Politics In Turkey Research Articles

Revisiting Erdoğan’s century of Turkey: unmasking populism’s political strategies through the Lens of the Canal Istanbul

ABSTRACT This study delves into the nuanced dynamics of populism in Turkish politics, focusing on the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Over the past two decades, we contend that the AKP’s policy proposals and projects have transcended mere political promises, instead evolving into meticulously planned physical embodiments of the party’s political dominance. Through an in-depth analysis of one of the AKP’s recent mega undertakings, the Canal Istanbul project, we unveil a strategic shift in the party’s populist tactics aimed at fortifying its political hegemony. Moreover, this paper sheds light on a covert process of polarization within the AKP’s apparent transition from a divisive approach to one centred on persuasion, particularly targeting the opponent political party, the CHP Republican People’s Party, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi. We posit that the AKP strategically positions itself as a victim of its adversaries, strategically laying the foundation for its persuasive agenda. This research offers critical insights into the multifaceted strategies employed by the AKP and CHP in navigating the complex terrain of populist politics in Turkey and furthers the empirical studies in the populism debate in general.

Understanding right-wing populists’ anti-abortion politics in Turkey: The symbolic violence of the state

This study investigates how symbolic violence is shaping anti-abortion stances associated with legitimising right-wing populist policies. The prominent questions are as follows: What are the institutional and politico-administrative mechanisms that are impacting anti-abortion politics in terms of material and symbolic violence? How and to what extent does anti-abortion politics influence the interplay between symbolic and material state violence? The study argues that reproduction-centred policies and material and symbolic violence have intensified through anti-abortion politics in the discursive context of the social reproduction crisis in Turkey. It explores the institutional actions and the legitimation mechanisms of anti-abortion policies in relation to the penetration of right-wing populist politics after the authoritarian turn of 2010. This qualitative case study uses critical discourse analysis. It interprets the public speeches of representatives of the government and documentary data concerning the ruling party’s programmes, development plans and relevant legislation. The research provides a gendered perspective on the anti-abortion policies that anchor right-wing populism in terms of the crisis of social reproduction. It also contributes to critical state theory and pre-existing feminist scholarship on right-wing populism.

Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın – an introduction to his life and works

Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın (1875 − 1957) was a prominent and prolific writer who, in 1908, was also the first journalist elected to the Ottoman Chamber of Deputies. He was a member of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) which was in the forefront of Ottoman politics for a period of over 10 years before and during the First World War, and was among the politicians exiled by the British to Malta in 1919 for a couple of years. As a journalist, he witnessed, participated in and wrote about the history and politics of Turkey in several newspapers (including the paper, Tanin, which he part owned and managed) from the time when it was a Sultanate till well after Turkey became a Republic in 1923. He also achieved success with his novels, essays and translations from several European languages. He has been called a perennial dissident because over his long journalistic (and political) career he was not afraid of argument and debate, and rarely changed his stance.

Corridors of countersovereignty: Insurgency, smuggling, and post-nation-state politics in Turkey's Kurdish highlands

In Turkey's Kurdish borderlands, smugglers occasionally entered insurgent corridors, the guerrilla-controlled mountainous passages, to bypass state control. This article takes insurgent corridors to frame sovereignty as monopolization of space-making and proposes space-making as a key analytic to examine the forms of sovereignty that facilitate or undermine specific extractive practices. As a spatial form, corridors are central to the claiming and exercising sovereignty and extraction without having complete territorial control across a bounded space or the whole population in that space, the territoriality identified with nation-states. By controlling corridor space and monopolizing the traffic in them, colonial empires, nation-states, corporations, and rebel movements exercised sovereignty and extracted value that is carried or generated by corridor traffic. The insurgent corridors further complicate corridor sovereignty as the Kurdish guerillas monopolized corridor-making without monopolizing and extracting the corridor traffic under a post-nation-state political vision that favors grassroots democratized organization of mobilities and livelihoods rather than centralized exclusive authority and biopolitical governance on them. The insurgent corridors constituted what I call countersovereignty, a practice contesting not only the existing state sovereignty but also political models of nation-state sovereignty and territoriality. While anthropologists understand refusal as disengagement from actors claiming sovereign superiority, the insurgent corridor countersovereignty entailed a distinct form of political refusal that rejects mimicking state sovereignty and associated forms of biopolitical governance.

