Right-wing Populist Research Articles

Defending the Pluralistic Minimum Universality of Human Rights

The idea of ‘universal human rights’ has emerged as a significant topic on the global agenda with the intensification of globalisation through technological change, the spread of transport and digital communication tools, and the increased visibility of instances of gross human rights violations in diverse regions worldwide. However, the spirit of the ‘Universal Declaration of Human Rights’, which emerged in the aftermath of the wave of fascism in 20th century Europe and the devastation of the Second World War, is still unable to penetrate all parts of the world. Furthermore, the rise of authoritarian populism in recent years has the potential to lead to a retreat from the idea of universal human rights. Thusly, the main purpose of this article is to introduce a viable, effective, pluralistic and minimum universal understanding of human rights on which world public opinion can agree. Within this framework, the intellectual elements of radical universalism and radical relativism, which are the parties to the debate on the universality of human rights, have been subjected to a rigorous analysis. A philosophical discussion was held in order to put forward an understanding of human rights that is respectful of multiculturalism and does not leave individuals at the mercy of the countries and societies in which they live, and to overcome the dichotomy in question. Moreover, the possible obstacles to the implementation of human rights worldwide have been discussed and the limits and scope of the pluralistic minimum universalist understanding of human rights have been revealed.

Teaching the January 6th Insurrection: Historical Perspectives on a Crisis in American Democracy

Abstract This article offers a framework for analyzing and teaching the January 6, 2021, insurrection at the US Capitol. The crisis itself offers an opportunity to unpack and better understand American political discourses and institutions. I focus on four historical and contemporary currents that elucidate the January 6th crisis: 1) White supremacy and backlashes against Civil Rights; 2) conservative assaults on the New Deal order and the regulatory state; 3) organized labor’s decline, right-wing populism’s rise, and nativism; 4) political polarization, sectarianism, and minority rule. These themes enable students to assess both crucial challenges posed by January 6th and the vitality of American democracy.

How liberalism accommodates far-right social movements: on “mainstreaming” and the need for critical theory in far-right studies

Abstract Scholarship on social movements, racism, and nationalism increasingly falls under the purview of “extremism studies” and its subfield “far-right studies.” Prominent extremism scholars have developed generalist theories purportedly explaining far-right politics and power dynamics (or “mainstreaming”) across liberal societies. They define “far-right” as “illiberal” politics promoting dehumanization, exclusion, and inequality. Their theory of mainstreaming suggests that “the” far-right is a coherent entity that “enters” mainstream institutions or discourse from the outside. For these scholars, strengthening liberal-civic principles prevents far-right political power (mainstreaming). I call these approaches “grand theory templates,” which I critique for simplistic interpretations of power and for overlooking critical theory scholarship showing how liberalism accommodates far-right politics. Using the Canadian nationalist movement as a case study, I show how liberal chauvinism can be crucial to empowering right-wing populist movements. My data include over 40 hours of participant-observation at 20 right-wing events and 35 interviews with 42 current leaders and members of on-the-ground nationalist groups. Right-wing nationalists foregrounded liberal-civic ideas, such as “security,” “rights,” “objectivity,” and “tolerance,” to advance anti-Muslim sentiment and populist conspiracism. My findings suggest that far-right movements can gain power by embracing liberalism’s ambiguity and contradictions. In other words, mastering liberal messaging can be essential to the growth of far-right movements, challenging any easy dismissal of these politics as “illiberal.” Altogether, “top–down” grand theory templates oversimplify political distinctions and power, compromising research design and analysis. I advocate for more granular and “bottom–up” inductive approaches that prioritize sociological traditions over theories recently popularized by extremism scholars.

