Street Politics Research Articles

Facial Insufficiency: Political Street Performance in New York City and the Selective Enforcement of the 1845 Mask Law

Facial Insufficiency: Political Street Performance in New York City and the Selective Enforcement of the 1845 Mask Law

Facial Insufficiency Political Street Performance in New York City and the Selective Enforcement of the 1845 Mask Law

Facial Insufficiency Political Street Performance in New York City and the Selective Enforcement of the 1845 Mask Law

Genealogies of Islamic Radicalism in Post-Suharto Indonesia

The emergence of violent Muslim vigilante groups in regions of Indonesia where there has been serious inter-religious conflict is one of the most conspicuous new phenomena in contemporary Indonesian Islam. During the brief presidency of Abdurrahman Wahid, such groups often gained control of the streets, and the army and police appeared unable, or unwilling, to contain them. Most observers of modern Indonesia agree that much of the violence is financed by military and civilian interest groups, and is provoked by struggles for power between rival élite factions. But at the same time it is clear that at least some of these groups are rooted in movements that existed long before the present crisis. This paper argues that the roots of most of the radical Muslim groups in contemporary Indonesia can be traced to two relatively ‘indigenous’ Muslim political movements which date back to the 1940s – the Darul Islam movement and the Masyumi party – and to a number of more recent transnational Islamic networks. It traces the transformations of Masyumi and Darul Islam from the 1950s and 1960s, the emergence of ‘campus Islam’ in the 1980s, the empowerment of Islam in the final years of the Suharto regime, and the course of Islamic politics during Suharto's downfall and in the 1999 elections, before looking in detail at the recent involvement of radical Muslim groups in street politics.

Asef Bayat, Street Politics: Poor People’s Movements in Iran,New York: Colombia University Press, 1997, £47.50, paper £17.50, xxiii+232 pp.

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Street Politics: Poor People's Movements in Iran.

Street Politics: Poor People's Movements in Iran.

Street politics: poor people's movements in Iran

In the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, an active political movement emerged on the streets of Iran's largest cities. Poor people began to construct their own communities on unused urban lands, creating an infrastructure--roads, electricity, running water, garbage collection, and shelters--all their own. As the Iranian government attempted to evict these illegal settlers, they resisted--fiercely and ultimately successfully. This is the story of their economic and political strategies.

Social psychological dimensions of political conflict resolution in the Philippines.

In this article, the psychological dimensions of internal political conflicts are discussed, and Philippine ways of resolving such violence-prone social eruptions are examined. Internal conflicts are characterized by power asymmetry, duress and hypervigilance, and multiplier effects of resolution outcome. Philippine internal conflict is expressed in three modes: the electoral mode, street politics, and the underground. Data gathered from peace bargaining during coup attempts show that Philippine approaches to conflict resolution are marked with smooth interpersonal harmony, intense emotions, personalized trustworthiness, and Catholic-influenced interventions.

Squatters and the State: Back Street Politics in the Islamic Republic

Squatters and the State: Back Street Politics in the Islamic Republic

The Men of No Property: Irish Radicals and Popular Politics in the Late Eighteenth Century.

Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations Preface to the 1998 Reprint Map of Ireland Introduction Eighteenth-Century Ireland: Politics, Economy, Society Agrarian Rebels, Secret Societies and Defenders, 1761-91 'Rumours of War': The Catholic Agitation, 1791-3 Radical Ideology, Popular Politics and Parliamentary Reform The Rise of the Defenders, 1793-5 From Pre-Industrial Crowd to Revolutionary Underground: Dublin's Street Politics, 1759-97 The Politics of Disaffection, 1795-9 Conclusion Notes Select Bibliography Index

