Popular Unity Research Articles

The political uses of the history of the Chile-an Civil War of 1891 during the last stage of the Popular Unity Government (1973)

The political uses of the history of the Chile-an Civil War of 1891 during the last stage of the Popular Unity Government (1973)

The Chilean War

The tragic outcome of the Popular Unity (UP) government led by Salvador Allende marked a turning point in the history of Latin American societies. The destruction of the continent's most vigorous and organized socialist movement put an end to the reformist political agenda aimed at overcoming the economic, social, and cultural foundations perpetuating underdevelopment and external dependency in the region. The defeat of the Chilean revolution coincided with significant transformations triggered by the structural crisis of capital. It signified the conclusion of the long cycle of post-war capitalist development and the beginning of a process of globalization in business encouraged by major transnational corporations. The exhaustion of Fordism, the crisis of the Welfare State, and the failure of Keynesianism initiated a period of sustained capital offensive against labor and public policies.

Capitalist Contaminations of Childhood and Pedagogical Dilutions of Literature during Chile's Popular Unity Government (1970–1973)

This article explores the relationship between literature, childhoods, and youth in the educational sphere during the Popular Unity administration (UP) in Chile (1970–1973). The Chilean revolutionary process had curricular and pedagogical repercussions, exposing discomfort towards educational curricula and the hegemony of pedagogical methodologies employed for teaching literature in Chile. Rather than a concrete step-by-step programme for curricular and pedagogical reforms, this research will shed light on the array of institutional interventions and proposals that sought to redefine the relationships among childhoods, youths, and literature during the UP, aimed at dissolving idealised and elitist notions of literature into more ample categories of artistic works. I argue that such proposals illuminate perceptions of childhood and adolescence imbued with ideas of purity and contamination, in which cultural actors in the ecosystems of literature and education regard themselves as impervious to the risks of manipulation and, from the certainty of their positions, test various strategies to shape future citizens that meet the needs of Chile's socialist project.

Un eleno en la defensa del gobierno popular en Chile, 1973: Real Atahualpa Venegas Venegas, ‘Jorge’

On September 11, 1973, one of the bloodiest dictatorships in Latin America began with the violent overthrow of Salvador Allende’s government. In this article, I analyze the resistance organized by the Elenos, militants of the National Liberation Army, based on the testimony of a Socialist Party member who later went into exile in Mexico. I apply oral history methodology to examine his involvement in defending the Popular Unity government. My analysis aims to identify the individual and collective resistance strategies employed during and after the coup, contributing to the broader understanding of leftist movements' resistance in Chile.

The Virtual Navigation Toolbox: Providing tools for virtual navigation experiments.

Spatial navigation research in humans increasingly relies on experiments using virtual reality (VR) tools, which allow for the creation of highly flexible, and immersive study environments, that can react to participant interaction in real time. Despite the popularity of VR, tools simplifying the creation and data management of such experiments are rare and often restricted to a specific scope-limiting usability and comparability. To overcome those limitations, we introduce the Virtual Navigation Toolbox (VNT), a collection of interchangeable and independent tools for the development of spatial navigation VR experiments using the popular Unity game engine. The VNT's features are packaged in loosely coupled and reusable modules, facilitating convenient implementation of diverse experimental designs. Here, we depict how the VNT fulfils feature requirements of different VR environments and experiments, guiding through the implementation and execution of a showcase study using the toolbox. The presented showcase study reveals that homing performance in a classic triangle completion task is invariant to translation velocity of the participant's avatar, but highly sensitive to the number of landmarks. The VNT is freely available under a creative commons license, and we invite researchers to contribute, extending and improving tools using the provided repository.

