Position Of Italy Research Articles

Post-Brexit council: winners and losers after the UK’s withdrawal from the EU

ABSTRACT This paper examines the impact of Brexit on the voting system in the Council. For this purpose, the study is developing a new voting model which abandons the assumption that each coalition of players is equally likely. The analysis focuses on the structure of blocking for the voting game. I find that for seven most populous Member States, Brexit has had profound effects on their ability to build minimal blocking coalitions in the Council when QMV is used. The Germany’s ability to build the smallest blocking coalitions has increased dramatically. The position of Italy and Spain, and consequently that of the Mediterranean states, has also been strengthening. Moreover, France has become a pivotal player in the disputes between the North and the South. These findings have important implications for institutional design, negotiations between Member States in the Council and the European Commission’s legislative influence as an agenda-setter.

Comparative Analysis of Legislation on Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy: Italy's position relate to international panorama.

The voluntary interruption of pregnancy (VIP) remains one of the most contentious issues worldwide, subject to different legal frameworks and cultural interpretations. Access to VIP is considered a fundamental right for women, recognized by international organizations such as the World Health Organization (WHO) and supported by the United Nations. It is estimated that 40-50 million abortions are performed each year, of which about 75% are in developing countries. IVG is legal in only 25 countries, while in the others, it is severely restricted or illegal, leading to an increase in risky and illegal practices. We consulted government and ministerial websites in European countries to gather data on current abortion laws. In addition, scientific articles and legislative documents compare regulations across some countries, especially from 2020 to today, analyzing differences, similarities and implications. Percentage data on the number of abortions in several European countries, including Italy, were analyzed. Our analysis revealed significant differences in abortion laws between European countries. In many countries, abortion is allowed at the request of the woman within a certain gestational age limit, which typically ranges between 10 and 24 weeks. However, in some countries, the restrictions are much stricter, with limitations making access to legal abortion very difficult or impossible. In conclu-sion, the Italian experience highlights the importance of considering local sociocultural dynamics in shaping IVG policies and highlights the need for an evidence-based approach to guarantee women right to reproductive health internationally, surrounding reproductive rights, gender equality, and public health policy.

Calabrian self-perception and the struggle for recognition in the context of ’ndrangheta stereotypes: oral sources

Abstract Calabrian ‘illegitimacy’ in the (inter)national imaginary today is largely the result of the region's association with the ’ndrangheta. Using analysis of oral history interviews, this research examines how this ‘illegitimacy’ influences the self-perception of Calabrians. It argues that a spectrum of prejudice and its effects can be mapped out both metaphorically and geographically. This spectrum incorporates Italy's position in relation to northern Europe, the South's position within Italy, Calabria's position within the South and the position within Calabria of certain communities. A number of towns in the Locride are at the extreme end of this spectrum: Locri, San Luca, Africo and Platì. Analysis of the (mis)recognition of inhabitants of these communities, including by other Calabrians, demonstrates how the experience of shame may be layered. This paper also considers how interviewees appear to deny their social and cultural proximity with the ’ndrangheta and the role this plays in a self-perpetuating cycle involving stereotypes, ’ndrangheta growth and extreme socioeconomic conditions.

German reactions to political changes in Italy after 2016

The article presents the view of German politicians and journalists on the political processes taking place in Italy, mainly concerning electoral rivalry after 2016. Opinions are analyzed on the causes of instability in the Italian political system, which led to early election in 2022, instead of holding it in 2023. After the government crisis, Italy opts for reforms that will reduce the effects of the energy crisis and tensions caused by the migration crisis and the war in Ukraine. Political rivalry in Italy takes place between the political parties that form an extreme right-wing or left-wing coalition. The main opponent of Enrico Letta, Giorgia Meloni from the Brothers of Italy party, calls for the strengthening of the position of the Italian nation and the position of Italy in the European Union.

The dark side of onward migration: Experiences and strategies of Italian-Bangladeshis in the UK at the time of the post-Brexit referendum.

Drawing on multisited qualitative research in Italy and the UK, this paper documents the dark side of onward migration and the experiences faced by Italian-Bangladeshis in the UK after the Brexit referendum. The findings show that compared to their position in Italy, Italian-Bangladeshis experienced a downgrading in symbolic, identity-related, and, specifically, socio-economic and cultural aspects in the UK society. The paper also uncovers the potential strategies that Italian-Bangladeshis intend to adopt in case they lose the special rights provided to them by EU citizenship after Brexit. Since the majority of them have moved to the United Kingdom to build a future for their children, they find themselves forced to further reconfigure their strategies and reactivate different degrees of mobility in order to avoid the loss of social rights (access to welfare, the status of citizens) and material resources (housing and better working conditions) that they have long assumed.

