Introduction The discussion concerning the access pastoralists have to rangelands in West Africa has focused primarily on their complementary relations with agricultural populations (Breusers et al. 1998; Driel 1999). Descriptions of these relations have emphasised the symbiosis in which both parties benefited, differentiating little between villagers and their chiefs. The last decade, however, has witnessed increasing competition over natural resources (i.e. rangelands) and a growing number of conflicts between pastoralists and agricultural populations in West Africa (Bassett 1994; Breusers et al.. 1998; Frantz 1975; Gefu 1992). These conflicts seem to have become more violent, frequently ending with killings (Driel 1999; Juul 1993; Marty 1993; Waldie 1990), although Hussein et al. (2000) warned against excessive generalisation, given the poor historic record of conflicts. In the Far North Province of Cameroon conflicts between pastoralists, agricultural populations and fishers over access to natural resources have, till recently, been resolved without bloodshed. The role of traditional Fulbe authorities herein, as supporters of interests, was crucial. It was with these Fulbe chiefs or laamiibe (singular: laamiido) that pastoralists had long-term social relationships and arrangements over access to rangelands, rather than with the laamiibe's agricultural subjects. These arrangements, which we refer to as the nomadic involved a laamiido's protection of access to rangelands and personal safety, in exchange for payment of tribute and taxes by pastoralists. In the last decades this contract has come under pressure. The incorporation and subordination of traditional chiefs in the colonial and postcolonial state has significantly diminished the power of the laamiibe. As a result the laamiibe can no longer uphold their part of the contract, leaving pastoralists to fend for themselves in times of increasing competition over natural resources. In this paper, we shall show how the demise of the contract affects the access of pastoralists to rangelands and their personal safety in the Far North Province of Cameroon (see Fig. 1). As part of our work in the Waza-Logone area from 1993 to 2000, we had intensive contacts with a large number of pastoralists and traditional authorities in the Far North Province (see Scholte et al. 1996a). The cases presented here are drawn from a study, in July and August of 1996, of relationships between traditional authorities and Fulbe (2) pastoralists. [FIGURE 1 OMITTED] Nomadic contacts with the outside world have primarily focused on concerns of access to rangelands and security. Access to rangelands is primary for pastoral production, while security has always been an important issue for pastoralists since they can lose their entire livelihood overnight, to theft and raids. In different ecological, demographic and political contexts these issues are resolved in diverse ways. Broadly, one can distinguish three general patterns: In predominantly pastoral areas where different ethnic groups have their own territory, the threats of cattle raids from other pastoral groups are the rule, rather than the exception. In such pastoral contexts, societies are organised in age-sets, in which a special warrior age-set is responsible for the security and defence of the territory (e.g. the Maasai in Kenya). In other areas where the threat of raids and war is not a daily phenomenon, pastoral societies are organised in segmentary lineage systems, which can easily be mobilised to act against external threats (e.g. the Nuer in Sudan). In agropastoral areas where pastoralists live dispersed among agricultural populations, one finds fragmentary lineage systems (Dupire 1970). In such fragmentary lineage systems, daily defence against raids is organised on a camp or minor lineage level, although there is a possibility of organising in maximal lineages (e. …
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Apr 1, 2007
M.B Ramose 
Open Access