Political Reconciliation Research Articles

‘Un oubli généreux du passé’: Art, Politics and Oblivion, and the Salon of 1814

Abstract The collapse of Napoleon’s Empire and the restoration of Louis XVIII left a legacy so embittered that hopes of political reconciliation were thought impossible. To this end, the new constitution required that the atrocities of the past were simply ‘forgotten’. Artists responded to the call in a wide variety of ways: pictures of the nation’s ancient past, depictions of a sacral monarchy and images of domesticity had a renewed appeal and offered a narrative refuge from the traumatic memories of the Republic and Empire. But art’s relationship with criticism and politics was by no means stable. This essay examines the myriad ways in which the policy of ‘l’oubli’ shaped the production and interpretation of the pictures shown at the Salon of 1814, and the entangled, fragmented and contingent ties between art, politics, history and criticism at a moment of seismic political change.

External factors in democratic transition in Pakistan in 2008: an analysis of the US supporting role

The political history of Pakistan has seen ephemeral intervals of democratic rule while protracted periods of military rule. A landmark development happened when a peaceful democratic transition from the authoritarian rule of General Musharraf was held in 2008. The internal factors for this transition were an independent judiciary, vibrant media, civil society, and political consensus between major political parties. This article meticulously investigates the significant role of the US as an external factor in supporting the democratic transition in Pakistan in 2008. Data is collected from secondary sources like newspapers, journal articles, books, and websites. The US supported General Musharraf's regime as part of its war on terror strategy but also urged him publicly to restore democracy. The Bush administration encouraged negotiation between Benazir Bhutto and General Musharraf and supported a political reconciliation between them, which shaped the politics of Pakistan in a new direction. When General Musharraf adopted authoritarian means, the US pressured him to democratise by different means to reinforce its interest in counterterrorism. Under heavy pressure, General Musharraf resigned as army chief and lifted the state of emergency. Later, he resigned from the presidency to escape the humiliation of impeachment, and democracy was restored in Pakistan.

Stuart Hall's Relational Political Sociology: A Heuristic for Right-Wing Studies

Since 2016, there has been a flood of research on the US right spanning disciplines and methodologies. This article theorizes a conceptual heuristic drawn from the writing of Stuart Hall to integrate this scholarship. To make the case for what I term Hall’s political sociology, I stage a dialogue with Arlie Hochschild, whose 2016 ethnography Strangers in Their Own Land has become a classic in the literature. While both Hall and Hochschild stress the importance of documenting the affective nature of political subjectivities, Hochschild’s investment in a politics of reconciliation prevents her from scaling analysis up to political elites, a move that would enable her to better contextualize her findings. Hall offers a model for such an approach, as he connects political subjectivities to acts of articulation; these acts to hegemonic projects; and the impact of such projects to the conjuncture. I stylize Hall’s four-step conceptual frame as a relational cycle because it reconnects the historicizing work of conjunctural analysis to the felt experience of individual subjectivities. Beyond outlining Hall’s political sociology, I illustrate how its use as a heuristic can integrate recent research on the US right. This scheme corrects for an analytic shortcoming driven by Hochschild’s politics of reconciliation, namely a view that political progress will emerge from small-scale, cross-partisan dialogue. Though Hall offers no easy answers to the political questions of our time, his relational political sociology provides a tool for interlacing the research we have, thus rendering the massive challenges of the moment visible in all their detail.

Urban Colombian youths' perspectives on the armed conflict and possibilities for ways forward

AbstractIn the aftermath of intractable armed conflict, adolescents can play a critical role in the process of reconciliation and the construction of a culture of peace. The meanings they construct about these processes are a core aspect of their engagement (or lack thereof) in peace‐building initiatives. This study sought to document adolescents' perspectives on the Colombian armed conflict and the 2016 peace treaty, as well as their preferred resolutions to move forward after decades of harm and division. We interviewed 77 adolescents (39 girls, 38 boys) ranging from ages 14 to 19 years (M = 16.49, SD = .95) from two public schools in Bogotá, Colombia. We asked youth open‐ended questions about the history of the armed conflict, their position toward the peace accord, and their proposed optimal resolutions to address harms committed by the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia—Ejército del Pueblo (FARC). Using thematic analysis, we identified three overall themes in adolescents' responses: (1) cynicism toward peace and desires for retribution, (2) improving the lives of those they thought were most impacted, and (3) restoring relationships and ending cycles of violence. We discuss the implications of our findings for psychological scholarship, peace education, and politics of reconciliation in light of Colombia's current political and social climate.