Народное Единство в Чили и теория двоевластия в работах Рене Савалеты Меркадо

The Popular unity in Chile (1970-1973) with its radical social program after the victory in the elections of 1970 faced the problem of power, its completeness, effectiveness of implementation and preservation of leadership functions. This problem was acute for the forces that were part of the ruling coalition and that supported it from the outside. Hav-ing almost no historical experience on which to base their reflections on the complex question of a single, consolidated power and state in-stitutions, Chilean left-wing intellectuals inevitably turned to the lega-cy of the classics, to the experience of the Russian revolution, which suggested as obvious parallels the problems of dual power in the revo-lution, critical balance and the actions of the parties to overcome it in their favor. 50th anniversary of the dramatic military coup that put an end to the historical experiment of the popular government of Salvador Allende and the "Chilean path to socialism" We offer an analysis of the works and ideas of the outstanding Bolivian intellectual René Zavaleta Mercado (1935-1984), who was a contemporary and witness of those events, and who left interesting works on this topic, where the main outline of his theoretical-political work was aspects related to the category of dual power, addressed to the analysis of the experience of National Unity as part of the Latin American revolutionary experience of the twentieth century.

Многоликий чилийский социализм: Хулио Сесар Жобет

The Chilean socialist movement, the Socialist Party, was very different from the parties of the same name both in Europe and in Latin Ameri-ca, being a party of revolutionary Marxism, standing on the positions of anti-imperialism, Latin Americanism, anti-reformism. This party was distinguished by internal ideological pluralism, when right-wing, social-democratic tendencies and extreme left, guided by the experience of the Cuban revolution, as well as Trotskyists and Maoists, coexisted within one party. This party consisted of an outstanding intellectual, historian, publicist Julio Cesar Jobet, who was a kind of theoretician of the party. This article is devoted to the analysis of his views and politi-cal positions. He was a popularizer and disseminator of Marxist thought in Chile. His Marxism was distinguished by a special reading. At the center of his thought were the problems associated with socialist humanism. His activity contributed to the adoption of many of the provisions of his theory by such leading politicians of the Socialist Party as Salvador Allende or Eugenio González. The purpose of the article is to show the influence of Jobet's position on such issues as humanism, democracy, freedom, criticism of Soviet totalitarianism, revolutionism as opposed to the reformism of the Communist Party of Chile on the formation of the policy of the "Chilean path to socialism" during the period of the Government of Popular Unity (1970-1973).

Transmisión y reactivación del legado de Víctor Jara y la Unidad Popular en un festival político en Gales

In this article, I analyze a Welsh festival inspired by Chilean artist Víctor Jara and the government of Popular Unity (1970–1973). Using the theory of cultural performance, and based on interviews with participants and observations of some activities carried out in the festival, I argue that the festival is a space that simultaneously acts both to suspend and to create political normativity. On the one hand, the politics of the festival proposes a transgression of the political normativity and hegemony of neoliberalism in the United Kingdom and the West. On the other hand, the festival reinforces a political identity inspired by progressive, anti-neoliberal movements and governments in Latin America. These processes of subversion and reinforcement are mutually interconnected since the reinforcement of the political normativity of social progressist governments and movements in Latin America is constituted as a form of transgression of the neoliberal, conservative political agenda that is currently hegemonic in the contemporary British government and in some Latin American countries.

Workers Like All the Rest of Them: Domestic Service and the Rights of Labor in Twentieth-Century Chile