Transnational readings in the Trumpocene: Kim Stanley Robinson’s New York 2140 and Chris Beckett’s America City

This article discusses two climate fiction novels—one British, one American—that were written in the runup to two major political events on either side of the Atlantic in 2016—the Brexit referendum and the election of Donald Trump to the US presidency—and considers how their focus on a future climate emergency serves as an apt reflection on the mutual reinforcements of neoliberalism, precarization, and populism. By looking at these two novels together through the lens of right-wing populism and notions such as the Capitalocene (Moore), the Trumpocene (Colebrook) and the “critical utopia” (Moylan), I consider how the future climate catastrophes that these novels imagine are equally likely “to be used as opportunities to advance and entrench socially regressive forms of politics and unsustainable trajectories […] as inspire forms of ‘disaster collectivism,’ where acts of community and solidarity flourish” (Newell, 2020: 157). As novels that are deeply concerned with the politics of the present, I consider how Robinson’s and Beckett’s novels are inspired by different utopian inflections that lead to different outcomes but similar diagnoses: that the worst effects of climate change will not be averted because humanity seems bent on its current trajectory.

Carnival, charisma, and kayfabe: The delegation of intellectual labor through ludic layering in Donald Trump's rhetorical style

AbstractThe many aberrations of Donald Trump's political career are important to analyze not only with regard to the state of the union but also for how they challenge existing theories of rhetoric, power, and performance. Among the studies conducted during and after Trump's presidential term to explain his persistent appeal to millions of Americans, scholars have constructively focused on his particular style of authoritarian populism, his revival of a premodern form of charisma, and his entanglements with professional wrestling. Taken together, these theoretical foci inform my approach to an underexamined subset of Trumpian utterances: those that simultaneously evoke entirely incompatible meanings, from the frivolous to the aggressive. Examining a series of such perplexing verbal and visual rhetorical moments through the lenses of the carnivalesque, the berserk charismatic, and the fractal fictions of kayfabe, I develop a theory of the delegation of intellectual labor through ludic layering that accounts for some of the power of Trump's rhetorical performances and is potentially applicable to understanding polyvocality in other populists' rhetoric. I further show how this concept suggests improvements on existing recommendations for listening to and reporting on an authoritarian figure like Trump.

The effect of apparent Police power at demonstrations against right-wing populism on Protestors' resistance using a virtual reality experiment.

Based on the Elaborated Social Identity Model of Crowd Behaviour, we tested in two experiments whether a forceful display of police power increases perceptions of illegitimacy of the police and the formation of resistance among protestors. In the high power condition, the police were dressed in riot gear (with helmets, armed with shields and batons). In the low power condition, the police were dressed in regular uniforms. In both studies, people participated in a demonstration against right-wing populism using a virtual reality setting and were either stopped by the police in riot gear or by the police in regular uniforms. The results of Study 1 (N = 155) show that the police in riot gear were evaluated as more illegitimate compared to the police in normal clothing. The results of Study 2 (N = 97) replicated this finding and illustrated that police in riot gear (compared to regular uniforms) increased protestors' intentions to engage in direct resistance against the police. This effect was mediated by perceptions of illegitimacy and anger directed at the police. Furthermore, weakly identified protestors were particularly affected by the display of power and were more likely to engage in anti-police resistance and collective action. Implications are discussed.

Race and Populism. A Comparative Study of Thatcherism, Peronism and the American Populists

Abstract This article re-examines the race-populism nexus. It asks: Does populist political construction of the figure of “the people” necessarily involve processes of racial othering? We answer this question by revisiting three emblematic cases of populism. Each historical case illustrates a basic type of identity formation that can have an i) exclusionary, ii) ambivalent or iii) positive impact on racial justice. The first case is Thatcherism, whose “authoritarian populism” feeds on and reinforces anti-Black racial prejudice. The second is Peronism, which has an ambivalent relationship with race that promises to shed important new light on this classic case of populism. The third case is that of the American Populists, whose pioneering experiments in interracial politics remain an enduring illustration of populism’s progressive potential. In each case, we focus on a key document from that political regime/movement: the Conservative Manifesto of 1979, the Peronist Constitution of 1949, and the Omaha Platform of 1892. The article concludes that populism, as a logic of action, acts as a catalyst that intensifies whatever specific content is mobilised – racist and anti-racist content alike.

