Russian Politics Research Articles

“We Deal with the Undisputed, Undeveloped Russian Political Language”. Alexander Marey on His Journey in Medieval Studies, University Culture of Law and Translations

“We Deal with the Undisputed, Undeveloped Russian Political Language”. Alexander Marey on His Journey in Medieval Studies, University Culture of Law and Translations

Conceptional Transfer and Early Russian Modernity (Reflection on: Laboratory of Concepts: Translation and Languages of Politics in Russia in the 18th Century. Ed. by S.V. Pol’skoy and V.S. Rzheutskiy. Moscow: NLO publ., 2022)

The authors of the book investigate the practices of translation in the context of socio-cultural transformations in the early years of the Russian Empire. Europe and Russia in the Age of Enlightenment were radically different semiotic systems, so the interpreters of western philosophy and political literature sparked a sort of “cultural revolution” in terms of the transfer of ideas and concepts, the genesis of a new public language. Early Russian interpreters introduced the world of western thought and the languages of politics and social thinking to the elites and to the emerging civil society. And as such the corpus of Russian interpretations is a more eloquent reflection of intellectual evolution than the original writings of Russian thinkers of that time. And given the fact that in those times translations would always involve the inception of new lexical and semantic elements, the “laboratory of concepts” scientific metaphor used in the book to denote the intellectual origination of Russian modernity is absolutely justified.

«Степь кочующих Киргиз-Кайсаков»: Казахская степь на российских картах XVIII – начала XIX века и раннемодерная картография как источник для изучения географических представлений о Центральной и Северной Азии

The article is a review of seven 18th and 19th century Russian maps, some of them are published for the first time, with some added notes on the nature of the early and mid – 19th century maps. The main purpose of the text is to reveal the main features and ways to represent the Qazaq steppe in Russian early modern cartography. Using the concept of a cartographic pattern, the author shows the predominance of generalized and simple ways of transmitting information. The purpose of this situation is the fact that the very knowledge of the Qazaq steppe was a subject of peripheral interest in Russian politics and culture of the period. Also standard Russian map makers were far from understanding how the cultural landscape of nomadic peoples could be displayed. The maps in question are not only a tool that forms and transmits a certain perception of space - it is, in a completely modern spirit, a tool for transforming space, turning it from a permeable and difficult to control into a barrier, regulated by the efforts of the army and bureaucracy. On these maps, we see «zero images» (nulevye obrazy) or «lacuna images» (obrazy-lakuny) of the images of the Qazaq steppe, these parts of the cartographic materials are left empty. On the overview Siberian general map of 1765, the space on the other side of the border lines is signed: «The steppe of the nomadic Kirgis-Kaisaks» (Step’ kochujushhih Kirgis-Kajsakov). This is not a refusal to transmit information at all, and not a too burdensome way to mark on maps a significant territory, about the structure of which and life within which Russian cartographers seem to know little. It is likely that this is one of the most common perceptions of the Qazaq steppe in Russian cartography of the 18th – first half of the 19th century.

Book review: Party Politics in Russia and Ukraine: Electoral System Change in Diverging Regimes

Book review: Party Politics in Russia and Ukraine: Electoral System Change in Diverging Regimes

Идеология и война

The article explores the discursive means of expressing ideologies. It is postu­lated that a person in the conditions of a changing political situation is at the same time able to hide his ideological preferences, but find means to express them. A distinction is made between the use of rational constructs, which is changed under the influence of political conjuncture, and an emotionally colored assessment of facts. It is argued that ideology is more often transmitted through emotionally expressed communication. The concepts of “quasi-science” and “quasi-religion” are introduced, which complete the completeness of the ideo­logical discourse in the communicative space. A formal method is introduced to identify four modern ideologies. It is fixed that the main goal of ideology is to encourage joint social action. The conditions under which the change of ideo­logical constructs takes place are described. The ideas about the ideology of modern Russian politicians are analyzed. It is shown how the ideological support of a special military operation changes during the year. Conclusions are drawn about the dependence of the concept of war on the social stratum of a person in modern Russian society.