For several decades, labor history has been a key part of Chilean history. Anyone entering the field will read about miners, rural laborers, artisans, and industrial workers, to name a few. Throughout her career, Elizabeth Quay Hutchison has focused on women, a group often left out of the standard narrative. In her first book, Labors Appropriate to Their Sex: Gender, Labor, and Politics in Urban Chile, 1900–1930 (2001), women workers took center stage, and a rather different history of Chile came to light. In this new book, Hutchison homes in on a figure so omnipresent in Chilean society yet also lacking coverage in recent scholarship: domestic workers. This is not to suggest that there is a total absence of scholarship on domestic workers, but Hutchison argues that the limited literature tends to think of them as marginalized and oppressed, not active agents of change themselves. Instead, Hutchison brings out the voices of domestic workers, their histories of migration and organizing, and how they—in conjunction with other parts of society, such as the Catholic Church, labor unions, and social workers—helped to shape the contours of twentieth-century Chilean history.Built on research in archives, periodicals, and interviews, Workers Like All the Rest of Them brings the reader into the lives of domestic workers with extraordinary care. Drawing from interviews conducted between 2002 and 2005, Hutchison makes the reader feel the conversations, as though they had taken part in them, and in turn become more involved in the narrative. These interviews are surely one of the book's high points.Over the course of the book, the reader traverses a century of history, beginning with shifts in rural economies that pushed women into domestic labor and to migrate to cities. Here Hutchison is careful to point out that some women embraced the move to a larger city, seeing in it new possibilities and space away from the family. In the early decades of the twentieth century, the category of domestic worker (a category that undergoes repeated name changes) shifts away from including both women and men to one identified almost entirely with women. Domestic workers were simultaneously marginalized and included through different presidential administrations and new labor laws. Hutchison makes it clear that throughout the decades, domestic workers were themselves also organizing for improvements in their working conditions and for greater inclusion by and involvement in the state. That she sees this as a history of state formation is no coincidence, and one can find a similar line of inquiry in the work of Chilean historians María Angélica Illanes and Juan Carlos Yáñez Andrade.This history of organizing is one of connections to the Catholic Church. Part of this has to do with social Catholicism and the desire to do social work, as well as some of the more traditional Left ignoring domestic workers. Hutchison details the ins and outs of the different Catholic organizations and their relationship to more formal labor unions. Although at times the shifts and overlaps are confusing for the reader, this is probably also a consequence of the nature of these organizations.One of the more fascinating parts of the book comes in chapter 4, when Hutchison discusses the Socialist deputy Carmen Lazo's proposal of a bill on domestic workers and their rights. Domestic workers met in the early months of 1971 to discuss it, only to return a more radical bill. To quote Hutchison's take on it: “In contrast with the more paternalistic framing of Lazo's presentation, the revised text of the bill situated domestic workers' exploitation within the larger frame of class struggle and revolutionary transformation” (pp. 120–21). The revolutionary moment of Popular Unity and liberation theology meant that domestic workers and their allies put forth the double liberation of domestic workers, as women and as workers. The momentum for the bill, however, was cut short by the military coup of September 1973.To close out the book, Hutchison argues that while some domestic workers were targeted during the dictatorship, it was nowhere nearly as bad as the targeting of those tied to traditional left-wing labor unions and parties. They did not face as much repression and were allowed a certain amount of political space due to the protection of the church and a level of “invisibility” compared to other unions (p. 129).Workers Like All the Rest of Them touches on important themes in twentieth-century Chilean history while showing how domestic workers were part of many of these conversations and movements. Hutchison opens the book by mentioning that many told her that the source material for such a history did not exist. While at times I did wonder about the possibility of more sources—of different archives, more interviews, other periodicals, and more connections to recent scholarship—Hutchison did indeed prove them wrong.

“Allende has outlived Pinochet”: A conversation along the Chilean road

AbstractThis conversation about Chile in the late 1960s and early 1970s and in the current period anticipates the fiftieth anniversary of the military overthrow of the Popular Unity government of President Salvador Allende Gossens in September 1973. For readers interested in learning more about this history for teaching or research purposes, further readings and resources appear at the end of the conversation.

Child Mortality during the Government of the Popular Unity (Santiago de Chile, 1970-1973)

RESUMEN Este artículo analiza la problemática de la mortalidad infantil en Santiago de Chile durante el gobierno de la Unidad Popular, entre 1970 y 1973, con foco en: entorno de vida de los infantes, problemas alimentarios y principales enfermedades, caracterizándose los puntos críticos de la época, expresados esencialmente en: desnutrición, falta de infraestructura urbana y crisis hospitalaria. El estudio se sustenta en los siguientes registros históricos: prensa, publicaciones médicas y Anuario Estadístico de la República de Chile. Esa base documental permite comprender los proyectos desarrollados por el gobierno de la Unidad Popular, la implementación de planes y el rol de las comunidades en materia de salud infantil. Las conclusiones distinguen: reducción de las cifras de mortalidad; mejoras sanitarias; avance en la prevención de las enfermedades infantiles. Como telón de fondo, la profunda polarización política que derivó en el quiebre institucional.