In the Shadow of War and Empire: Industrialisation, Nation-Building, and Working-Class Politics in Turkey, written by Görkem Akgöz

In the Shadow of War and Empire: Industrialisation, Nation-Building, and Working-Class Politics in Turkey, written by Görkem Akgöz

To Have and to Hold

Heritage politics in Turkey came under global scrutiny in July 2020 following the conversion of the Hagia Sophia Museum in Istanbul back into a mosque, and then again in October 2020 after the confiscation of ancient and modern seed collections residing at the British Institute in Ankara. In the accounts of several Turkish and international critics, these two events were presented as kindred, reactionary maneuvers aimed at galvanizing nationalist fervor, and Turkish claims on biological and cultural property were pitted against universalist ideals of conservation. Drawing on long-term ethnographic and archival research on the Turkish conservation bureaucracy, this article analyzes the role of plants and antiquities in Turkish metanarratives of loss, sovereignty, and modernization, and it offers an anthropological account of everyday conservation work in Turkey that challenges the purported divide between universalist science and nationalist politics that very much mimics the contours of a civilizational split.

Trouble in Cyprus, Riots in Turkey: Ian Fleming, Propaganda, and "The Great Riot of Istanbul"

This article will analyse British influence campaigns that employed disinformation and propaganda to advance British interests during the Second World War and the early Cold War, with a focus on the role of Ian Fleming. It draws on declassified files at The National Archives in London, primary media sources in English and in Turkish, and secondary published research to help understand the extent to which British objectives were achieved in Turkey and Cyprus by finding common ground with the Turkish government, creating false anti-communist narratives, and turning a blind eye to undemocratic and repressive activity against minorities driven by ethno-nationalist policies of the Turkish Republic. The article will answer the following questions: why did Ian Fleming trivialise a violent pogrom against ethnic-Greeks in Istanbul in 1955 as a spontaneous “riot” (in his Sunday Times report), and as a Soviet plot in From Russia With Love? Did British strategic considerations in Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean make them complicit in human rights abuses in Turkey? Did Ian Fleming’s writing help shield the Turkish government from criticism at a time of declining colonial power and ideological Cold War? And finally, how do public perceptions of intelligence that Fleming helped to create serve the interests of modern, authoritarian politics in Turkey?

Media Systems and Media Capture in Turkey: A Case Study

This article attempts to explain the current situation of the Turkish media system through the media systems approach as a case study with special attention to the concept of media capture. We propose that the Turkish media system’s shift is heavily influenced by media capture. We associate four of Hallin and Mancini’s media systems concepts related to the effects of media capture in the Turkish media system shift: rise of political parallelism, erosion of journalistic professionalism (ethics), controlling role of the state, and government-friendly ownership concentration. In explaining the shift from a pluralist polarised to captured<em> </em>media in Turkey, we acknowledge the potential for new, independent, and alternative media to emerge. The article also comments that the potential reason for this shift from a captured liberal to a captured media in Turkey is the climate of fear that has allowed successive governments in Turkey to attempt media capture. In general, this article attempts to provide insight into the current relationship between media and politics in Turkey.

