzes Türkiye's evolving strategic role, including its military capabilities and growing defense industry, diplomacy, and soft power initiatives, as well as its efforts to balance relations with NATO, Russia, and other regional actors. The article also explores Türkiye's strategic decision to acquire the Russian S-400 missile defense system, a move that underscores Türkiye's commitment to diversifying its defense capabilities and enhancing its national security, while also navigating the complex dynamics of international alliances and NATO's evolving security landscape. Subsequently, it discusses the possible advantages and hurdles that could arise from Türkiye's dynamic strategic role in regional security and on NATO's Southern Flank. Key topics addressed include the reinforcement of NATO's defense capabilities, the enhancement of regional security cooperation, and potential strains within the Alliance. The piece wraps up with an evaluation of future prospects for Türkiye's strategic function in NATO and the implications for regional security. This underlines the significance of maintaining a united and adaptable NATO that can adeptly respond to the evolving security challenges in the region.

Turkish and Hungarian Turanism against Russia in the Post-Cold War Era: Nostalgia Revisits Central Asia

Turkish and Hungarian Turanism against Russia in the Post-Cold War Era: Nostalgia Revisits Central Asia

A NEW EURASIAN BLOC? CHARACTERIZING THE ACTIVITY OF FORMER SOVIET AND TURKIC COUNTRIES AT THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY

Soviet countries were the most cohesive bloc in the UN General Assembly (UNGA) during the bipolar era, after which the East-West cleavage was replaced by a North-South division. Hence, the Soviet space fell out of the attention of UN research in the post-Cold War era. However, this North-South polarization arises mainly from voting analyses that ignore other interstate activities at the UN. An analysis of sponsorship patterns of draft resolutions from the last decade, in contrast, reveals alternative groups, including a cluster with former Soviet, Eastern European, and Turkish-speaking countries, suggesting some unity among Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Türkiye, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. In light of such evidence, this exploratory paper uses data on UNGA sponsorship between 2009 and 2019 to descriptively characterize this newfound coalition of Eurasian countries, probing what their pattern of UNGA activity is and what topics bind them together as a group.

China–Russia strategic partnership and the oil and gas collaboration

Over the post-Cold War era, China has been committed to intensifying its strategic partnership with Russia in an attempt to usher into the world a new order. To achieve this goal, these two states have since the end of the Cold War expanded their cooperation, including the oil and gas cooperation. The research objectives of the paper are to explore the latest development in the China–Russia oil and gas cooperation and the motivations and outcomes from a Chinese perspective. It contributes to the scholarly discussion by analyzing China’s intensified energy cooperation with Russia in the greater picture of China’s rise and examining it in a political economy way. This paper finds that the rapidly enhanced energy cooperation is a visible manifestation of China’s quest for energy security and a greater say in the world energy market. This paper concludes that China wishes to achieve three objectives by intensifying its oil and gas cooperation with Russia: this first is related to China’s sustained economic growth; the second to China’s aggravated security environment since the US ‘pivot to Asia’; the third to China’s dream of restoring its past status as a great power.

The Political Economy of Military Aircraft, the Case of Europe

ABSTRACT This article measures and discusses the continuities and changes in the procurement process in Europe by examining the influence of national preferences in terms of sovereignty, industrial issues, and strategic needs on procurement strategies. We focus on the aerospace defense industry and study four aircraft markets (fighter aircraft, transport aircraft, helicopters, and UAVs) in 30 European countries during the post-Cold War era. Our results reveal significant heterogeneity in terms of strategies. They suggest that European countries lack coordination in their aircraft procurement strategies; if a country has sufficient industrial capacity, it will seek to maximize national industrial benefits in its procurement choices, to the detriment of its European partners; conversely, if a country has no industrial capacity, transatlantic suppliers would be preferable to European ones. Members of the former USSR and Warsaw Pact have phased out old Soviet-era aircraft at different rates, depending on the market, with European suppliers benefiting more from this process than American ones. Overall, our study provides a comprehensive and nuanced perspective on the defense aircraft industry in Europe that can inform policymakers and stakeholders in this sector.

Japanese Peacebuilding Diplomacy in Southeast Asia and Beyond in the New World Order

This article addresses the complex landscape of Japan’s diplomatic engagement in Southeast Asia, spanning from the late 1990s to the present day, and explores the transformative role that Japan has played in post-conflict peacebuilding and regional security. Japan has reinforced diplomatic relations with conflict-affected Southeast Asian countries in the post-Cold War era, contributing to security cooperation in the region under the recent Japan’s diplomatic direction of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision.