Scientific Diplomacy in the Service of Socialism: the USSR and the Popular Unity in Chile

In Chilean history, the period of Unidad Popular (1970—1973) occupies a special place, becoming an event of world importance. The policy of the USSR in Chile in previous years and during the years of the rule of the left forces occupied an important place in the internal processes in this country. Since the restoration of diplomatic relations in 1964, relations between our countries have developed in an ascending line, culminating in the years of Unidad Popular. This article examines such a little-studied aspect of these relations as the use of “soft power”, namely scientific diplomacy for ideological and political influence on Chilean society. Scientific diplomacy on the part of Soviet scientists in Chile covered not only the natural and usual spheres of interaction in the field of scientific exchange and university cooperation, but also expressed itself in the field of social activity, in political actions and campaigns of commemoration of historical events important both for the Soviet policy and for the left, socialist forces in Chile. Soviet scientists were directly involved in political actions in Chile, both with their work and public activity sought to support local leftist forces, primarily the communists.

Del arma al urna. Punto final y la vía chilena al socialismo 1969-1973.

The period 1969-1973, in what refers to the electoral campaign that led Salvador Allende to become Chilean president (1970) and his “Popular Unity” government are observed as an object of interest and reflection for a revolutionary instrument: the Magazine “Punto Final”. This, since in its pages it is possible to observe some theoretical coordinates around how a revolutionary phenomenon is configured, specifically when it is understood as connected and intertwined with other processes of vindication in Latin America or because it is used in a different way to incorporate a a series of agents in the revolutionary narrative that is first constructed in opposition to the peaceful path and support for imperialism with which the period of Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964-1970) is signed, and then because it is constructed as a path towards socialism that it is based on the construction of alliances

The daily life of popular power: a JAP in the Gabriela neighborhood of Puente Alto. Chile, 1973

This article analyzes a record of meetings of a Board of Supply and Prices, of the Gabriela de Puente Alto Town (Chile), whose records cover the months of May to August 1973. The records are observed and analyzed in the document of the problems of daily administration of an institution created within the framework of Popular Power, and of the process of socialist construction of the Popular Unity government, dedicated to coordinating and monitoring the trade of basic goods and services. It is proposed that from the analysis of the source, it can be deduced that the administrative problems were addressed by the JAPs at the distribution level, as a technical and not a political matter, and without noticeable militant activism. In this way, the daily life of a JAP from the urban periphery seems to have been closer to administrative tasks in the socioeconomic crisis at the end of the Popular Unity government, and less to the militancy traditionally assigned to these organizations.

Воспитание общественного сознания студентов вузов в условиях этнофобии и евроизоляции

The article deals with the problems of educating the public consciousness of students in conditions of external and internal stresses occurring against the backdrop of world processes. The authors show request of university students for a confidential dialogue with the pedagogical community in the context of an increasing distance between the older and younger generations; for approaches to educating the public consciousness of young people (teenagers and students) in the context of a political conflict (military operations); as well as for aspects of a sharp change in course from European integration to state integrity and popular unity. The Chair of Social-humanitarian Technologies and the Chair of Pedagogy and Psychology of Vocational Education of FKU conducted the research studying the needs of students to interact in an open dialogue with teachers as representatives of the professional community, who have not only experience, but also academic knowledge.