‘You ensure your own safety’: gender, fear and tourism labour in the gig economy in Turkiye

The platform or gig economy has had a profound impact on the tourism ecosystem. However, the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) warns that whilst platforms can contribute to more gender equality, they can also reinforce sexism and inequality. While platforms offer access to informal micro-entrepreneurship, they can also expose women to heightened vulnerability due to limited control over clients and lack of legal protection. Our research questions the link between gender roles, spatial fear, and platform workers’ experiences. Our findings indicate that despite Istanbul’s evolving urban tourism landscape, the prevailing gender politics in Turkey continues to uphold conservative gender norms that result in gendered labour divisions and gendered public space access. As female platform workers navigate safety concerns and feelings of fear in Istanbul, productivity becomes spatially constrained, despite their efforts to adapt using diverse innovative approaches. Interesting conclusions are drawn regarding the future of work via the finding that platforms create a hybrid employment model blurring host-guest lines, raising questions about the implications for platform workers’ safety.

The instrumentalization of post-truth politics in Turkey: the case of the 2023 elections

ABSTRACT The global rise of populism has led to efforts to create an ‘alternative truth’ to support populist political aims. This is recently seen in Turkey in the use of post-truth political discourse by the AKP as a primary election campaign strategy. This study investigates how the AKP used post-truth politics to create an alternative truth about the opposition. The main argument of the article is that the AKP used instrumentalization of post-truth politics as a tool to reproduce biases and opinions about the opposition, which contributed to its entire strategy of winning the ballot box in the 2023 Turkish elections.

Kurdish gender politics: Funeral ceremonies of female fighters

AbstractThe funeral ceremonies of female fighters are a relatively recent phenomenon that gained popularity in Kurdish politics in Turkey in the early 2000s and after the 2011 uprisings in Syria. As a sociocultural rite, these funerals have become a spectacular site, a political means, and a symbolic investment serving an intersectional agenda pursuing Kurdish national and gender‐egalitarian aspirations simultaneously. The funerals provide a ground for mobilizing women to claim symbolic authority in public and inscribe women as nation builders to the notion of nation. Women undertaking this intersectional task through national discourse garnered significant academic interest in the national dimension of the ceremonies. However, the emphasis on the national aspect overshadowed the gendered strategy the ceremonies signify. This article investigates the gender aspect of funerals to draw attention to the use of national discourse to subvert patriarchal dynamics within society, highlighting the role of national struggle in women's pursuit of liberation from social oppression. Therefore, it speaks to the scholarship focused on gender in nationalist endeavors and revisits the discussions on gender‐nation relations by focusing on national discourse instrumentalization serving the gender agenda. The analysis reveals the intricate dynamics between gender and nation and how they intersect in pursuing women's liberation.

Research for Peace

Abstract The Diyarbakır-based Cultural Studies for Peace Association (bakad), which was founded in 2021, has been documenting experiences of social inequality with a view to shedding light on the structural and cultural backdrop of these inequalities. Having an explicit intersectional lens, bakad holds a vision of disseminating the culture of peace, and deepening democratic politics in Turkey. This interview, conducted by Hakan Sandal-Wilson, with Okan Altekin on behalf of bakad, provides us with a social and cultural map of Kurdish LGBTI+ inequality and struggles in Diyarbakır and beyond, and their relationship to the complex dynamics of society, peace, conflict, and politics.

Women workers’ education at the Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions: excavating histories of transnational collaboration with the ICFTU

ABSTRACT This article explores the relationship between the Confederation of Turkish Trade Unions (Türk-İş) and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) from the 1960s until the 1990s with a focus on the transnational collaboration of activists who organised educational activities for women workers and trade unionists to empower them as rights-seeking political subjects and strengthen their position within the trade union movement. Demonstrating how women’s trade union education evolved within the framework of local politics as well as global processes such as the Cold War and the emergence of a UN-led gender equality regime, it argues that global inequalities, geopolitical differences, and Türk-İş leaders’ ambivalent attitude towards women’s status in the trade union movement led to a loose, sporadic relationship between local activists and those from the west. At the same time, it was often these activists’ sustained efforts towards collaboration and the circulation of their agendas that pressured Türk-İş to invest in women’s empowerment in trade unions. Utilising archival and trade union sources as well as oral history interviews, the article integrates the work of women labour activists in feminist labour historiography, offering a more comprehensive understanding of trade unions’ gender politics in Turkey and globally.