China and Saudi-Iran Strategic Partnership Opportunities for Pakistan

The recent political reconciliation between Saudi Arabia and Iran has provided Pakistan with a multitude of possible benefits and opportunities. The primary objective of this study is to evaluate the capacity of Pakistan to emerge as a prominent regional actor. The achievement of this goal will be realized by a comprehensive analysis of the benefits and obstacles associated with a strategic partnership. The main aim of this study is to present a comprehensive and analytical framework for assessing the strategic alliance between China, Saudi Arabia, and Iran, and its potential implications for Pakistan and the surrounding area. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor presents itself as a potentially beneficial pathway for promoting cooperation and collaboration within this setting.

Presupposition in the Discourse of Political Reconciliation The Case of Obama's Speech to the Islamic World from Cairo University

The current paper investigates the use of presupposition in the discourse of political reconciliation implied in Obama's Cairo University speech. Semantic presupposition triggers are identified in the speech as establishing the taken-for-granted human values shared by the speaker and his audience in Egypt and the Islamic world. Pragmatic presupposition is at play to call upon the common mental images between America and the Islamic world and hence setting a basis for reconciliation as something inevitable between the two conflicting sides (America and The Islamic World).

Transformations of French policy towards Iraq after 2014 (Nature and paths of interaction)

Since 2014, French foreign policy towards Iraq has been characterized by a commitment to stability and security in the region. France has provided financial and military support to the Iraqi government in its fight against ISIS, while also engaging in diplomatic efforts to promote political reconciliation and economic development. France also sought to strengthen its bilateral relations with Iraq, especially in the areas of trade, energy and security. In addition, France has been actively involved in international efforts to address the humanitarian crisis in Iraq, providing aid and assistance to those affected by the conflict. French foreign policy towards Iraq has been guided by the desire to promote stability and security in the region, while also helping to ensure the long-term success of Iraq's transition to Democracy."

Truth processes and decolonial transformation: a comparative view of Guatemala, Peru, Chile and Colombia

This article explores periods of transformative politics in Guatemala, Peru, Chile and Colombia – states that have undergone processes of truth involving Indigenous peoples and have opted for multicultural neoliberal politics. We revisit the idea of decolonial transformation as an ongoing, unfinished process, while refining a framework of four factors that facilitate decoloniality. These factors include: (1) a process of truth or peace; (2) Indigenous leadership with a commitment to community participation; (3) the transfer of administrative autonomy over Indigenous governance and service provision; and (4) redistributive measures that favour Indigenous peoples. This framework is analysed and refined by bringing critiques of reconciliation politics from Indigenous resurgence scholars and decoloniality theories from Latin America into dialogue, and then analysing the above-mentioned Latin American case studies. We argue that processes of truth can open space for decoloniality, but only in circumstances where the strength of the three other factors contributes to the transcendence of neoliberal recognition politics.

Кадровые перестановки на китайском направлении внешней политики СССР в 1986 году

Introduction. The subject of the study is the personnel changes carried out by Mikhail Gorbachev in 1986 in the framework of putting forward the improvement of Sino-Soviet relations. The object of the study is the activities of high-ranking Soviet sinologist-diplomats in the context of developing and implementing the USSR’s China policy. The purpose of the study is to determine the key figures in the diplomatic circles of the USSR who were in charge of China issues and accordingly reveal their influence on the process of normalizing Sino-Soviet relations in the second half of the 1980s. Methods and materials. The analysis is based on the comprehensive and comparative use of the memories of witnesses to historical events in the USSR and the PRC, as well as archival documents from Russia and former socialist countries. Analysis. Immediately after coming to power, Gorbachev began to consider the improvement of relations with China a priority of Soviet foreign policy and showed great enthusiasm for it. But Brezhnev’s foreign policy elites, including the minister of foreign affairs, two deputy foreign ministers, the first deputy head of the Department for Liaison with Communist and Workers’ Parties of Socialist Countries, and the Soviet ambassador to the PRC, did not support his efforts. For this reason, personnel changes were made. In the spirit of “new thinking”, the successors of the old Soviet sinologist-diplomats actively promoted political reconciliation with Beijing, which led to the normalization of Sino-Soviet relations in a short time.