Hungry for Revolution: The Politics of Food and the Making of Modern Chile

Hungry for Revolution: The Politics of Food and the Making of Modern Chile

Desired States: Sex, Gender, and Political Culture in Chile

More than a year before Chile's massive social uprising (estallido social) erupted in October 2019, protests in May 2018 against sexual harassment in higher education sparked a broader national reckoning over the historical entrenchment of patriarchy, gender violence, and gender inequality. In the context of resurgent feminist movements in Chile and elsewhere in Latin America in the twenty-first century, historical anthropologist Lessie Jo Frazier's Desired States makes a timely contribution to theorizing the role of desire in shaping modern Chile's political culture.As an interdisciplinary scholar, she creatively marshals an impressive array of methodologies and theoretical texts to analyze cultural texts as well as ethnographic and archival research. The book is organized around four episodic case studies spanning from 1913 to 2019. Chapters 1 and 3 trace debates about sexuality within leftist political movements, while chapters 2 and 4 consider the role of gender and desire under repressive states. For each case, she “maps constellations of desires—relationships, affects, projects, and practices” in support of her overarching argument that “by understanding how desire in and for political projects works through gendered and sexualized orientations, we unlock an indispensable dimension for the analysis of states and political cultures more broadly conceived” (p. 13). Frazier's expansive application of desire as a category of analysis includes desire by representatives of the Catholic Church and the anarchist feminist movement for divergent forms of working-class sexuality, desire by the military for different modes of gendered discipline in prison camps, desire by 1960s leftist militants for a socialist state compatible with their continued heterosexual male privilege, and desire by civilian authorities for a domesticated citizenry complacent with the neoliberal state's reconciliation process. Given the author's stated goal to “participate in ongoing imaginings of more just, yet still passionate, politics” by highlighting the “high cost” of organizing “political culture around a certain desire for the state,” a narrower focus on political desire vis-à-vis changing modes of state formation might have produced a more cohesive narrative across the four case studies (pp. 22, 119).I found that the book's expansive thinking, tantalizing theorizing, and impressive breadth at times came at the expense of a deeper engagement with the historical context. In several places, the analysis contains interpretative leaps not always convincingly substantiated by the historical evidence. For example, Augusto Pinochet's 1979 memoir, El día decisivo: 11 de septiembre de 1973, covers his experience in 1948 guarding relegated Communist families at the Pisagua prison camp, including a lunchroom protest over the poor quality of food in which he found himself surrounded: “Defenderme en forma violenta significaría ser arrollado por la multitud, que luego se ensañaría en contra mía.” By mistranslating the last phrase as “looking for blood,” as opposed to ensañarse being more akin to the intent to cause harm, Frazier makes a conceptual leap to argue that “postmenopausal” women protesters threatened military men's bodily integrity and masculinity (pp. 76–77). While thought provoking, such assertions may not be sustained by the evidence or at least require far more contextualization. Indeed, imprisoned Communist militants' respect for party hierarchies during this incident invites a deeper discussion of the centrality of the Communist family to Chile's political culture, which would have directly connected with the analysis in chapter 3 of “respectable heteronormativity” as one element in the “sexual ideologies and practices of the leftist male activists who came into power” in 1970 (p. 21). Here again, however, the analysis appears to flatten the Chilean Left into a more homogenous entity than it was. In making arguments about the “New Man's sexuality” as it pertained to “the hegemonic left,” meaning the Communist and Socialist Parties, Frazier bases her argument around Trotskyist labor historian Marcelo Segall and his archive (p. 111). Yet Segall's own biography confounds his representativeness. Born in 1920, he left the Partido Comunista de Chile in 1957, prior to the 1959 Cuban Revolution, and remained a political independent. Thus during Chile's experiment with democratic socialism under Salvador Allende (1970–73), Segall was neither a '68 rebel youth inspired by Che Guevara nor a member of the mainstream “hegemonic left” that formed the governing Popular Unity coalition. Other prominent Communist militants, including Raquel Weitzman and Volodia Teitelboim, discussed in the epilogue, might have been more logical examples to illustrate the persistence of patriarchal attitudes, party hierarchies, and sexual practices in Chile.These concerns aside, historians of modern Latin America will do well to heed Frazier's intellectual provocation to see political desire as something beyond the passionate politics associated with charismatic populist leaders. Desired States is an open invitation to explore how these dynamics play out in Chile and elsewhere.