Law of the Sea: Maritime Delimitation in the Eastern and Central Mediterranean: The Position of Italy with Respect to Turkish Exploration Activities Offshore Cyprus and the Memorandum of Understanding Between Turkey and Libya (note by Marco Pertile and Enrico Broggini)

Law of the Sea: Maritime Delimitation in the Eastern and Central Mediterranean: The Position of Italy with Respect to Turkish Exploration Activities Offshore Cyprus and the Memorandum of Understanding Between Turkey and Libya (note by Marco Pertile and Enrico Broggini)

Armed Conflict, Neutrality, and Disarmament: The Position of Italy on the Cases of Arms Exports to Turkey, Saudi Ara bia and the United Ara b Emirates (note by Iotam Lerer)

Armed Conflict, Neutrality, and Disarmament: The Position of Italy on the Cases of Arms Exports to Turkey, Saudi Ara bia and the United Ara b Emirates (note by Iotam Lerer)

THE ALBANIAN QUESTION AT THE PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE DURING 1919-1920

This paper aims to bring to the public one of the most important moments in the history of modern times of Albania. After the Albanian independence on 28 November 1912 and international recognition of Albanian state July 1913, in 1919-1920, many national and international events unraveled which initially posed a real danger for Albania to become an independent state. The Paris Peace Conference, organized after the First World War by the Great Powers which win the war, and in which 27 winning states took part, became the real world center of that time. The Albanian point of view was headed directly at this Conference, with the hope to gain its independence and to win the right of self determination for its people. The main issues of the Conference were: border correction, especially in the southern part of Albania, relations between the Balkan states regarding Albania, the position of Italy, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and the position of Greece over Albania, and the real threat of secret pact during the First World War and the new role of American President, Woodrow Wilson. This paper also aims to bring the attitude of the Albanian delegation at the Paris Peace Conference and the position of Italy, France, Great Britain and Greece.

Policy Against Drop-out in Italy

In this essay I set out the current situation of Early School Leaving (ESL) in Italy by considering both data provided by institutional sources (national and international) and a review of the most recent contributions from the educational work that have been done intensively to fight against ESL over the last 20 years. I will argue that the way followed so far will not lead to surprising results, due to deep and structural persisting factors of inequality. After a short overview on the position of Italy in the European rankings, the article recalls the main interventions that took place in the country by different investors (public and non-public), setting up a multiplicity of fragmented macro-politics. Then I will look at the mechanisms of differentiation and unequal distribution of educational opportunities and I will conclude with suggestions on how to make the fight against ESL more efficient and forward-looking.

Through East Asia to the sound of ‘Giovinezza’: Italian travel literature on China, Korea and Japan during the Fascistventennio

During the Fascistventennio, prominent Italian writers and journalists, such as Mario Appelius, Raffaele Calzini, Arnaldo Cipolla, Arnaldo Fraccaroli, Roberto Suster and Cesco Tommaselli, reported from China, Japan and Korea forIl Popolo d'Italia,Corriere della SeraandLa Stampa. Their travel narratives were crucial for the creation and diffusion in Italy of the dominant representation of China and Korea as remote, decadent and exotic societies; and of Japan as a progressive society resonant with Fascist Italy. The narrativisation of these countries in Italian travelogues from the Fascistventenniowas part of a widespread discursive practice by Italian intellectuals willing to subscribe to, and actively disseminate, the guiding principles of Fascism. When emphasising China's and Korea's irreconcilable difference from, and Japan's affinity with, Fascist Italy, these intellectuals extolled the Italian race and culture, justified Italy's position in geopolitical dynamics, and propagandised the exceptionality of the Fascist ideology.

Ethics committees and research in Italy: seeking new regulatory frameworks (with a look at the past). Commentary.

The legislation of Italy and the European Union requires a shift in terms of the organisation and national regulation of ethics committees and clinical trials. More generally, this affects the entire sphere of biomedical research. The first part of this contribution provides a brief review of the history of ethics committees in Italy. We then discuss the current situation and formulate proposals. There is a vital need for rules that promote efficiency of ethics committees, to guarantee that Italy's position remains competitive and attractive within the European Union.