The war in Ukraine and the Dawn of Russian Revisionism: An English School Approach

Since Russian president Vladimir Putin's 2007 speech at the Munich Security Conference, followed by his country's invasion of neighbouring Georgia the ensuing year, Russia has been one of the most powerful and visible challengers of a West-centric conception of international order. This has led to assertions that Russia is a revisionist state. However, such assertions largely gloss over the “intermediate” stages that Russia has occupied between the two extremes of status quo and revisionist power throughout the post–Cold War era. They also reveal an understanding of international order that is mostly uniform. Employing an English School framework, this paper shows how Russia only became a fully revisionist state in the lead-up to its invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022. And using a theoretical model which outlines the impact of contestation on international society, it outlines the consequences of Russia's recent descent into revisionism for the so-called rules-based international order.

The Influence and Effectiveness of the Activities of International Organizations in the Formation, Provision and Strengthening of the World Legal Order

Objective: The article explores issues surrounding the definition of legal world order and security in the post-Cold War era, examining the expanding concept of security within the context of globalization. It aims to analyze theoretical approaches to international security and its development in a changing global landscape.
 
 Methods: The study employs a combination of dialectical and hermeneutic principles for analyzing the subject matter. It uses systemic-structural and functional methods to investigate the role of international organizations in global security. Various research methods, such as analogy, historicism, formal-logical analysis, and situational analysis, are applied to examine the issues under consideration.
 
 Results: The article highlights several key findings, including the diminishing authority of the United Nations (UN) as a universal international organization in the present global context. It emphasizes the need for the international community to address the geopolitical changes and challenges of the 21st century. The current state of world politics is characterized by perpetual global instability, and existing peacekeeping and peacemaking mechanisms have shown limitations in addressing modern hybrid challenges and threats.
 
 Conclusions: In conclusion, the article argues that the existing system for managing international relations is insufficient for the 21st century. It underscores the importance of streamlining relations between sovereign states, modernizing multilateral institutions, and establishing an effective oversight body to strengthen the global security system. The study advocates for the development of new international legal norms, including various aspects of international cooperation and the enhancement of international institutional structures to combat emerging global challenges. The future of humanity depends on the timely and effective implementation of these measures.

Vietnam’s Current Perceptions and Policies Regarding Its Relations with China

Despite having same political ideologies, Vietnam and China share mutual suspicion and contradictions in their bilateral interactions. Since the normalization of Sino-Vietnamese relations in 1991, In the post-Cold War era, Vietnam-China relations could be called as a mature asymmetry. These have affected strategic considerations in Vietnam’s policy towards China. I argue that Vietnam’s cooperation strategy with China encompasses ‘both cooperation and struggle’. In other words, unlike conditions of mature asymmetry, where both countries attempt to maintain peaceful relations, in the case of Vietnam and China, the responsibility has been placed more in the former rather than the latter. In addition, I argue that though the relations are perceived to be driven by ideological affinity and growing economic interdependence, the ‘trust deficit’ is a determining factor that obstructs the development of the two countries’ relations.

The Commodification of Cold War Ideologies: the Reception of Casals in Japan and the Sinophone World in the Post-Cold War Era

Abstract This article examines the reception of Pablo Casals, the Spanish cellist and humanitarian, in Japan, Taiwan, China, and Hong Kong in the post-Cold War era from the perspective of consumer capitalism. It argues that although the Cold War ended in 1991, instead of being criticised, the Cold War ideologies, including communism, anti-communism, socialism, and humanitarianism, were intertwined with and consolidated by capitalism in the post-Cold War era. This article reveals how the legacies of Casals were interpreted differently in these places within the context of domestic and regional politics and discusses how the Cold War ideologies were commodified in the post-Cold War era. By conducting a multilateral dialogue between Japan and the Sinophone world, this article attempts to gain a clearer understanding of the geopolitical history of East Asia in the post-Cold War era from a musical perspective.

The Us – New Zealand Relations in The Post-Cold War Era and Recommendations for New Zealand’s Foreign Policy

New Zealand and the United States are close strategic partners. The two countries share a deep and longstanding friendship, united by a commitment to promote a free, democratic, secure and prosperous world. This article explores the relations between the two countries in the post-Cold War Era. The examination is critical and has implications for New Zealand to maintain an independent foreign policy to protect its own sovereign interests while balancing economic security and maintaining a productive and respectful relationship with a great power like the US.

Collective Identity, Anglo-Saxon Bond and the Persistence of the Anglo-American Special Relationship

Abstract There have been many “end of affair” comments on the Anglo-American special relationship (AASR) in the post-Cold War era. Notwithstanding this, the AASR has managed to persist without losing its vitality up to the present. This article seeks to explain the persistence of the AASR from the perspective of collective identity. It argues that a strong Anglo-American collective identity has been an indispensable positive contributor to the persistence of the AASR after the end of the Cold War. The strong Anglo-American collective identity facilitates Anglo-American common threat perceptions, solidifies embedded trust between the UK and the USA, and prescribes norms of appropriate behaviour for these two countries.