Post-trial access practice in malaria, tuberculosis, and NTDs clinical trial studies in Sub-Saharan African countries, quantitative study

This article discusses two climate fiction novels—one British, one American—that were written in the runup to two major political events on either side of the Atlantic in 2016—the Brexit referendum and the election of Donald Trump to the US presidency—and considers how their focus on a future climate emergency serves as an apt reflection on the mutual reinforcements of neoliberalism, precarization, and populism. By looking at these two novels together through the lens of right-wing populism and notions such as the Capitalocene (Moore), the Trumpocene (Colebrook) and the “critical utopia” (Moylan), I consider how the future climate catastrophes that these novels imagine are equally likely “to be used as opportunities to advance and entrench socially regressive forms of politics and unsustainable trajectories […] as inspire forms of ‘disaster collectivism,’ where acts of community and solidarity flourish” (Newell, 2020: 157). As novels that are deeply concerned with the politics of the present, I consider how Robinson’s and Beckett’s novels are inspired by different utopian inflections that lead to different outcomes but similar diagnoses: that the worst effects of climate change will not be averted because humanity seems bent on its current trajectory.

Revisiting the Debates on the 2010 Constitutional Referendum in Turkey: Democratic Transition or Authoritarian Populism?

This article revisits the scholarly debates on the AKP’s constitutional amendment package that was put to vote in the 2010 Constitutional Referendum. It takes the democratic theorist Andrew Arato and constitutional scholar Aslı Bali as major representatives of the two opposing views on the political implications of the reform proposal. It compares and contrasts their arguments particularly in light of their different assessments of the amendments which concern the restructuring of the judiciary, especially the Turkish Constitutional Court. It argues that their fundamental controversy with regard to the democratic or authoritarian nature of these amendments is rooted in the contrast between Bali’s predominantly contextual and Arato’s predominantly global approach. While Bali affirms the reform proposal as a democratic step forward in transcending the persistent legacy of the Kemalist authoritarian “tutelary” regime represented by the Constitutional Court, Arato interprets it as a manifestation of the global populist-authoritarian retreat that is expresses itself most visibly through assaults against the independent judiciary. After a critical reading of these two approaches, this paper finalizes by way of introducing a new framework that would counterbalance the contextual with the global and vice versa that would arguably provide a new perspective through which one could unveil the particular characteristics of the AKP’s populist constitutional politics at the time of the Referendum.

Towards assiminationalism? The right-wing populists’ transformative storytelling on an ethnic minority in Estonia

ABSTRACT While right-wing populists are typically antagonizing the ethnic Other, there are situations where select ethnic minority groups are depicted in a more favourable light or even incorporated among the People the right-wing populists claim to represent. This article aims to uncover, how right-wing populists utilize storytelling to create a favourable association between the conservative values of an ethnic minority and the anti-gender and xenophobic discourse of the far right. Focused on the Estonian right-wing populist party EKRE, we introduce the concept of assiminationalism to explain, how the party negotiates its nativist and xenophobic stances towards the Russian minority with the mutual conservative values and aversion toward gendered and racialized minorities. Even the seemingly more inclusionary stories are told primarily from the vantage point of prioritizing the majority rights, by creating in-group and inter-group hierarchies, appealing to a sense of shame and yearning to belong among the Russian minority, and by depoliticizing cultural rights issues. This suggests that while the rhetoric of right-wing populists regarding specific ethnic minorities may become more moderate, it does not entail a clean break with their nativist and xenophobic past.

Bitcoin, techno-utopianism and populism: Unveiling Bukele’s crypto-populism in El Salvador’s adoption of Bitcoin

In 2021, President Nayib Bukele introduced Bitcoin as legal tender in El Salvador. This paper examines the relationship between right-wing populism and Bitcoin. Through textual and visual analyses, the paper shows how Bukele weaves the promises and techno-utopian ideology surrounding Bitcoin into classic populist narratives. Adopting Bitcoin adds the promise of technology-driven development and the realization of a techno-utopia to the populist narrative template, allowing Bukele to construct a populist myth of himself as a tech-savvy visionary. This brand of crypto-populism represents a novel addition to the right-wing populist repertoire, capitalizing on the promises of an ongoing digital revolution.

