Post-agreement Period Research Articles

Class, Identity, Integration, and the Two-Tiered Peace Process

Abstract This article critically examines the extent to which increases in socio-economic equality between Protestants and Catholics over the post-Agreement period has corresponded to a gradual de-centering of ethnopolitical identity in social relations and political processes. I argue that, while there has been an increase in social integration and moderate growth in the political middle ground, such trends are not experienced equally across class contexts. On an everyday basis, ethnopolitical identity is most strongly felt in relatively deprived and religiously segregated communities who have experiencing very little by the way of peace dividends and suffering disproportionately and intergenerationally from conflict-related trauma and an ongoing sense of sectarian threat.

Dramaturgical Roles of Present and Past Teenage Characters in Post-Agreement Northern Irish Drama

The Good Friday Agreement (1998) has set in motion significant changes in Northern Ireland, generating new conditions which, however, also brought numerous problems to the surface on various levels of society. Sociologists have called attention to how intensely the persistent afterlife of sectarian hostilities affect especially teenagers who are often unable to see their goals clearly. Several contemporary Northern Irish playwrights have relied on young characters to pinpoint timely and pressing social and cultural issues as well as to throw light on the precarity of the post-Troubles environment. This essay discusses three plays from different decades of the post-Agreement period: Gary Mitchell’s Trust (1999), Lucy Caldwell’s Leaves (2007), and Owen McCafferty’s Quietly (2012). Their respective dramaturgies showcase the long-lasting influence of the historical burden of the Northern Irish conflict on young peoples’ subjectivities as well as demonstrate how middle-aged characters are still haunted by memories of the psychic wounds they suffered during the most formative years of their lives. Through their underage protagonists, each playwright suggests that members of this generation might not be able to further strengthen the peace they have formally inherited. (MK)

La Havana-Bogota Peace Agreement and the Transitional Justice in Colombia

In this article armed conflict in Colombia and the post-agreement period, which is still very recent, are evaluated. The armed conflict between the armed forces of the State and the FARC-EP has terminated in Colombia by making The La Havana-Bogota Peace Agreement. By the virtue of this agreement, the post-agreement period in Colombia is started. With this agreement, some other various steps have been taken to increase the political participation of the Colombian people and the democratization in Colombia. The Integrated System, containing the Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition, the Unit for the Search of Missing People Due to and in the Context of the Armed Conflict and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, was established. Colombia is a current issue for international community in the context of transitional justice period.

State intervention, external spoilers, and the durability of peace agreements

ABSTRACT How does state intervention during civil conflict affect the variation in post-agreement outcomes? While intervention in civil conflict is a widely studied topic, the conflict resolution literature generally ignores how state intervention during conflict affects the durability of the peace agreement that follows. In this paper, I argue that state interveners continue to influence the decisions and actions of their war-time ally in the post-agreement period. Self-interested state interveners can use the leverage they possess over their ally to break down or nurture the fragile order the peace agreement provides depending on how satisfied they are with the policy outcomes of the peace agreement. Therefore, I contend that the durability of a peace agreement depends on a) the satisfaction level of state interveners with the post-agreement status quo, and in instances of multiple interventions, b) whether state interveners converge or diverge in their level of satisfaction. I trace state interveners’ level of satisfaction with the post-agreement status quo in the economic and political signals they send in the post-agreement period. I examine the durability of intra-state peace agreements signed between 1985 and 2004 and find that a) improving economic and political interactions between state interveners and the post-agreement state increase the durability of the peace agreement and b) the divergence between each state intervener’s economic and political interactions with the post-agreement state decreases the durability of the peace agreement. Findings indicate that intervener states’ satisfaction with the post-agreement status quo is a primary determinant of durable peace.

