Popular Resistance Research Articles

Defend the Nation, Crush the People: Desertion and Civil War in Greek Macedonia, 1916–17

ABSTRACT The creation of compact nation-states out of multi-ethnic empires in the Balkans was accompanied by bouts of ethnic cleansing. Critical histories of the emergence of the modern Balkan states have consequently tended to focus on ethnic violence. However, state violence often targeted the ‘dominant’ ethnic group as well, as its centralizing and modernizing agenda put it at loggerheads with traditional sources power and autonomy. Conscription was perhaps the most important dimension of state-building, as it sought to buttress the state’s military machine, all while demanding significant coercive power to register, draft, and discipline young men. Conscription thus came up against intense popular resistance, especially in the decade of total war of the 1910s. In Greece, this spiralled into episodes of virtual civil war. This article focuses on resistance to the draft during the first recruitment drive of the National Defence Government in Greek Macedonia, with special emphasis on the Chalkidiki revolt of 1916–17. It uses this case study to explore broader trends about the formation of the modern Balkan nation-states.

A Transnational History of the Modern Caribbean: Popular Resistance across Borders, by Kirwin Shaffer

A Transnational History of the Modern Caribbean: Popular Resistance across Borders, by Kirwin Shaffer

Authoritarianism, Popular Resistance and Regime Change in Zambia

Abstract In 1990, after 17 years of authoritarian rule under inaugural president, Kenneth Kaunda, Zambia looked to be on the precipice of prolonged instability and violence. Authoritarianism showed no signs of softening; the country’s economic decline continued to heap misery on a population where the vast majority were already living in poverty; and the banning of opposition parties in 1973 meant that there was no legitimate political opposition to challenge to Kaunda’s rule. Over the 1970s and 1980s, opposition to Kaunda found expression in various civil society organisations, eventually coalescing into a broad-church Movement for Multiparty Democracy (mmd). When the price of the national staple, maize, doubled overnight, protests quickly escalated into riots, killing dozens. However, instead of an escalation of violence, the mmd pushed Kaunda to engage in political reform. What followed was a decision by Kaunda to lift the ban on opposition parties, leading to his electoral defeat. How did the growing opposition rule precipitate a peaceful transition to multi-party democracy? In this article I argue that Kaunda’s inclusive ideology, which avoided the politicization of ethnicity allowed for a more inclusive and peaceful transition away from authoritarian rule.

The production, distribution and attribution of risk: a conceptual framework to climate-related risk management from the perspective of Arraigo in Bogotá, Colombia

ABSTRACT This article offers a critical perspective on disaster risk management, arguing that the mainstream approaches are based on reductive epistemologies that constrain access to a dimension of knowledge, that not only fails to mitigate risk, it actually increases it. Re-examining the notion of underlying risk drivers, the study investigates risk through ontological and sociological approaches to define three different operations or risk dynamics: the production, distribution and attribution of risk. The framework outlined is based on a case study of Bogotá, Colombia, where the notion of «arraigo» has served to anchor the popular resistance to risk-related relocation policies, revealing historical constructions (risk production), preferences and exclusions embedded within knowledge systems (risk attribution), and spatial patterns of permissiveness, control and regulations, or asymmetries across the geographical space (risk distribution). This three-branched conceptual framework has practical implications, serving to integrate the underlying risk drivers into the knowledge and stewardship frames of action to respond to the political questions in disaster risk management and leverage their transformative potential as climate adaptation measures.

Beyond ‘Infodemic’: Complexity, Knowledge and Populism in COVID-19 Crisis Governance

ABSTRACT The concept of the ‘infodemic’ has become a popular explanation for the rejection of anti-COVID-19 crisis governance measures. In this paper, we argue that infodemic is an inherent property of society under free institutions misused to pursue an epistemically vicious political epistemology. Furthermore, we provide an alternative account of political epistemology of COVID-19 governance and popular resistance to it. Namely, we argue that 1) pandemics represent a complex problem, and some level of resistance to governance which restricts liberties while informed by ongoing scientific and political learning processes is inevitable, and 2) the resistance is exacerbated by the history of technocratization of governance and the exclusionary socio-economic inequalities which condition political and epistemic deficiencies easily exploitable by the political entrepreneurs of right-wing populism, particularly under the conditions of social media which gamifies public discourse. Thus, we argue, the correct response to the cultures of rejection of anti-COVID-19 measures is to change the underlying political and economic conditions and not to limit speech or restrict franchise as the infodemic diagnosis suggests.