Far-right rhetorics and deconstructions in Brazilian educational policies

Brazil's education policy has historically been marked by significant inequalities in access and quality, particularly affecting the most vulnerable populations. Over the past two decades, Brazil has implemented substantial changes aimed at reducing inequality, promoting inclusion, and addressing racial and gender disparities. However, the rise of radical right-wing populism, particularly under President Jair Bolsonaro (2018-2022), resulted in a shift in educational policy. This article examines how radical right groups have influenced education policy in Brazil. Bolsonaro's administration, supported by conservative and religious groups, sought to reverse progressive policies related to gender, sexual orientation, and ethnic diversity and inclusion. These changes reinforced societal norms, traditional values, and nationalism, rejecting multiculturalism and adopting forms of othering. The findings are based on previous research that involded qualitative analysis of documents and interviews.

Narratives Behind Climate Strategy in Finland

The 2015 Paris Agreement (PA) represents a profound change in global climate governance becoming a blueprint for other governance arenas. However, the varying success of reaching the national climate targets, unstable security, and growing right-wing populism poses a question of which direction the EU climate policy is moving after ten years of PA. The success of this agreement depends heavily on the effectiveness of national climate change policies wherein political parties have a critical role in developing these policies while also impacting public attitudes on climate change. We use the case of Finnish climate strategy as a case of national climate strategy. We analyzed Finnish climate policy documents by using Ostrom’s IAD Framework and Multiple stream framework analysis to create the narratives behind the Finnish climate strategy. The Institutional Analysis and Development framework (IAD) is a conceptual tool that Ostrom and her colleagues developed to analyze and understand the complex interactions and dynamics within institutions that govern common-pool resources. Our research question is: What are the narratives behind the Finnish climate strategy? Key words: Climate strategy, narrative, IAD framework, Multiple stream analysis framework

The Structural and Temporal Curb of Populism: A Cross-Country Analysis of Authoritarian Populist Influences on Journalism

ABSTRACT As right-wing authoritarian-populism becomes a defining feature of world politics, scholars increasingly acknowledge its challenging impacts on journalism. Focusing largely on the populist rhetoric, this interest leaves the structural influences of authoritarian-populism on the journalistic field across diverse contexts largely unexplored. By drawing on in-depth interviews (n = 83) with journalists in Austria, Slovenia, Hungary, and Turkey, and combining political-economic, institutional and temporal analysis of authoritarian-populism, we develop a structural approach towards authoritarian-populist influences on journalism. We discuss three structural forces that authoritarian-populists in power implement or instrumentalise to influence journalism in respective countries: the discriminatory use of institutional power to deepen the polarisation, the populist intervention into ownership structures of the news media, and the strategic use of digitalisation in journalism. We argue that authoritarian-populism is a process whereby the curb of populist structural forces increases over time as authoritarian-populist politics mature in power.

What drives support for authoritarian populist parties in Eastern and Central Europe?

What drives support for authoritarian populist parties in Eastern and Central Europe?

How churches make education policy: the churchification of Hungarian education and the social question under religious populism

ABSTRACT Since 2010, Hungary’s authoritarian populist government has radically redefined church-state relations, promoting the governance narrative of building an ‘old-style Christian democracy’. Public education has been reconceptualised within a religious framework and outsourced to religious actors. This article explores how key religious organisations engage with the government’s religious populism and govern their expanding school networks. Given the immanent tension between nativist Christian-conservative identity politics and Christian teachings about the church’s social mission, I focus on how Christian church elites have engaged with the education of underprivileged communities. Four characteristic types of strategic involvement are identified based on church education policies and their legitimacy discourses concerning their (lack of) engagement with the social question. Despite using different approaches to navigate political pressures, both the nativist illiberal and inclusive liberal visions of religion and their corresponding policies have reinforced the structures of segregated education and legitimised the government’s education policy.