Between pacification and dialogue: Critical lessons from Colombia’s territorial peace

Colombia's peace process prioritised conflict-torn geographies ostensibly suffering from historical state absence. We examine the origins and afterlives of this 'territorial' peace using discourse analysis, archival research and field interviews. The state-initiated agenda exceeded the objective of structuring negotiations with FARC guerrillas, pointing to the transformative potential of social dialogue. The negotiating parties co-sponsored participatory rural development forums, which attracted numerous collectives. These diverse actors' visionary proposals to address neglected claims and conflicts influenced the government's and FARC's respective discourses, ultimately informing the 2016 peace agreement. Yet, state priorities for peace centred on international legitimation and post-conflict infrastructure development to accelerate foreign investment in export-oriented mining, oil extraction, and agri-business. The beleaguered FARC challenged government's narratives while struggling to rebuild organisational legitimacy and prevent fragmentation. Subsequent disappointments with fraught territorial development plans, a new government's securitization of peace programmes, and continuing violence mar the post-agreement period. Prior contributors to participatory forums have joined contentious actions against neglectful austerity, extractivist maldevelopment and targeted assassinations. Thus, we argue that Colombia's international lessons may reside less in governmental pacification programmes - the potential of state-sponsored participatory dialogues notwithstanding - than in resilient (post-)conflict communities open to exercising their peace imagination while remaining mobilised against new-and-old violences. Furthermore, the territorial peace saga illustrates productive overlaps between critical peace geographies and socio-territorial analysis - especially the territorial restructuring induced by neoliberal economic policies, the violent multiple territorialities of differentiated state presence in geographical peripheries and pluriversal struggles against ontological occupation addressed herein.

Entrepreneurship in the Colombia-Ecuador Border Integration Zone in the Post-Conflict Setting

This article is about the urgency of creating and proposing development alternatives to reintegrate former members who belonged to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) into civilian life. On the occasion of the signing of the peace treaty between this group and the Colombian government in 2016; also for the victims and territories with the highest incidence of the conflict in the Colombia-Ecuador border. The general objective was to analyze the forms of productive entrepreneurship as facilitators in the process of reintegration into the post-agreement period in Colombia taking into account the successful experiences in the creation of Ecuadorian companies. The methodology used a quantitative approach, analytical empirical method and descriptive research. The tools to collect information were a survey and an interview; with a sample of 128 reinserted FARC members and 47 Ecuadorian social and solidarity-based economy organizations. The results come from reinserted FARC members located in the Municipality of Tallambí (Colombia) and the social and solidarity-based economy organizations in the Canton of Carchi (Ecuador). The information obtained about directing and entrepreneurship policies came from the two governments (Ecuador and Colombia), and models of creating companies according to the characteristics found. It can be concluded that the majority of reinserted people are youngsters between the ages of 26 and 30, that is, in a productive age, willing to train and assume entrepreneurship proposals to continue their reintegration process and improve their quality of life. This can be possible with the help of the two governments, the social institutions and the international community.

Does the Financial Integration in ASEAN+3 Respond to Financial Cooperation Agreement and Influence the Real Sectors?

This paper aims to investigate the degree of financial integration by employing Markov Switching (MS) technique. It further examines the influence of financial integration on the real sectors by employing GMM approach. The finding indicates following outcomes; (1) the financial markets of ASEAN[Formula: see text]3 economies are weakly integrated during pre-agreement periods; (2) the degree of financial integration improves during post-agreement period in which financial integration has positive influence on the real economy; (3) higher degree of financial integration indicates a positive influence on the real economies. Finally, this study offers policy implication for stabilizing the real economy.

La construcción del enemigo interno. Una política pública del odio

El llamado posacuerdo y la búsqueda de la paz han generado una situación nacional conflictiva pero urgente, en la que es necesario pensar en formas, metodologías y políticas que permitan la inclusión social. Sin embargo, tales procesos, que no son decretados por mandato presidencial, hacen preciso que la sociedad reconozca a ese otro que emerge bajo el significante “excombatiente”, tarea harto difícil porque en su historia, de manera sistemática, se le ha denominado “terrorista”. El texto presenta una ruta para reflexionar sobre algunos aspectos que intervienen en la construcción del otro y su tránsito al lugar de enemigo.