Hungry for Revolution: The Politics of Food and the Making of Modern Chile

Chilean food politics are perhaps best associated with images of the March of the Empty Pots and Pans, led by middle- and upper-class women a year into Salvador Allende's presidential term. Yet, as Joshua Frens-String demonstrates in Hungry for Revolution, the close association between food and politics in modern Chile began long before Allende's “road to socialism.” Hungry for Revolution documents the importance of food politics in the creation of the welfare state, the development of mass politics, and the advent of dictatorship in twentieth-century Chile. This highly readable and engaging narrative is suitable both for experts in Latin American and food history and for students looking to learn more about food politics and modern Chile.Hungry for Revolution examines how changes in political regimes affected state attempts to address social inequality and activism around food sovereignty. Using state documents, newspapers, memoirs, and speeches from political activists, Frens-String identifies food's central role in the making of Chile's welfare state, which was one of the strongest in Latin America until the Augusto Pinochet dictatorship. In doing so, he places the origins of food politics in Chile well before the neoliberal deregulation of the 1970s and 1980s. He seeks to address the “question of whom national development efforts have historically been set up to benefit, and at whose expense” (p. 11). With a focus on state actors as well as social activists, which provides a well-rounded account of politics from both above and below, he does an admirable job of answering this question for the Chilean case and suggesting connections to other contexts.The book is divided into three parts, each of which focuses on a different time period. The first, “A Hungry Nation,” covers the twentieth century's first decades. Chapter 1 analyzes how food shaped Chile's place in the world economic system and how awareness of the link between global economic prosperity and economic marginalization at home drove political mobilization around food access. Building on the first, the second chapter explains that working-class politics merged with concerns about food security, leading workers to mobilize specifically as consumers, not just as workers.The second part, “Containing Hunger,” addresses the 1930s through the 1960s. Chapter 3 details the rise of the welfare state as a response to concerns about food sovereignty and working-class activism. Specifically, it explores programs designed to raise Chileans' standard of living and nutritional levels in relation to both national concerns and international trends. These events prompted social reformers to propose agrarian reform to address structural inequities, stimulate agricultural production, and reduce dependence on food imports, which is the subject of chapter 4.The book's pace slows in the final part, “Recipes for Change,” and centers on Allende's presidency (1970–73). Chapter 5, “When Revolution Tasted Like Empanadas and Red Wine,” documents the successes of Popular Unity's first year in office, when household goods and foods were available in large quantities and accessible to Chileans of various social classes. Chapter 6 moves on to grassroots activism and worker control of the food supply. This chapter is the book's most historically significant; it describes the establishment of the juntas de abastecimiento y precios (supply and price control boards), local organizations started by activists that monitored the prices of staple items, distributed foodstuffs to lower-income residents, and helped keep items reasonably priced despite inflation. This chapter's focus on consumer activism and grassroots organizing shows how local communities can affect food supply and distribution in a way that goes beyond supply and demand economics and for-profit consumerism. It highlights a different way of thinking about participatory democracy based on joint consumer-worker control of the food economy. The final chapter traces the way that the anti-Allende Right and the Chicago Boys changed the nature of food politics; they moved the discourse away from social welfare and the idea that nutrition was a fundamental right of citizenship and toward a free-market belief that food should be treated like other consumer goods. This chapter emphasizes conservative women's essential role in this process alongside other economic and political actors.Hungry for Revolution's strength is the connection it makes between the past and the present and its contribution to thinking about food politics beyond twentieth-century Chile. The epilogue concludes with recent Chilean protests against the Pinochet-era constitution, citing a protest sign from 2019 that declared that “neoliberalism was ‘born in Chile’ but would ‘die’ there as well” (p. 201). The connection between Chile's twentieth-century food politics and contemporary challenges to neoliberalism emphasizes history's importance for contextualizing the present. As Frens-String asserts, the question about the state's role in determining fundamental rights and standard of living is as relevant as ever; as people around the world challenge austerity and late-stage capitalism, the Chilean case provides an alternative way of merging economic concerns and social welfare.