Историко-правовые аспекты использования теории разделения властей Ш.Л. Монтескье в отечественной политико-правовой мысли

Evolution of perception of Montesquieu’s doctrine by an outstanding figure of modern epoch in Russian prerevolutionary political-legal thought is considered in the article. It is noted that there is a certain tendency to reduce the essence of Montesquieu’s doctrine to schematic division of state power into legislative, executive and judicial branches. The methodological potential of the doctrine about the correspondence of the forms of organization of power to the specific conditions of society life is shown. The emphasis is on the predominant reference of the Russian pre-revolutionary legal science to the scheme of separation of powers, and not on revealing the factors determining the specifics of its application. The article gives a brief description of the standpoints of some Russian lawyers starting from the moment of penetration of Enlightenment ideas into the Russian intellectual space and up to the break in the scientific tradition in connection with the changes in the typology of Russian state system caused by the events of 1917. A number of peculiarities of the influence of Montesquieu’s doctrine on the definition of the status of executive power in the system of separation of powers are demonstrated. It is shown that Russian political and legal science had reached the level of understanding of necessity to take into account national peculiarities of state life of concrete people in forming the system of state government.

Russian Federation - from strength to weakness, from West to East, from a permanent member to a potential outsider

This article focuses on the Russian Federation as a state in between strength and weakness, West and East, a permanent member and a potential outsider. It begins with the Russian decline in power, using as measurable indicators the five dimensions of security promoted by the Copenhagen School of security studies. It continues with Russian foreign policy reconfigured from West to East and with proposals regarding the United Nations reform and the establishment of a new Special Court to sanction the Russian political and military leader’s crime aggression against Ukraine. In the end, the scenario method is a research method. We advance three possible scenarios: the most likely scenario for the Russian state that is based on the Russian state defeat, war reparations imposed and accountability for political and military leaders; the worst-case scenario that involves the tactical nuclear weapons use in Ukraine and an international answer accordingly and the optimistic scenario for the Russian state that involves winning the war, but without international recognition and legitimacy for victory.

Siberia, protest, and politics

Abstract After a spiritual epiphany, the Sakha shaman Alexander Gabyshev became prominent in 2018–2020 by calling Vladimir Putin an authoritarian demon. Critiquing Russia's corrupt society through the internet and a protest march, Alexander rose to civic society leadership with multiethnic sympathizers. This article explains why Alexander became popular, and how he became a threat to Russia's authorities, especially influential Russian Orthodox elites. Alexander's repression is placed in comparative contexts: Robin Hood, Amerindian religious movements, Russia's politicized abuse of psychiatric hospitalization. It examines the relationship among indigeneity, dissidence, and the state in times of trouble, highlighting the ethical need for anthropologists, through long-term and in-depth fieldwork, to expose human rights violations interpreted as changeable. The author views Alexander's potential martyrdom as an indicator of Russia's political and social fragility.

Научный взгляд на ценностные установки современной российской молодёжи: почему не складывается целостная картина?

The publication presents the author’s explanation of the reason why the picture of the value political orientations of young people, created by the efforts of many domestic researchers, does not look holistic and convincing enough to be used as an indisputable argument when choosing directions and methods for implementing state youth policy. The problem is not that different researchers build a hierarchy of values in different ways, to which the minds of young people are oriented. In a specific study, the greater significance of some values and the lesser significance of others is often determined, naturally, by its objectives, methodology, and conditions. The materials and conclusions presented in them convince the reader that the value orientations of young people for modern and future Russian politics contain as many threats as there are prerequisites for the state and society to be able to counter these threats. Such a “balanced” result of scientific research does not allow us to identify a trend towards changes in the value orientations of young people and, accordingly, to choose the most important direction for the implementation of state youth policy. The source of contradictions in the opinions of researchers about the state of value orientations of young people, the author considers the commitment of researchers to the social myth about youth, according to which the younger generation is both a risk factor for basic social practices and the main resource for their development.