La transformación del Ejército Nacional de Colombia: una interpretación teórica/ Transformation of the Colombian National Army: A theoretical approach

El Ejército Nacional de Colombia (ENC) atraviesa por un momento crucial en su historia. Los retos y desafíos que impone la etapa del postacuerdo con la guerrilla más antigua del mundo, las Fuerzas Armadas de Colombia (FARC), han obligado a acelerar la implementación de la trasformación del ENC mediante un proceso institucional planteado desde el año 2011 y que, en parte, se materializó con la implementación de la Doctrina Damasco. Así, el interés del presente trabajo es interpretar desde las teorías de Relaciones Internacionales la trasformación institucional que ha emprendido el ENC; para ellola pregunta que guía el trabajo es: ¿cómo se puede interpretar proceso de transformación del Ejército de Colombia a la luz de los nuevos desafíos que plantean los escenarios: doméstico —ante la existencia de un escenario de postacuerdo con las FARC— y el internacional? Cabe aclarar que no es materia de este análisis describir el proceso de trasformación del ENC, tampoco describir la Doctrina Damasco como su eje central. El artículo pretende aportar al debate académico sobre la trasformación del ENC desde una interpretación teórica que ofrece la disciplina de la Relaciones Internacionales.
 
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 The Ejército Nacional de Colombia (ENC) is going through crucial moment in its history. The challenges by the post-agreement phase with the oldest guerrilla in the world Fuerzas Armadas de Colombia (FARC) have forced to accelerate the implementation of the transformation of the Force, through an institutional process establish since 2011, and in part materialized with the implementation of Doctrina Damasco. In this way, the interest of this effort is focused on interpreting from the framework theories of International Relations the institutional transformation that the ENC has assumed. Thus, the question that guides the work is: How interpret the transformation process of the Colombian Army considering the new challenges posed by the domestic context —post-agreement period with FARC— and international? It should be necessary clarified that it is not the subject of this analysis to describe the transformation process of the ENC. Nor describe the Doctrina Damasco, (other works such as (Gómez y Correa 2014, 19-88), and (Rojas Guevara 2016, 95-119) have contributed in this regard). The article rather aims to contribute to the academic debate on the transformation of the ENC from the theoretical analysis offered by the discipline of International Relations. Although, the transformation process of the Colombian Army has its genesis in the need to face the new challenges that arise from the international context and the new internal realities, among which the post-agreement scenario with the FARC, among others, is included. The purpose is to interpret these phenomena and explain how the ENC has renewed its doctrine in a manner consistent with the challenges and threats brought by the contemporary international system.

The nexus between financial integration and real economy: Solow-growth model concept

This paper aims to investigate the nexus between financial integration and the real economy in ASEAN+3 economies based on the concept of Solow-Growth Model. The equity indices as a proxy for financial markets are collected from each ASEAN+3 members and are segmented between two periods; before and after the financial cooperation agreement period. The finding presents several outcomes; 1) no cointegration nexus is found in the system during the pre-agreement periods; 2) the markets are found cointegrated during the post-agreement period, 3) financial integration is found to influence the real sectors of ASEAN+3 economies. Finally, this study offers policy implications to improve financial integration for stabilizing the real economy.

Does financial cooperation agreement improve the cointegration among ASEAN+3 money markets?

This paper aims to empirically examine the degree of cointegration among ASEAN+3 money markets in order to determine and adopt remedial actions pursuant to vulnerabilities in the region’s money markets that indicate an inability to prevent possible financial crises. In order to validate vulnerabilities, this paper investigates the degree to which money markets are integrated. Inter-bank lending rates are divided based on agreement periods as well as on income levels of regional economies. The VAR-based Cointegration test and the VECM have been applied in the investigation process. The findings are: (1) weak integration during the pre-agreement period; (2) substantial progress toward the post-agreement period; (3) both high- and low-income markets integrate in a cooperative way; and (4) the agreement produces an impact that is incomplete in so far as integrating the region’s money markets. The finding of this study offers implications for the regional makers.