Making history: The limitations of pure reason∗

It has been said at this conference that our deliberations may not have much relevance to the world beyond the walls of the community of professional philosophers. It is also quite clear that our discussions are straining against the limitations of purely cerebral constructions. We have been trying to find that personal and intimate element without which knowledge and experience are at best sterile and at worst dangerous. None of this is accidental. On the contrary, we are approaching something very important: the limitations, under certain conditions, of Pure Reason. When the moment comes to make history, it not the philosophers who make it. It is made by other people, acting less rationally than professional spinners of theory. When one universe collapses and another is being born, Reason hovers, impotent, in the shadows. In keeping with the tone of most of our work and because truth, to be grasped, must be anchored in experience informed by passion I will argue my case from personal experience. In Bulgaria, the 1980s opened with the regime looking stronger and more popular than ever. Yet in the spring of 1983 it suddenly dawned on me that a society held together by a tissue of lies and fuelled by cynicism cannot survive for long the end of communism would fall well within my lifetime. This being the case, some preparation on my part was needed. I started racing through different schools of thought in various sciences history, political theory, cultural theory in order to work out, with the help of these tools, what needed to be done, when, how, to whom and by whom. In spite of the increasingly distracting presence, at my lectures at Sofia University, of stocky individuals wearing moustaches and raincoats, I spent several years trying to prepare my students for the coming upheaval, in which they would also have their part to play. When the upheaval started, I tried to act in accordance with the rational strategies that could be distilled from the accumulated wealth of social science. Every time I trusted intellectual discipline and philosophy, as opposed to the anarchical hooliganism, if you like, of my instincts, I failed to be useful. Every time I trusted my instincts for the wrong reasons, or for no reason I did the right thing. Ultimately, by early 1990, it had become abundantly clear that philosophy could not make history the owl of Minerva does, indeed, spread its wings only with the falling of dusk. I left my very senior position at a research institute, terminated my involvement with Sofia University, where I had lectured for four years, switched off that part of my brain which contained philosophy, and dived into street politics -

Feminism within American Institutions: Unobtrusive Mobilization in the 1980s

As the 1990s begin, few feminists subscribe to the popular wisdom that the women's movement is dead. Yet we also know that the public face of the feminist movement is not the same. Marches, protests, and demonstrations are now infrequent, press coverage is decreased, much of the drama is gone. Yet consciousness of continued gender inequalities has not abated. Abortion rights, sexual harassment, date rape, battering, pay inequities, women's double shift, the feminization of poverty, child care, and the burden that falls on women who care for aging parents are all issues that continue to generate public debate and private conversation. The form of feminist activism that fuels these debates and conversations has changed, however. Over the last decade the consciousness-raising functions of street politics and pressure group activity have been succeeded by a process of what might be termed unobtrusive mobilization inside institutions. Occurring inside institutions of higher education, foundations, the social services, the media, the professions, the armed forces, the

FORWARD? THE LIMITS OF LABOUR POLITICS IN SCOTLAND

The arrival of the first single volume history of the Labour Party in Scotland is to be welcomed. But in many ways the essays compiled, and largely written, by Ian Donnachie and his colleagues must also count as a missed opportunity. And the nature of this missed opportunity is implicit in the title of the text itself. On the one hand, Forward! rightly celebrates the contribution of the popular socialist newspaper edited by Tom Johnston which did so much to establish Labour, and more particularly the Independent Labour Party, as a cohesive political force in pre-1914 Glasgow. On the other hand, the title implicitly recalls the style of labour history in which the 'forward march' of the Labour Party of ineffectual local socialisms to a great party of imperial and national government is depicted as a 'magnificent journey' presided over by Labour leaders. In such accounts this Odyssey was made all the more difficult by a fractious membership reluctant to jettison their beliefs in the pursuit of power. Perhaps this is to make too much of the title, but given that the editors' intention is to synthesise recent research on Scottish popular politics it is a disappointment that the authors concentrate on the panjandrums of the People's Party, largely ignoring the expanding body of work which examines the role of the ordinary Labour member in Party affairs. 1922 was the watershed for Scottish Labour: the election of the 'Clydesiders' to Westminster marked the end of the long Liberal hegemony in Scottish politics and the beginning of Labour's dominance. The reasons why this breakthrough occurred in 1922 have been the source ofmuch debate. Christopher Harvie subscribes to the view that 1922 was not an electoral reward for Labour's or, more specifically, the ILP's role in the industrial and political unrest of wartime Glasgow. Rather, 1922 represented the culmination of decades of street and industrial politics in which the ILP had become the hub of a dense network of working-class organisations. From 1888 Labour was not only becoming an electoral force but was slowly infiltrating itself into every nook and cranny of working-class life. Ironically, it was the consistent weakness of the Labour Party in Scotland which enabled the ILP to become the central player in building the broad 'labour alliance' which slowly eroded the Liberal hold on Scottish popular politics. But Harvie seems to shrink from the full implications ofhis argument by suggesting that short-term factors