A Critical Discussion of the Relationship Between Processes of Spatial Transformation and Youth Gang Activity in Denver

Denver, Colorado is one of the most rapidly gentrifying cities in the United States. Case studies of gentrifying cities, including Chicago and Los Angeles demonstrate a relationship between urban restructuring and the emergence of youth gangs. However, this phenomenon is under-investigated in Denver. Drawing on an integrative literature review, this paper engages in a critical discussion of the relationship between processes of spatial transformation and youth gang activity in Denver. The contestation of urban space is identified as a central contributor to rising rates of gang criminality in the city’s gentrifying areas. These findings highlight the significance of community activism in popular resistance to gentrification and the protection of residents’ rights to the city.

Schlock Value and the Politics of Fiasco

This article tracks the ways citizens in the People's Republic of China have come to manage the banality of state violence and impunity by turning common political failures into a distinctive politics of fiasco. As a mode of civilian engagement with officialdom in contemporary China, this kind of politics is a departure from the usual straightforward forms of popular resistance, as typified by the 1989 Tiananmen Square protest. Fiasco is not just any kind of failure. It is a kind of flop with performative flair, where repeated malfunctions and blunders escalate in often ludicrous and humiliating fashion to turn once earnest and serious projects in feel‐bad dramas of inescapable failure. As such, this form of politics casts a renewed light on the aesthetic and affective dimensions of citizen–state struggles, especially among those that persist in confronting failures of justice under authoritarian conditions of political non‐crisis.

Modeling and Multi-objective Optimal Control of Thedynamics of Counterterrorism in the Sahel Region in Africa

Terrorist activity in the Sahel region has been on the increase for almost a decade. Groups advocating extremist ideologies with a political or religious base are carrying out attacks against states with the aim of imposing a totalitarian ideology, sometimes against a backdrop of political crisis and famine. In this state of crisis and sometimes communal conflict, it is questionable whether ideological terrorism can really be eradicated in the Sahel. In this study, we develop a model of the dynamics of ideological terrorism based on the terrorism situation in the Sahel. In particular, this model incorporates popular resistance to terrorism through the class of volunteers for the defense of the homeland, but we also take into account the indoctrination of certain sections of the population vulnerable to fanatical ideology. We estimate $\mathcal{R}_0$ , the number of elementary replications of extremist behavior, which enables us to predict the evolution of extremism. We also identify four thresholds $\mathcal{R}_1$, $\mathcal{R}_2$, $\mathcal{R}_3$ and $\mathcal{R}_4$ of sufficient conditions for the eradication of ideological terrorism and brigandage. A multi-objective optimal control of a counter-terrorism strategy is also presented. Finally, we perform a numerical simulation of the analysis and control results to test our hypotheses.

A Free Market of Morals: Boycotting, Liberalism, and Property

The development of the practice of boycotting during the Irish Land War (1879–82), and its subsequent spread beyond Ireland to the United States, sparked outrage and concern. This was prompted by the specific intellectual challenges the practice posed for liberals on both sides of the Atlantic. In relying on a liberal defense of free speech and freedom of association, early boycotters in the 1880s were able to demonstrate the dependence of property rights on social sanction while also remaining initially impervious to legal censure. As a result, the definition and extent of property rights came under scrutiny because of the ease and simplicity by which they could be curtailed through social force. It is observed here that consequent legislation to insulate commercial wealth from boycotting’s parallel moral economy required the reinforcement and development of political justifications of the state’s right to manage economic interactions in the name of social stability and public welfare. The paper argues that boycotting was so threatening to classical visions of liberal individualism precisely because it was so firmly grounded in individualistic premises. It observes not only that boycotters used the language of “free trade” to defend the practice but also that the practice itself contained latent political assumptions about social organization. The argument also suggests that, contrary to much current academic opinion, rights-based popular resistance can be directed toward egalitarian ends.

Strange Bedfellows or Trusted Comrades? Digital Solidarity Building among Myanmar’s Revolutionaries

The shock and anger felt by the Myanmar public as they witnessed their democratically elected government deposed in an illegal military coup in early 2021 has led to a revolutionary break in Burmese politics. The Bamar Buddhist political elites, formerly silent on the Rohingya Muslim crisis, apologised for failing to administer justice for the Rohingya victims; the coup breathed new life and possibilities into the formation of a federal democracy; and young students and strike leaders dared to challenge the dominance of the elites. However, little is known about whether this struggling together against military dictatorship might enable a broad-based development of solidarity among Myanmar’s traditionally divided ethnic communities. Since many revolutionary communities across Myanmar took to social media to mobilise resistance, studying these groups’ online interactions can provide critical insights to this question. By analysing conversations over the year following the coup on three of the most popular resistance Facebook groups from Bamar and non-Bamar communities, this article finds a two-step process of inter-ethnic solidarity building, driven by both instrumentalist interest and organic empathy. The findings deepen understanding on solidarity building among diverse anti-dictatorship forces, revolution dynamics in post-coup Myanmar, and the role of social media on forging inter-communal empathy.