Digital Politics in Turkey: Digital Democracy Practices of the Political Parties

Dijital siyaset, siyasetçiler için fırsatları ve riskleri birlikte içermekte ve “yeni bir siyaset” anlayışına gönderme yapmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Türkiye'deki anaakım siyasetin iki temel aktörü olan iktidar (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) ve ana muhalefet (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) partisinin dijital teknolojinin sunduğu olanakların daha demokratik bir toplum yaratılması için kullanılmasına dayanan bu “yeni siyaset” anlayışına yönelik eğilimlerini anlamak amacıyla, özellikle COVID-19 pandemisinin ilk bir yılını kapsayan Mart 2020-Nisan 2021 tarihleri arasındaki Twitter’daki etkileşim örüntüleri ve söylemlerinin merkezindeki temalar analiz edilmiştir. Dijital teknolojinin tabandan yükselen bir demokrasinin gelişmesine ne tür katkılar sağladığını tartışan bu çalışma, dijital siyasal iletişim biçimlerinin geleneksel siyasal iletişim biçimlerinden çok farklı olmadığı, diyaloğa kapalı ve tek yönlü olarak işlediği ve egemen siyaset yapma biçimlerinin eleştirel kamusal tartışmalara alan açmadığı sonucuna ulaşmıştır. Liberal demokratik bir siyasal sistemi tanımlayan ve bu sistemden doğan konuları ve sorunları kapsayan anahtar sözcükler üzerinden yapılan taramada, her iki siyasal partinin de toplumsal kriz, siyaset ve ekonomi temelli sorunları söylemlerinden dışladığı görülmüştür.

Universal Health Coverage with Private Options: The Politics of Turkey’s 2008 Health Reform

Over the past decades, countries across the Global South have been adopting expansionary health reforms and are increasingly doing so under the banner of promoting universal health coverage. But countries have taken notably different approaches regarding the inclusion of private actors in their expanding healthcare systems. In this article, we explore the political causes and consequences of partial privatization in the context of healthcare expansion. We conduct a case study of Turkey’s 2008 health reform, which coupled substantial coverage expansion with the introduction of private options in provision and financing—and has since been branded as a global “success story” of achieving universal health coverage. Specifically, we seek to explain why Turkey introduced private options with its expansionary health reform and what kind of policy feedback effects this has triggered. We find that private options were incorporated into the reform as the result of persistent business lobbying and pro-market changes in the leadership of the health ministry and not because of any international coercion, e.g., by the World Bank. The introduction of these private options has since led to the growth of private hospital and insurance markets and the political entrenchment of partial privatization.

HISTORY OF “LIBERAL CONSERVATIVE RIGHT” IN TURKEY

It is possible to say that Right wing policy has always had the chance to express itself in every period of politics in Turkey and since the beginning of the practice of democratic principles; it has been almost the sole determinant of political power. Sociologic factors pushing the Right to being the determinant of Turkish politics are doubtlessly a subject of another discussion. Nevertheless, it is useful to make a point, which would not deter the integrity of this study and on the basis of this point, define its effects on today’s Turkish political dynamics. In this context, the first issue that has to be stated is that the conservative themes, whose roots are intertwined with the past and daily practices of Turkish society, make things considerably easy for Right wing politics. In a way, Turkish society, succeeding in synthesizing religion with nationalism, made a stance even only with this aspect of its. Also, society’s expressing its conservative concerns mostly over traditions has opened ways for both giving it a historical meaning and interpreting religion on the context of traditions.