Kraina Południa? Włochy Cypriana Norwida w perspektywie geopoetyki

This article offers a reflection on Norwid’s discourse about Italy in the context of his narrative about Europe. The symbolic position of Italy on Norwid’s imagined map was a resultant of several perspectives: the North-South opposition, the East-West axis, the categories of centre and peripheries, and it was linked to the universal view from a global and temporal perspective. Each of these perspectives led to other issues (anthropological, cultural, political, economic, civilizational, aesthetic). In the early period of Norwid’s work, Italy’s position was mainly defined by its belonging to the South (at that time its climatic, cultural and aesthetic qualities were stressed). Over time, Italy’s position was increasingly marked on the East-West axis (related mainly to civilizational and political issues). In many of Norwid’s works, Italy was the symbolic centre of the world (with a picture of Rome as the centre of Christianity). Sometimes it was even part of a universal landscape. The evolution of Norwid’s work can be interpreted as the continuous overcoming of the hegemony of one axis or perspective, and consequently, as an attempt to inscribe the image of Italy onto an intricate system of coordinates representing his symbolic imagined map.

Kraina Południa? Włochy Cypriana Norwida w perspektywie geopoetyki

This article offers a reflection on Norwid’s discourse about Italy in the context of his narrative about Europe. The symbolic position of Italy on Norwid’s imagined map was a resultant of several perspectives: the North-South opposition, the East-West axis, the categories of centre and peripheries, and it was linked to the universal view from a global and temporal perspective. Each of these perspectives led to other issues (anthropological, cultural, political, economic, civilizational, aesthetic). In the early period of Norwid’s work, Italy’s position was mainly defined by its belonging to the South (at that time its climatic, cultural and aesthetic qualities were stressed). Over time, Italy’s position was increasingly marked on the East-West axis (related mainly to civilizational and political issues). In many of Norwid’s works, Italy was the symbolic centre of the world (with a picture of Rome as the centre of Christianity). Sometimes it was even part of a universal landscape. The evolution of Norwid’s work can be interpreted as the continuous overcoming of the hegemony of one axis or perspective, and consequently, as an attempt to inscribe the image of Italy onto an intricate system of coordinates representing his symbolic imagined map.

“Italy System” as a Case of Innovative Economic Diplomacy

The article deals with the description and analysis of functioning of the Italian national system of economic diplomacy.The author provides an insight into the historical and economic background and conditions of its development from the earliest stages to present time focusing on the latest events (from 2010 onwards).He casts light upon the procedures and mechanisms of interaction between the key national economic-diplomatic agents i.e. ministry of foreign affairs, ministry of economic development, export-promotion agency ITA, investment-attraction agency Invitalia, other authorized bodies (in particular, the Coordination Council on the Internationalization of the Italian Economy - CRII), public and private institutes. The article outlines the main principles of the new system of foreign economic policy "Sistema Paese" which is being implemented since 2011. This concept is based upon efficient cooperation ("team play") between the chief institutes of economic diplomacy with a system approach to elaboration and realizing measures aimed at the internationalization of the Italian business. Innovative elements of "Sistema Paese" do not just imply another reorganization of the MFA, but a completely new approach to issues concerning the position of Italy on the world arena. The author looks into concrete mechanisms of economic diplomacy which basically include measures of national export promotion and assistance to Italian companies in the course of new markets penetration, as well as measures on attraction of foreign direct investment inter alia from developing countries. He mentions that subnational regions of Italy, especially Friuli-Venezia Giulia, Veneto and Sicily, tend to be more and more involved into processes of FDI attraction. Another important trend and particular feature of Italy's modern economic diplomacy is the practice of decentralization of financial management within the MFA system through providing the heads of diplomatic representations with specific competences in this area. Finally, a special emphasis is put on the tight link between instruments of "soft power" and economic diplomacy and their institutional usage, which has deep historical roots.

Gender in schools and culture: taking stock of education in Italy

When politicians discuss Italy's position in terms of achieving equality between men and women, the school environment is rarely called into question or mentioned. This is despite the fact that gender inequality remains a prominent feature of the Italian education system. The reason for this failure to perceive the problem, and the consequent lack of investment in policies for gender equality in education, derives from a massive misunderstanding: school is perceived by the public and the political class as one of the few environments within the highly sexist Italian social fabric in which equality has been achieved. On closer examination, however, it is clear that the Italian school is merely the image of a sexist society which in turn acts as the driving force for a traditional and stereotypical view of male and female roles. This article will discuss this perspective and investigate three areas of education that are problematic in gender terms: gendered educational choices; sexist stereotypes transmitted through textbooks; and the lack of adequate training for teachers.