Authoritarian neoliberalism between Johnson and Jupiter: Declining legitimacy and the elevation of home affairs in post-Brexit Britain and Macron’s France

In the face of protracted stagnation following the global financial crisis, democratic governments who remain committed to neoliberalism are still required to secure popular support for their programmes. This article evaluates how this dilemma has presaged a shift in the relationship between governmental attempts to maintain neoliberal legitimacy and the imposition of authoritarian reforms. We argue that, in the aftermath of the 2015 refugee crisis, this shift has consisted of the elevation of home affairs policy and the advance of a ‘mutated’ politics of legitimation characterised by explicit forms of ‘othering’ and hostility towards the wider political system. Drawing on the examples of the UK and France, we show how this deepening authoritarianism has manifested along two interconnected axes: (1) increased police powers and suppression of protests and civil liberties; (2) enhanced border security and restrictions on citizenship. Contributing to scholarship on authoritarian neoliberalism, we argue that this elevation of home affairs not only augurs the intensification of authoritarianism, but also reveals how governments have utilised popular resistance to authoritarian reforms to generate new forms of reactionary ‘consent’.

The story of the Umayyad Caliph

This article presents an in-depth analysis of the history of the founding of the Umayyad dynasty in 661 AD, with a focus on the post-civil war context in the Muslim community. The appointment of Muawiyah bin Abi Sufyan as the first Caliph was the starting point for the shift in power from Khulafaur Rasyidin to the Umayyad family-based dynasty. This aspect of history is explored by paying attention to the key events that shaped this dynasty. The analysis in the journal describes the period of glory and success of the Umayyads under the reign of Caliph Abdul Malik and Al-Walid bin Abdul Malik. The factors that contributed to this success, such as infrastructure development, economic progress, and political stability, are analyzed in detail. The construction of landmarks such as the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus is also a focus in exploring the architectural and cultural achievements of that time. and explore the factors that led to dramatic changes in political and social structures. The analysis involves authoritarian rule, popular resistance, and internal conflict which reached its peak with the Karbala Massacre in 680 AD. An in-depth understanding of these tensions and changes is the core of this subchapter. This paper makes a significant contribution to the understanding of the history of the Umayyad dynasty, presenting a comprehensive view of the events and dynamics that shaped and ended their reign.

Manipulation without Resistance: Consensus Elections in Rural China

Abstract The Chinese Communist Party has been increasing its control over village elections since the early 2010s, yet this move has not triggered any widespread popular resistance. Drawing on ethnographic evidence from village elections held in 2017 in a county in Hunan province, I conceptualize a form of electoral manipulation I term “consensus elections,” in which the Party engineers a pre-electoral consensus with ordinary villagers on whom to select while deterring challenges from village elites. Consensus elections are rooted in the Chinese political elites’ ideal that favours electoral participation over competition. While participation increases regime legitimacy, competition threatens regime authority. Propaganda promoting this electoral ideal shapes the views of ordinary villagers, laying a basis of legitimacy on consensus elections. The villagers embraced voting as being oriented by a unitary common interest and developed a cynicism whereby campaigning was equated with corruption. Comparison of the processes involved in engineering consensus elections in five villages suggests popular support for such elections. Whereas popular resistance was mounted against the lack of participation, popular complicity helps the Party to deter challenges from village elites. Consensus elections have facilitated the fall of Chinese village elections without undermining the Party's legitimacy, but consensus elections will also encourage more political challenges from village elites through non-institutionalized channels.