Fraternal natalism: demographic anxieties and the righteous state in Turkey

This article develops the concept of fraternal natalism to examine the long-standing alliances between different state actors in Turkey –governments, physicians, religious authorities, and the military– to build, restore, and consolidate reproductive righteousness. It argues that fraternal natalism relies on a narrative of a national crisis to put forward and justify controversial policies in line with the Turkish state's reproductive imaginaries. This natalism provokes demographic anxieties about religious and ethnoracialized “others,” casting them as inherently dangerous for the nation's continuity and security. Looking at these strategies through the lens of fraternal natalism exposes the continuities and disjunctures in reproductive righteousness rather than exceptionalizing particular actors and historical periods. It also reveals how religious rhetoric and constructions of race/ethnicity are mutually foundational in the formation of reproductive politics. Although the article develops the concept through a historical and discursive analysis of reproductive politics in Turkey, it can be applied to other contexts to chart the complex configurations of state actors involved in molding reproductive behaviors and population practices.

Küreselleşme ve Enflasyon

The Turkish economy, particularly during and after the 1990s, has faced with greater levels of inflation, which began to decline following the 2001 banking crisis due to major shift in policymaking within Turkey's political and economic framework. When the global economy is considered, however, substantial globalization has transpired, resulting in a worldwide disinflation trend. Therefore, the question of "How did the global disinflationary period affect the overall performance of Turkey's price stability policy?" has gained prominence as a pertinent one. The primary objective of this article is to examine the impact of globalization on inflation in Turkey within this paradigm. In addition to analyzing volatile patterns in Turkish inflation from 2003 to 2020, the relevance of domestic and international factors will be empirically investigated through structural VAR analysis. Our findings reveal that, domestic prices are explicitly correlated with the globalization through global demand circumstances, imported input costs and foreign currency shifts all of which contribute significantly to price fluxes. Nevertheless, it is imperative to stress that inflation inertia is a crucial aspect of measuring inflation.

Analyzing the Justice and Development Party’s changing discourse on the headscarf issue as the constitutive part of its drift toward authoritarian politics in Turkey

Despite its long history since the late Ottoman period in Turkey, this article focuses on the headscarf issue within a particular period; since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party has been in power. Women’s issues have always occupied a large space in the Justice and Development Party’s project(s), which articulate diverse narrative lines ranging from conservatism to liberalism. The article aims to unravel this diverse insight into the Justice and Development Party’s politics within the context of its recent political drift toward authoritarianism while particularly focusing on its headscarf discourses. It argues that the Justice and Development Party’s political drift toward authoritarianism resulted in the replacement of the earlier politics of consensus/‘non-defiance’, which refers to a conservatism that denies radicalism and avoids emphasizing controversial issues like the headscarf, with the politics of dissensus/defiance that reveal social tensions and political conflicts such as those between Islamic and secular sectors, through revitalizing the old debate on the headscarf issue. In this sense, the lifting of the headscarf bans in public institutions in 2008 can be read as a symptom, not of the Justice and Development Party’s earlier liberal stand, but of the beginning of its shift toward authoritarianism based on its religious-nationalist project, which made use of this liberal right of pious women in enhancing the gaps between oppositional groups and in consolidating its social basis. This earlier attempt has been followed by continuous use of the headscarf as a symbol drawing a border between ‘us’ and ‘them’ and signifying outrages and moral crisis for which the Justice and Development Party blamed the oppositional groups. Within this context, the article questions the ways in which the headscarf as a political symbol along with other conservative policies targeting female bodies and sexualities took a part in the constitution and consolidation of the Justice and Development Party’s radical right alliance and its authoritarian regime.

Politicising Death in the Covid-19 Outbreak: AKP, Necropolitics and Right-Authoritarianism in Turkey

This study deals with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) right-authoritarianism during the COVID-19 pandemic in Turkey, as seen from the perspective of necropolitics. It examines the relationships between politics and death, asking the question of how such relationships fell into an authoritarian character adversely influencing democracy and democratic values. For this, the study centres on the AKP government’s response to the pandemic crisis, discussed as a manifestation of necropolitics. The paper explains the concept of necropolitics and underlines two of its fundamental characteristics: state of exception and creation of enemy. The paper focuses on these two traits to frame and critique the AKP’s right-authoritarian politics during the COVID-19 outbreak. The aim of the analysis is to show how AKP politics has politicised death, bearing in mind the social and political opposition’s moves against such politics in Turkey.