Changing Menstrual Habits in Late 20th- and Early 21st-Century Russia

Emerging literature in Critical Menstrual Studies seeks to contextualize and decentralize the modern Western experience of the menstrual cycle, by paying closer attention to its various historical and cultural specificities (especially in the Global South). This paper extends the discussion by focusing on Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. The post-Soviet case is distinctive because, despite the USSR being a ‘developed’ country by international standards, Soviet menstruators relied on do-it-yourself substitutes and improvisational bodily techniques instead of industrially produced disposable tampons and sanitary pads. However, the seismic shifts in Russian politics, the economy, society, and culture that accompanied the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of a new capitalist economy also resulted in profound changes in the politics of menstruation.Drawing on the transcripts of recorded interviews with 80 participants, we enquire into the connections to and discrepancies between socialist ideology, scientific expertise, popular knowledge, and personal experiences of menstruation in the Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia. In tracing the evolution from cloths and chunks of cotton to sanitary pads and tampons, we remain attentive to the materiality of menstruation, but also approach the topic in terms of the history of the body: going beyond medical discourses of menstruation, we explore menstrual lived experience on a more visceral level.

The Role of the Russian Political Agency in Diplomatic Relations between the Emirate of Bukhara and the Russian Empire

Abstract The article analyzes the foundation of the Russian Imperial Political Agency (Politicheskoe agentstvo) in the Emirate of Bukhara, and initial activities in diplomatic relations between the Russian Empire and the Emirate. Based on existing correspondence between the chancellery of the qushbegi and the Agency, the structure and growth of the latter agency is analyzed. The diplomatic character of this correspondence is revealed through an in-depth study of the works of the chancellery, archives, and staff. The timeframe of the article starts from November 12, 1885 when the Russian State Council passed a decision on the establishment of the “Political Agency of the Russian Emperor in Bukhara”. This lasted until March 17, 1917.

A Theological Case for Ukraine’s European Integration: Deconstructing the Myth of “Holy Russia” vs. “Decadent Europe”

Since 24th February 2022, Russia’s so-called “special military operation” has evolved into a campaign of mass extermination and demoralisation of the Ukrainian civilian population. Despite the barbarism of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, several prominent Christian leaders have sought to justify the barbaric invasion by appealing to notions such as “Christian values” and “Christian civilisation.” According to this narrative, Putin’s Russia represents “traditional Christianity”, which is in opposition to the decadent forces of secular modernity, represented by the nations of Europe and North America. This exclusive narrative depicts Europe as a hostile Other, representing liberalism, superficiality and depravity, that is set against the supposedly profound “Russian values” of family, tradition and respect for authority. This perspective also presupposes that “innocent sinless Russia” is engaged in an apocalyptic struggle against the “sinful immoral West” on behalf of Christianity. This dubious claim is repeated by Russian politicians and church leaders and amplified by Russian propaganda networks. Ominously, the baseless notion of “special Slavic spirituality” is prevalent not only among Orthodox Christians, but also among some post-Soviet protestants. The aim of this article is to deconstruct this myth in both a positive and negative sense.

Українські ліберально-демократичні партії в Російській імперії на початку ХХ ст.: розробка проєктів державного устрою