The Technical Report: What is Continuum Zone Repetition on Popular Resistance Training Periodization

As resistance training periodization has recently been touted potential plan and program to regime, session and set-up. The continuum zone repetition has been associated with developing resistance training periodization to develop maximize performance, however it might be more far-reaching as either periodization relationship may be use continuum zone repetition strategy is poorly understood. To determine continuum zone repetition improved resistance training periodization through specAs resistance training periodization has recently been touted potential plan and program to regime, session and set-up. The continuum zone repetition has been associated with developing resistance training periodization to develop maximize performance, however it might be more far-reaching as either periodization relationship may be use continuum zone repetition strategy is poorly understood. To determine continuum zone repetition improved resistance training periodization through specific properties periodic repetition strategy. To date, continuum zone repetition on either current resistance training periodization or training regimes are common approach to produce equivocal maximize performance outcomes. Technical report research conducted on two electronic databases like Pubmed and Web of Science. Resolution for disparity due to continuum zone repetition seem to rarely researches. Exploration of the optimize performance relationship is required continuum zone repetition strategy to evaluate maximize strength, hypertrophy, endurance and power session. Until such studies are completed the efficiency of continuum zone repetition limited in popular resistance training periodizationific properties periodic repetition strategy. To date, continuum zone repetition on either current resistance training periodization or training regimes are common approach to produce equivocal maximize performance outcomes. Technical report research conducted on two electronic databases like Pubmed and Web of Science. Resolution for disparity due to continuum zone repetition seem to rarely researches. Exploration of the optimize performance relationship is required continuum zone repetition strategy to evaluate maximize strength, hypertrophy, endurance and power session. Until such studies are completed the efficiency of continuum zone repetition limited in popular resistance training periodization

Bentuk Pertanggungjawaban Pelanggaran Ham Terhadap Tawanan Perang Menurut Hukum Dan Ham Internasional

Introduction: The Syrian conflict was motivated by the Arab Spring, which was related to demonstrations and popular resistance in the Middle East and North Africa which ended with the fall of the ruling regimes in these regional countries.Purposes of the Research: The research method uses a normative juridical method. This type of research is descriptive analytical using primary, secondary and tertiary sources of legal materials where the collection of legal materials is carried out using library research. Furthermore, the analysis technique uses qualitative analysis, by identifying facts, eliminating irrelevant things, determining the issue and then concluding the results of the analysis according to the problem being studied.Methods of the Research: The research method uses a normative juridical method. This type of research is descriptive analytical using primary, secondary and tertiary sources of legal materials where the collection of legal materials is carried out using library research. Furthermore, the analysis technique uses qualitative analysis, by identifying facts, eliminating irrelevant things, determining the issue and then concluding the results of the analysis according to the problem being studied.Results of the Research: Legal violations against prisoners of war based on international legal and human rights instruments according to the Geneva Convention III of 1949 (Geneva Convention (III) Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of Wat) and Additional Protocol I year 1977 (Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of international Armed Conflicts) have the right to be treated with dignity and humanity, such as not being forced to provide information unless they know their identity. Their torture and cruel treatment is seen as a war crime. prisoners of war must be moved from dangerous areas to safe places. Their living conditions must be equivalent to those of members of the armed forces of the host nation. Accountability for legal violations against prisoners for serious human rights violations against prisoners of war legally basically refers to the principle of exhaustion of local remedies through the mechanism of a national court forum. The unwillingness and inability of countries suspected of committing serious violations of human rights to resolve the problem of these violations at the national level can underlie the emergence of the judicial competence of the International Criminal Court (ICC). War crimes and crimes against humanity in accordance with the Rome Statute (Article 5 paragraph (1).

The rise and fall of political outsiders: Political opportunity structure and (de-)mobilization in Paraguay (2008–2012)

Unlike left outsiders in contexts of steadfast traditional opposition in Latin America, Fernando Lugo refrained from intensifying the conflict with the political establishment and mobilizing subaltern groups to push through progressive policies after winning the 2008 elections. Ultimately, conservative interests pushed through impeachment proceedings and forced him out of office prematurely, and Lugo yielded to their will instead of using the interbranch stalemate to instigate popular resistance. For their part, the popular sectors did not mobilize to pressure the Lugo government, nor did they stand firmly against the president’s impeachment. The article aims to answer why Lugo flopped as a political broker and why Paraguayans did not mobilize to Lugo’s defense by developing a two-level argument that combines the institutional supply side that determines the actors’ mobilization capacity and the demand side of movement issue-framing that conditions actors’ willingness to mobilize. First, the organizational and representative pathologies of the left parties persisted into Lugo’s reign and curtailed the capacity of the mobilization brokers to forge ties between otherwise separate organizations in society and to serve as a veto gate in power centers. Second, community leaders and social actors did not engage in active issue-framing processes to construct new meanings to orient their collective action. The article draws on interview data, public opinion polls, and archival works to substantiate the argument and contributes to social movement literature by highlighting the role of political leadership’s strategic choices and its interactions with opponents and allies (inside and outside power centers) in realizing favorable political opportunity and remolding clientelistic ties to mobilize social constituencies.