Metrics of Innovation: Measuring the Italian Gap

The paper surveys the literature on the measurement of innovation activity and evaluates the position of Italy with respect to the other major European countries. Innovation has been measured from different perspectives: the environment in which firms operate, firms' commitment, its outcome. Both traditional and new measures of innovation are considered, using national accounts and survey data. Italy shows the largest gap for measures related to regulatory frameworks, ICT infrastructure and financial support for innovation expenditure. Italian firms stand out for the low level of inputs, especially R&D expenditure and the presence of graduates. The analysis of expenditure by size shows that, in particular, large Italian firms lag behind in the international comparison. Despite these premises, a relatively large share of Italian firms claim to innovate, even if their R&D expenditure is low. In defending intellectual property rights, firms rely more on industrial designs and trademarks than on patents. Overall, the survey confirms that innovation in Italy is more incremental than based on technology and R&D, therefore less able to increase firms' productivity and overall growth.

Bianca Zagolin – una delle voci di esilio della communità italo-quebecchese

Bianca Zagolin – one of the voices of exile community of Italian-QuebecAbstractBianca Zagolin belongs to Quebec, migratory literature. Her view on phenomenon of migration is very innovative. Description of refugee’s condition is not the sociological description. Instead of focusing on immigrant’s daily life, the writer is describing internal state of heroine, who is both immigrant and woman. Combination of woman’s and immigrant’s condition is not accidental, it gives a new meaning to the phenomenon of immigration. Human’s condition has a lot of in common with immigrant’s condition, thanks to this combination it is becoming the versatile condition. Aurora, the main character of the novel, feels estranged in Italy, which is determined by woman’s inferior position in Italy and woman’s disaccord in Canada. Finally she finds a solution for her complicated situation as an immigrant and as a woman – she fell in love but death of her lover only deepens her depression. The description of internal state of the character is very subjective thanks to nature’s descriptions. The descriptions of woman’s and immigrant’s condition intermingle because one state doesn’t disqualify the other.

The Italian role in the Libyan spring revolution: is it a shift from soft to hard power?

While France, Britain, Qatar and the United States played crucial political and military roles in the alliance of countries backing Libya's ‘spring’ revolution from the beginning, Italy's early stance towards the Libyan revolution was somewhat hesitant and vague. Its initial reticence was due to national security considerations, Italy's calculation of its national interest and the complexity of contemporary international relations. However, as events unfolded, the Italian position became clearer and firmer, such that in time Italy played a leading role that helped the global efforts to rebuild the new contemporary democratic Libya post-Qadhafi. The focus of this study is on the Italian role during the course of the Libyan ‘spring’ revolution, known now as the revolution of 17 February 2011, after the agreed date of its inception. Notwithstanding Rome's initial hesitancy, Italy is considered among the leading actors that participated in the alliance galvanized to act under the terms of UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Here the contention is that Italy's full participation in the global alliance that carried out the UN mandates represented a process of transition in the Italian orientation from that of a soft power to that of a hard power as well. Thus, it is argued, when Italy's national security and interests are challenged in a global context, Italy is willing to use both soft and hard power. The findings of this study supported, by and large, the initial expectations concerning the important types of internal and external elements influencing the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis. Thus, Italy's position towards the Libyan revolution of 17 February 2011 may be attributed, among other factors, to its discernment of its national security and national interests in the context of competition in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East as well.

Modelli di specializzazione e imprese esportatrici: Italia, Francia e Germania a Confronto

The position of Italy in the international division of labour is unusual: strong in the traditional sectors and in some specialized supply industries, but weak in sectors based on economies of scale and, especially, in the high-tech sector, where capital and skillabundant countries historically have a comparative advantage. These production and trade patterns have fuelled increasing concern about Italy’s vulnerability in the foreign markets, where it faces the competitive pressure of products from low-wage countries. Are these factors mostly to blame for Italy’s poor export performance, or do other factors, such as the size distribution of exporting firms, play important roles in the country’s recent export dynamics? The paper aims to shed light on these issues through a comparative analysis of the recent international performance of Italy and its two major European partners, France and Germany.

TACTICAL NUCLEAR WEAPONS IN ITALY: Striking a Balance between Disarmament Aspirations and Alliance Obligations

Despite the fact that Italy hosts almost half of the remaining estimated 150–200 US tactical nuclear weapons (TNW) that are currently deployed in Europe, case studies of Italy have been largely neglected. The article seeks to fill that gap by outlining the key elements of Italy's position regarding the presence, role, and future of TNW in Italy. By considering both the military and political-symbolic dimensions of TNW, the author argues that Italy has largely embraced the process of the devaluation of nuclear weapons; however, this is offset by the country's determination to preserve the principles of solidarity and the indivisibility of Euro-Atlantic security. By making the alliance's cohesion a priority, Italy appears willing to postpone the complete elimination of TNW from its territory if necessary; despite this, Italy otherwise considers TNW to be not only weapons of little intrinsic value but also obstacles to the global nuclear disarmament program that it strongly supports.