The purpose of the research is to reveal the content of the projects of the state system developed by the Ukrainian liberal-democratic parties in the Russian Empire at the be- ginning of the 20th century, to carry out their comparative analysis. Research methodology includes the principles of historicism, objectivity, comprehensiveness, and systematicity, which are implemented using such research methods as analytical, comparative and others. Th e sci- entifi c novelty of the work lies in the fact that it holistically and comprehensively reveals the essence of the projects of the state system developed by Ukrainian liberal-democratic parties in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century, their comparative analysis is car- ried out, common features and existing diff erences are identifi ed, an attempt is made to give a modern assessment of their value, expressed critical perception of the possibilities of their imp- lementation. Conclusions. It was found that the projects of the state system, developed in the program documents of the Ukrainian liberal-democratic parties in the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century, having common features and certain peculiarities of their own, refl ected, in fact, only one concept of solving the issue of statehood, as they saw the future of Ukraine in its national-territorial autonomy as part of federal democratic Russia. Th ey did not consider or develop a concept that provided for the achievement of an independent Ukrainian state, which gives grounds for asserting that the development of the projects of the state system by the Ukrainian liberal democrats was not complete. Th e proposed party projects did not agree with the idea of a conciliar independent Ukrainian state, which was included as a strategic goal in the program requirements of Ukrainian parties in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 90s of the 19th century. From the point of view of civilizational development, the projects generally met the require- ments of the time and certainly had an external appeal. But today, taking into account the cen- tralizing tendency of russian politicians, the imperial experience of russia in the 20th and early 21st centuries, the genocidal war of the russian Federation against Ukraine, the reluctance of the russian power structures for decades to take the path of the democratic and legal development of the state, obviously, one can question their realism.

On double miss in Russian studies: can social and political psychology help?

ABSTRACT This essay highlights the potential analytical leverage from the import of recent approaches in social and political psychology into the study of politics in Russia. The core argument is that social psychology offers suitable conceptual and analytical tools to explore the political phenomena that have come to the forefront of social and political processes in Russia over the past decade. Social psychology is best at dealing with collective emotions and allows for integrating into the political analysis such affective issues as resentment, national humiliation, and collective victimhood. It also enables the appreciation and exploration of the phenomenon of political leadership from a collective perspective.

The Last White Victory: Aleksandr Guchkov and the Conradi-Polunin Process of 1923

Aleksandr Guchkov is a well-known figure of Russian politics from the first two decades of the 20th century. However, his activities in exile have not been thoroughly studied. Among the myriad of engagements against the Soviet regime in the 1920s–1930s that Guchkov planned, the Conradi-Polunin Process (May–November 1923) in Lausanne stands out. Through previously unpublished documents and other sources, this article analyses two developments. First, the crucial role that Guchkov played in the absolution of both men, who conspired and killed Soviet diplomat Vatslav Vorovsky, as the main compiler of evidence against the prosecution, turning the trial into a denunciation of communism. Second, the way in which Guchkov’s efforts in the Process engaged with the creation of Théodore Aubert’s Entente Internationale Anticommuniste (1924–1950), the most ambitious anticommunist organization within the transnational Right in the interwar period.

Age, Number of Children and Activity of Women in Russian Politics

The article reflects the specifity of women’s participation in the Russian political process for more than a century — from the creators of the first women’s political organizations, the Women’s Mutual Charitable Society and the Women’s Progressive Party, to modern leaders of the ruling party, systemic and non-systemic opposition. A list of pre-Soviet, Soviet, and post-Soviet women politicians, who were quite famous during the years of their public activity and were often mentioned in the media, has been compiled. It comprises more than fifty prominent public activists who held important government posts or were nominated by public opinion, including not only among those loyal to the authorities, but also dissidents in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. Their age, marital status, presence or absence of children are analyzed. The article attempts to identify the correlation between such parameters as gender, age, and time of entry into an active political life; to correlate these inputs with the number of children; and to substantiate the differences in the social expectations of the electorate of men and women in the political process. The hypothesis that married men with children dominate in the Russian politics has been confirmed. Women politicians in Russia are most often childless or have few children. Unlike foreign participants in the electoral process, Russians’ readiness to see women among representatives of the political elite does not grow every year but is constantly declining — and regardless of whether these women politicians become mothers or remain childless.