The Probable Revolution

Abstract On April 25, 1974, everyday Portuguese citizens transformed a military coup into collective popular resistance, thus initiating a revolutionary process that marked an end to the Estado Novo. Image-makers, aware of the historical event unraveling in plain view, occupied public plazas and roamed city avenues to document a popular uprising that marked a clear end to Portugal’s Fascist project. In this impetus to record radical change, film and its associated technologies promised not only to document, capture, and freeze history in the making but also to make it material, to transform the push and pull of the revolutionary project into something that could be preserved and kept. The article questions the notion that digitization produces a straightforward dematerialization of the analogue print by proposing the concept of digital (im)materiality. This (im)materiality, it argues, not only allows the transformation of revolutionary images into heritage but also makes possible their (re)activation in ways that both speak to the past and reinvent the future. Attending to the (im)materiality of Portuguese militant cinema makes it possible to approach these images not as texts to be interpreted but as social artifacts through which meaning, knowledge, and memories are made. Following Morgan Adamson’s call to consider how “images of resistance endure” and how “enduring images resist,” the article traces the (im)materiality of Portugal’s revolutionary filmic images with the aim of thinking across temporalities. So while, on one hand. the text unpacks how images of the Portuguese Revolution were produced and, subsequently, transformed into heritage, it also reflects on the author’s own engagement with the Revolution’s visual archives and her co-direction of the film essay A revolução (é) provável (The Revolution [Is] Probable, 2022), where splicing, cutting, and juxtaposing digitized images makes it possible to interrogate the material texture of history while also producing other forms or knowledge and knowing.

The case of the transposition of the São Francisco River, or the environmental practices and indigenist policy of leftist governments in Brazil

This article presents the results of research whose objective was to evaluate the environmental and cultural impact of the work of the transposition of the São Francisco River, which began in 2007, on Indigenous peoples directly affected by the construction in their territories.We conducted dozens of interviews with the chiefs and leaders of the Truká people, in Cabrobó, state of Pernambuco, Brazil, where the waters of the river were removed for transposition. The discourses reveal that the impact of this work does not only affect the lands and way of life but confronts Truká’s cosmology and representations they have about nature and the supernatural world always being in close connection. From the official developmental perspective, we raise the alternatives presented by those who rejected the construction of this work: the NGOs, social movements, and the Indigenous peoples (riverside fishermen). We understand the construction of the transposition in the context of developmental works of great magnitude, within the framework of a political project that has been unfolding in Brazil over the last decade. Finally, we dismantle the official justifications about the need for the work and raise questions about the real motives that led to the proposal of this megaproject despite popular resistance and technical difficulties that have prevented its inauguration.

Java War and the Social and Economic Impact

In the long history of struggle of the Indonesian nation, at a certain period of time during the Dutch colonization, there was a war that made colonialists experience difficulties. The war was caused by the resistance of a Javanese nobleman named Prince Diponegoro, this war was called the Diponegoro War or known as the Java War. Because of the unprecedented amount of popular resistance, the losses suffered by both the colonizers and the Javanese people were very large, both human and material casualties, this was closely related to economic conditions during the war and after the end of the war. This paper aims to analyze and describe the consequences of the war that occurred at that time on the Dutch colonial as well as on the Javanese people themselves, from an economic aspect. Research through a qualitative approach with a descriptive method, namely literature study and usually historical research using heuristic methods. The results of the study stated that the consequences of the Java War were very significant in affecting the lives of Javanese people and the Dutch colonial after the war.

Social and Economic Conditions of The United States of America During the Civil War 1861-1865

In the long history of struggle of the Indonesian nation, at a certain period of time during the Dutch colonization, there was a war that made colonialists experience difficulties. The war was caused by the resistance of a Javanese nobleman named Prince Diponegoro, this war was called the Diponegoro War or known as the Java War. Because of the unprecedented amount of popular resistance, the losses suffered by both the colonizers and the Javanese people were very large, both human and material casualties, this was closely related to economic conditions during the war and after the end of the war. This paper aims to analyze and describe the consequences of the war that occurred at that time on the Dutch colonial as well as on the Javanese people themselves, from an economic aspect. Research through a qualitative approach with a descriptive method, namely literature study and usually historical research using heuristic methods. The results of the study stated that the consequences of the Java War were very significant in affecting the lives of Javanese people and the Dutch colonial after the war.