Beatriz Allende: A Revolutionary Life in Cold War Latin America by Tanya Harmer

Reviewed by: Beatriz Allende: A Revolutionary Life in Cold War Latin America by Tanya Harmer Ángela Vergara Beatriz Allende: A Revolutionary Life in Cold War Latin America. By Tanya Harmer. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2020, p. 370, $34.95 (cloth). Beatriz Allende has a special place in Chile's painful memory box. The second daughter of Salvador Allende, the country's first socialist president, Beatriz was a medical doctor like her father. But if she embraced Allende's political project and joined the government during the Popular Unity (1970–1973), she was also on the far left of the Socialist Party and deeply influenced by the Cuban Revolution and Che Guevara. Married to a Cuban intelligence agent, Luis Fernández de Oña, Beatriz was forced to leave the country after the military coup and settled in La Havana. Mother of two children, the youngest born a few months after the coup, she became the public face and tireless leader of Chile's solidarity movement in exile. And then, in 1977, at only 35 years old, she killed herself. As the Cuban media reported, she could not keep living with the "psychological wounds" of the coup (262). In this beautifully written and well-researched biography, Tanya Harmer reconstructs the personal and political life of Beatriz while also shedding light on the turbulent history of Chile during the long 1960s. Beatriz Allende, the author recognizes, is "not particularly easy or straightforward subject to get to know intimately or otherwise" (5). Indeed, while her political life was visible, Beatriz's private feelings remained, for the most part, hidden. To build a biography, Harmer conducted impressive and genuinely transnational research that included personal papers, interviews, and archives from Chile, Cuba, and other parts of the world. The sources vary, and, many times, we can only hear Beatriz's voice from third parties. The exception is Beatriz's correspondence with Luis Fernández de Oña, which includes love letters and political analyses of the country's conjuncture. Through these letters, the reader can grasp the lived political and personal experience of a radical young woman. The book touches on three significant moments in Beatriz's life. First, Harmer looks at the radicalization of Beatriz throughout the 1960s. Her father's political career and contacts influenced this process, but so too did her experience as a medical student in Concepción in the early 1960s, her professional work in a clinic serving low-income families, and the local and international political debates of her time, especially during the Eduardo Frei administration (1964–1970). As the daughter of Allende, she had access to a political world usually unattainable to women of her age, traveling with her father to Cuba and the Soviet Union and meeting with world leaders. Then, there is Beatriz during the Popular Unity and married to a Cuban agent. She left her medical practice to work in the government and played a crucial role in Chile-Cuba relations and negotiations with Chile's far left. She also became a mother, but there is little about [End Page 357] her feelings and experience in the book. The last chapters cover Beatriz in exile and leading the solidarity movement from La Havana. The work had a personal toll, and she became "increasingly pessimistic" about the political future (254). These last chapters are exceptionally well-done, as the author fully grasps the disillusionment, the trauma, and the feeling of defeat that permeated the life of Chileans in exile. One of the main accomplishments of the book is the author's ability to intersect Beatriz's life and the history of Chile and Latin America during the long 1960s. Throughout the book, we learned about the Global Cold War and the influence of the Cuban revolution and Che Guevara on the Latin American youth. For example, when explaining Beatriz's radicalization, Harmer states the importance of understanding the "environment in which it was nurtured" (94). In her descriptions of Chilean politics and the global events that impacted it, Harmer demonstrates to be a leading historian of the Latin American Cold War. In many ways, this biography builds on her previous work on Chile...

Jóvenes y alocadxs: Políticas de memoria y sexualidad en el cine chileno contemporáneo

This article discusses, through the analysis of three LGBTQ+ films, Wild and Young [Joven y Alocada] (Marialy Rivas, 2012), A Map to talk [Mapa para conversar] (Constanza Fernández Bertrand, 2011) and Another Love Movie [Otra película de amor] (Edwin Oyarce, 2010), the role of queer subjectivities in revising the Chile's recent past through queering the bildungsroman genre. The coming-out of the younger generation questions the moral and ethical consistency of the older generation by exposing them to their own ethical and ideological fractures as subjects co-opted by the neoliberal system; and at the same time, as involuntary accomplices of the revolutionary failure of Allende's Popular Unity government. The article’s discussion of the formation of new social bonds, ethically consistent with the younger generation’s desires and horizons of meaning, and their exploration through the figure of the "perverse queer teen," completes the proposed analysis of the new social and intersubjective contracts present in Chile today.