The Government of National Unity and the Demise of the National Party in Post-settlement South Africa

This article explores the demise of the National Party (NP) in post-settlement South Africa. Principally, it focuses on the party's involvement in the Government of National Unity between 1994 and 1996 and considers the impact of this on the party's electoral fortunes. From 1948 to 1994 the NP enjoyed political hegemony. It functioned as a racial party vis-à-vis the country's white electorate and also an ethnic party with deep emotional links to the Afrikaner community. It played a crucial role in the negotiations that resulted in the end of apartheid and its leader received the Nobel Peace Prize for his peace-making efforts. Yet two or three years after the momentous transfer of power in 1994 the party lost the confidence and support of both Afrikaners and English-speaking whites. This proved terminal and resulted in the party dissolving itself in 2005. The South African case draws our attention to the challenges that an ethnic party can encounter in the post-agreement period. It also alerts us to the problems which can emerge following a negotiated settlement. The article is based upon research conducted with five former senior members of the NP.

Impact of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) on firms’ degree of internationalization

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to postulate the impact of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) on internationalization strategies of member countries’ firms. The study also aims to triangulate the proposed model using empirical data from PTA partner economies.Design/methodology/approach– The mixed methods research design is used for the purpose of inquiry as suggested by Creswell. The inductive reasoning based on critical literature review and grounded theory methodology is used to postulate the model. Explanatory strength of the model is triangulated using empirical longitudinal trade data of Pakistan with her bilateral PTA partners, i.e. Malaysia, Mauritius, Iran, Sri Lanka and China. Internationalization indices are adapted following the Ietto-Gillies and London (2009) and Petri (1994) to measure the intensity and geographical diversification dimensions of internationalization. Country-level trade statistics are used as a proxy of firm-level data to explain the international expansion of home firms resulting from PTAs.Findings– Empirical results confirm a strong and long-term impact of PTAs on the intensity and extensity dimensions of internationalization over post-agreement period in Pakistan and member economies. Gravity index depicts greater concentration of Pakistan's trade in FTA markets and thereby confirms the influence of PTAs on international market selection. Analysis at sectoral level depicts a contraction in services trade whereas expansion in the manufacturing firms’ export growth to member economies.Originality/value– The paper extends the theory of internationalization by identifying PTAs as exogenous variable influencing internationalization strategies of member countries’ firms in a developing South Asian context. Coupled with findings from empirical data, the study identifies PTAs as a new strategic trade policy tool available to policy makers for promoting and influencing the home firms’ internationalization strategies.

Negotiating Peace Agreements with Anticorruption Provisions: The Role of International Development Assistance

Peace agreements that end internal conflicts are most likely to be sustainable when they include negotiated provisions that resolve corruption and governance abuses that were among the initiating causes of the conflicts. A four-staged process appears to be an underlying theme for the post-conflict period: essential to achieving effective results: ceasefire negotiations, negotiations over future governance and the reestablishment of integrity to government, implementation of the negotiated agreements with the support of development assistance, and continuing dialogue through post-agreement negotiations. Six recent cases of peace negotiation and their implementation are analyzed to yield lessons and recommendations for diplomatic and international development analysts and practitioners. In particular, the role of development assistance is considered both as an impetus to agreement and as an essential stimulant of the post-agreement period.

Post-agreement societies and inter-ethnic competition: A comparative study of the Protestant community of Londonderry and the white population of Pretoria

Northern Ireland and South Africa are societies in a process of transition. The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 and the multi-racial elections in 1994 signified new eras in each country. Although successful in addressing the problem of political violence, how effective have these settlements been at the level of improving inter-ethnic relations and promoting the kind of shared identity that can begin to transcend the twin problems of sectarianism and racism? This article conducts a comparative examination of two urban minority groups viz the Protestant community of Londonderry and the white population of Pretoria. It uses the concept of ‘alienation’ as a way of exploring concerns that have been voiced by these groups who feel themselves to be culturally under threat. Notwithstanding these settlements, the article highlights the continued importance of ethno-symbolism for different groups and draws our attention to the nature of inter-ethnic competition in the post-agreement period. In addition to pointing to the durability of ethnic identity, it focuses on an issue that has the capacity to ignite inter-ethnic and inter-racial dispute. Whilst the issue keeps the ethnic fracture visible in Northern Ireland, it frustrates attempts at nation-building in South Africa.