Street Politics in Hamburg, 1932–3

Journal Article Street Politics in Hamburg, 1932–3 Get access Anthony McElligott Anthony McElligott Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar History Workshop Journal, Volume 16, Issue 1, AUTUMN 1983, Pages 83–90, https://doi.org/10.1093/hwj/16.1.83 Published: 01 October 1983

"Street Politics" in Canada: An Examination of Mediating Factors

This article examines some of the factors related to 281 incidents of collective violence which occurred in Ontario and Quebec during the years 1963 to 1975. The primary intentions of this study are (1) to test a model of collective action developed from the work of Charles Tilly, Anthony Oberschall, and William Gamson; and (2) to determine to what extent the repertoires of collective action differ in these two provinces with their very different political cultures. The model presented here is premised on the assumption that conflict and collective action are an integral part of the political process which is characterized by the organization, mobilization, and maneuvering of various groups competing for power in a society. The street politics model thus contains a series of variables and hypothesized relationships which are felt to reflect various facets of group organization and process of competition.

Islam in Politics: The Case of Turkey

ONCE IRAN HAD CALLED FOR AN ISLAMIC REVOLUTION, THERE was speculation that the message might elicit a similar response elsewhere in the Islamic world. In fact, soon after the events in Iran, a group of foreign journalists arrived in Turkey and rumour had it that they had come to report on the Islamic revolt expected in Turkey as well. The expected, however, did not take place: instead, had the journalists stayed on, what they would have witnessed was the breakdown of democraci, and the installation of authoritarian rule by the staunchest de enders of secularism, the Turkish military. Islamic politics had been instrumental in exacerbating the democratic crisis, and hence the military takeover was partially directed against the Islamic politics of the National Salvation Party (NSP) and the street politics of radical Islamic groups. Islamic politics was strong enough to figure in the equation of democratic breakdown, but far too weak to detonate an Islamic revolution.The purpose of this essay is to look into the nature of Islamic politics in Turkey in terms of its past ventures in society, its recent involvement in party politics and its prospects for the future. Our fundamental assumption is that the specific characteristics of Islamic politics in Turkey are closely bound up with the state-dominant nature of Turkish political culture and society. More specifically, we attempt to show that changes in the nature of Islamic politics and movements, their organization, aims and strategies, have been in large part shaped by the changing structure and ideology of the state and the centralist elites.

Boston's Political Street Theatre: The Eighteenth-Century Pope Day Pageants

Boston's Political Street Theatre: The Eighteenth-Century Pope Day Pageants

Electoral Politics and Street Politics

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Songs of Irish Rebellion: Political Street Ballads and Rebel Songs

Songs of Irish Rebellion: Political Street Ballads and Rebel Songs

Songs of Irish Rebellion: Political Street Ballads and Rebel Songs, 1780-1900

Songs of Irish Rebellion: Political Street Ballads and Rebel Songs, 1780-1900

Notes on Political Street Theatre, Paris: 1968, 1969

From the early twenties, when the Paris Dadaists enacted the Trial of Maurice Barrès in the St. Julien le Pauvre Park, to the recent theatrical events of a political nature performed in the streets, there is a long story of militant outsiders and antiartists for whom the cultural industry is just another aspect of capitalism and, as such, must be destroyed. On the other hand there are non-political Fluxus-type events, arty-farty happenings, and street shows such as those organized by the Groupe de Recherche de l'Art Visuel which claim to be “unintentional” and not aimed at the destruction of the existing social structure. These events are still concerned with the history of art, of theatre, or of culture in general and tend to be quickly absorbed into the art market, the “avant-garde” department of Madison Avenue, and wind up as the latest form of entertainment for Jackie Onassis. It is important not to confuse the art of revolution with its commercial and bourgeois imitation.