The politics of platform folklore: Emotion, identity, and sense-making in far-right populist Twitter communities

Platforms are increasingly part of everyday life, but they remain opaque and impenetrable spaces for most users. To manage life on platforms, users thus need to engage with sense-making practices that help them understand and navigate online spaces. This paper studies how far-right populist activists interpret and navigate their presence on Twitter, using the concept of platform folklore, that is, unofficial and collective narratives aimed at relieving feelings of uncertainty associated with the opacity of platforms. The data consists of 20 life-history interviews with Swedish and American Twitter activists from right-wing populist communities, who all participated in populist Twitter debates. The analysis shows how platform folklore is constructed not only based on observations of content moderation, as emphasized in previous research, but also in correspondence with the political ideology and identities of the activists. This led them to interpret Twitter as a leftist organization that disfavored them, which stopped them from developing strategies to reach the goals they held as central to their Twitter activism. The paper concludes by discussing the role of emotions and ideology in platform folklore within political communities and suggesting directions for future research.

More than mercy: towards a better affective compromise in the Catholic pastoral response to transness

ABSTRACT Pope Francis’ pastoral response to trans people represents a compromise between his negative-affective political stance towards transness, and his positive-affective theology of pastoral welcome. By reducing away transness to sickness or sin, he can welcome trans people as individuals in a depoliticized personal sphere apart from the political – at the cost of a reductive ‘domestication’ of trans people, and the reproduction of right-wing populist politics evoked by his own negative-affective political transphobia. This paper argues for a better compromise, which enables positive-affective attitudes specifically in and amidst negative-affect, enabling trans people to be welcomed without reduction. It does this by reading Francis as championing a utopianism similar to that of José Esteban Muñoz. It argues that his recovery of a Franciscan ethic of self-subjection gestures towards an unimagined relationality in which trans people can be welcomed amidst the tensions of the present, and against theopolitical transphobia.

Christian nationalism and support for leaders violating democratic norms during national emergencies

Abstract During national emergencies, democratically elected leaders have sought to expand executive power in ways that violate democratic norms, ostensibly to guide their nation through crisis. Drawing from research on democratic backsliding, we anticipate support for such executive privileges may stem from different ideological and contextual factors, but primarily from inclinations toward ethno-nationalistic and authoritarian populism. We propose American Christian nationalism represent such inclinations. Analyses of nationally representative data reveal Christian nationalism is the strongest predictor Americans believe unspecified “national emergencies” might require leaders to suspend elections, suppress political opponents, and disregard checks and balances. However, political disinterest, stronger Democratic partisanship, and being Black (vs. White) are also positively associated with support for violating democratic norms, and these associations are amplified by Christian nationalism. Ancillary analyses suggest the interactions with race and party may be contextual, due to a Democratic President in office at the time of the survey. Findings suggest populist impulses characteristic of Christian nationalism may combine with political disinterest (perhaps reflecting disillusionment) and threats to in-group power to increase support for leaders suspending democratic norms during national crises.

Societalized Politics in the German Civil Sphere: The 2015 “Refugee Crisis” and Post-Potsdam Civil Backlash

AbstractThis article introduces a theory of societalized politics to investigate crisis events in the German civil sphere between 2015 and 2024, and to proffer an answer to the disputed question of the preconditions that facilitated the rapid rise of right-wing populism in the German context. Drawing on civil sphere and societalization theory, the article specifies the foundational cultural elements, or binary cultural codes (BCCs), upon which German political elites crafted meso-level narratives to contest and manage strains in the civil sphere. Through an analysis of communicative and regulative institutions’ responses to the arrival of refugees in 2015, and the publication of the Correctiv.org report and the backlash protests it inspired in 2024, the article charts the rise of the far-right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), and explains its success as due in part to its leaders’ capacities to represent themselves and their supporters as embodying the BCC’s civil democratic signifiers. Introducing a theory of societalized politics, the analysis demonstrates a processual approach to the construction and contesting of crisis events that emerge within the civil sphere itself. The article also introduces a civil sphere theory of right-wing populism, which frames the phenomenon as the elevation of nativist, primordial signifiers born foremost of the noncivil spheres of ethnicity and religion. It concludes by arguing that while the German civil sphere is in flux, the post-Potsdam civil protests indicate a significant portion of the nation’s publics remain committed to universalistic, civil democratic principles.