The political path of independent Ukraine from the national-state revival to its place in the modern historical process

The relevance of the stated research subject is conditioned upon the fact that at the beginning of 2022, Ukraine faced new challenges that threaten its sovereignty and territorial integrity and are related to russia's armed aggression. The full-scale invasion is frequently justified by russian politicians as a “fall from grace” and a historical misunderstanding. However, there are hundreds of facts that confirm the thesis that Ukrainian statehood is the result of the centuries-long struggle of the Ukrainian people for independence from the empire. The purpose of this research is to analyse the political path of Ukraine from the period of national and state revival to the present stage of historical development. To address the tasks set, the author used a range of general scientific and special research methods, including historical and genetic, political and legal analysis, and comparative and institutional analysis. The results obtained in the course of the study should be considered as the identification of the main stages of the establishment of Ukrainian statehood and the analysis of the events that established and strengthened Ukraine's independence. In addition, the author identifies the reasons for the strengthening of national-democratic movements and ideas during the Ukrainian Revolution in the late 1980s and in independent Ukraine, explains the content of national revival processes in different historical periods, and analyses the prospects for the development of the state against the backdrop of the war with russia. The materials of this study can be used in research and applied fields, and to explore the issues of Ukrainian state-building, nation-state building in the context of independence and transformation of political institutions

СПЕЦИФИКА ИСПОЛЬЗОВАНИЯ ПРЕЦЕДЕНТНОГО ФЕНОМЕНА В "ДНЕВНИКЕ ПОЛИТИКА" П.Б. СТРУВЕ

The paper studies the features of precedent texts, situations and names used in articles by Russian politician, economist and historian Pyotr Struve, and unified under the rubric “The politic’s journal” published in the newspapers “Vozrozhdeniye”, “Rossiya” and “Rossiya I slavyanstvo”. The article focuses on the precedent phenomenons associated with literary texts – from Russian epic to classical Russian literature of the 19th century. The regularity of introduction of quotes and literary anthroponyms is also highlighted. The author describes the meanings and roles of precedent texts in emigration discourse.

Russian politics in the Balkans and the 1903 crisis

After the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion, the situation in the Far East became increasingly dangerous. The contradictions between Russia and Japan in Manchuria and Korea were growing. To activate its policy in the Far East, Saint Petersburg needed a calm rear in Europe and the Balkans. Meanwhile, the situation in Macedonia threatened to put this rear in jeopardy. Russian-Ottoman relations were threatened by the actions of the VMRO activists and acts of terror committed by Albanians against Russian diplomats. Neither Constantinople nor Saint Petersburg wanted further complications. Nevertheless, Russia was forced to organize a naval demonstration and send its Black Sea Fleet Squadron to the European coast of Turkey. That did not lead to further development of the crisis. Faced with the prospect of a common European diplomatic front, which was based on the Russian-Austrian agreement in Mürzsteg, the Ottoman government took a number of measures against the organizers of terror and accepted a reform program in Macedonia, proposed by Russia and Austria-Hungary

‘Eternal Russian-Ukrainian friendship’ – a case study of how a political concept was memorialized and is dememorialized

The article touches on a concept that was in the very essence of imagining relations between Ukraine and Russia: ‘The Friendship of People’. The historical imagination had a tangible impact on Russian politics, and no political concept has ever been so damaging for Ukraine as this one. This concept undermined Ukraine’s subjectivity and led to the ‘rewriting’ of Ukrainian history. Monuments dedicated to the ‘friendship’ of these two peoples reveal the centrality of this notion in Soviet politics toward Ukraine. Notably, these monuments appeared only in Ukraine – there are none in Russia. The article analyses the erection of these monuments and how they have been dealt with since the start of the Russian war in Ukraine in 2014. It also shows how monumental art is used to foster specific interpretations of the past to define the present and future, and how this particular story of monuments and narratives has always been problematic in Ukraine. The article questions the homogeneity of Soviet political monumental heritage, presenting the complexity of monuments that depict national and Soviet narratives. These monuments and their interpretations should be discussed in the framework of a political campaign aimed at tying Ukraine to Russia. Therefore, the Ukrainian perspective on the notion of ‘friendship’and its memorialization is fundamental.