Political Transitions after Peace Agreements: The Importance of Consultative and Inclusive Political Processes

This essay examines the transitional periods following peace agreements and leading to elections and new constitutions. It discusses the advantages of gradually expanding political participation during these periods, despite the arguments of several scholars that political liberalization in the absence of strong state institutions carries significant risks. The article argues that political participation in transitional periods may be expanded through inclusive elite consultations on issues such as elections, vetting of institutions and new constitutions, and through wider national dialogue efforts including civil society. The essay recognizes the risks of premature elections, but argues that the goal of reforming state institutions cannot be achieved in the absence of a national political process. This argument relies on the insights of the constitution-making literature, namely that lasting institutions tend to result from lengthy and inclusive constitution-making processes. It also relies on the civil war settlement literature according to which belligerents need credible guarantees that their interests will be protected in the post-agreement period before laying down their arms. The essay argues that guaranteed inclusion in the transitional process and influence over the outcome of the transition offers such assurances to former belligerents that their interests will be respected in the new political reality.

Unionist political attitudes after the belfast agreement

Unionism’s recent history has been dominated by reactions to the peace process and the Belfast Agreement. The November 2003 assembly election results, which saw gains for the anti-agreement Democratic Unionist Party, are merely the latest instalment in the long-running intra-unionist competition. Data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times survey of political attitudes provides fascinating insights into unionist attitudes in the postagreement period. Time series data reveal the leaching of unionist support away from the Belfast Agreement and the extent of unionist disaffection. But the survey also encourages us to move beyond mono-dimensional caricatures of unionism and instead points to a political community with both fixed and fluid positions, and a political community that maintains positive attitudes towards two of the fundamental pillars of the peace process: powersharing and the principle of consent. So, while Democratic Unionist electoral gains may have encouraged the British and Irish governments to consider modifications to the Belfast Agreement, the survey shows that two ‘fundamentals’ of the peace accord are secure.

The impact of international agreements on domestic policy: An analysis of tariff policy in African countries

This paper estimates a fixed effects tariff model to study the impact of the tariff reform provisions of international agreements on domestic tariffs, using a sample of eight Sub-Saharan African countries. The structure of the model explaining domestic tariff changed from the preagreement period to the postagreement period. However, the results indicate that for the most part, efforts by governments to adhere to tariff agreements failed in all but a few countries. Even for the countries in which the agreements appeared to be successful, the significance of the results is relatively weak.

Renegotiations in the post-agreement period: the future of the Kyoto protocol

This paper considers renegotiations in the post–agreement period on the basis of previous research on the structural analysis of international negotiations. After clarifying the structure of the climate change issue in international negotiations, it presents four renegotiation scenarios and suggests paths to follow for dealing with this global issue. This analysis shows that further efforts to change configurations of national interests will be important.

Problems of ratifying international environmental agreements: Overcoming initial obstacles in the post-agreement negotiation process

The post-agreement period typically is characterized by negotiations between various stakeholders to reach mutually beneficial and acceptable means to achieve national implementation of, and compliance with, treaty provisions. National ratification of international environmental agreements is often the first subprocess of these ‘postagreement negotiations’. This article places ratification negotiations within the larger conceptual context of postagreement negotiations, with the goal of understanding and explaining problems of treaty Implementation. An empirical analysis reveals that delay in national ratification of environmental agreements is a chronic problem, but is worse for complex, multi-issue treaties. Strong public concern over local environmental issues, low quality of life, low national wealth, and low public research and development expenditures for environmental protection contribute to ratification delay. Ultimately, the authors are interested in identifying ways of improving the international negotiation process that initiated these later problems in implementation. Recommendations are offered in this regard.