Unreconciled accounts? Screen and performing arts in post-conflict Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT In any post-conflict society, the work of creating an effective framework for truth and reconciliation is fraught with challenges that those in power will often seek to manage and manipulate. In this article we explore the critical role of the arts within the discourse of political reconciliation in contemporary Northern Ireland. Taking contemporary theatre and screen culture as our case-studies, we assess the extent to which these modes of cultural production create alternative spaces for dialogue and reconciliation in a dysfunctional post-conflict democracy, where the responsibility of political institutions and elites is failing to adequately address the rights of victims and survivors.

The War Against the Insurrectionary Movement in the Alpes-Maritimes and the Creation of a System of Social Control in the Time of Napoleon

The insurrectionary movement in the former exclave of the Sardinian kingdom — the county of Nice, began in 1792, immediately after the conquest by the French army, as a reaction to military violence, requisitions and robberies of the local population. The author of the article shows how and by what means this popular anti-revolutionary movement was suppressed in the first years of Napoleon's Consulate. As during the Directory, the government initially relied on forceful methods of suppressing the insurgents and “brigandage”. The civil administration, appointed by Napoleon as early as March 1800, took a different stance. The course towards establishing social peace and political reconciliation required other methods. The authorities tried to force and interest the local elites and the population to dissociate themselves from the rebels and achieved quick success in this. Now a fine selection was carried out: the ringleaders were severely punished, but not ordinary members of the “bands”. Special courts, which worked simultaneously with military tribunals, also acted in the same direction. The national guard was revived, and in some cases re-created in rural communes. As a result, a system of social control was created and the rural oligarchies began to support the new regime, but the cost of this success was the local civil war of 1800—1801, which probably claimed several thousand lives. The remnants of the rebels, excluded from society, marginalized, turned into criminal robbers from the main road, but the threat of the revival of the insurgent movement bothered the authorities even later. The article is based on materials from the National Archives of France, a report to the government of A. Français from Nantes in 1801 and other materials. In the article the author analyzes the different approaches of French historians to the problem of “brigandage” in the Mediterranean region during the period of Napoleon's Consulate.

Stand by lives: depoliticizing families of political prisoners in post-revolution Egypt

Since 2017, Committee for Justice has been working on monitoring and verifying human rights violations inside Egyptian prisons and places of detention under its project «Detention Watch». Based on findings of in-depth interviews with 10 relatives of political prisoners during March and September 2022, this article presents the cases of families who are active and inactive social and economic agents representing different groups of the Egyptian population. It focuses on the impact of human rights violations on depoliticizing relatives of political prisoners –wives, parents, and children– and how this affected their efforts to over the economic hardship, as well as their attitudes regarding migration, protesting, and political reconciliation with the regime. In doing so, the article mires to explore the personal, economic, social, and political results of repression and how these have led to increased depoliticization among individuals who are affected indirectly by human rights violations.
 Received: 20 May 2022 Accepted: 16 November 2022

Behavioral consequences of intergroup sensitivity

AbstractCommunication of criticism between groups is important to productive societal discourse, but may serve to inflame conflict. The defensive rejection of intergroup, relative to intragroup, criticism (intergroup sensitivity effect [ISE]) may contribute to such divides. The ISE has been observed in self‐report measures, but such measures are weak and biased predictors of actual (divisive) behavior. We review recent research demonstrating that the ISE does have costly behavioral consequences. We next consider the debate concerning whether the ISE reflects defense of a valued social identity or enforcement of a conversational norm. We therefore review recent evidence for an ISE among individuals lacking identification with the target of the criticism. Third, we examine how the ISE may affect a variety of behaviors relevant to societal divisions, including political reconciliation, environmental sustainability, and vaccination. Lastly, we outline future research that can clarify the underlying mechanisms of the ISE and promote conciliatory intergroup behavior.

Congruence of national and Europarty manifestoes in the EU elections 2019

This paper seeks to answer the question how congruent the policy positions of the four main Europarties were compared with their respective national member parties, as well as how they influenced each other in the drafting process, using the comparative example of German parties in the EU election 2019. It finds that the programmatic congruence of Euro- and their German member parties is small, with only insignificant coherences in issue salience and policy prioritization. In fact, some parties are even revealed to have higher programmatic congruence with other German parties than with their own Europarty. Nevertheless, cases of up- and downloading of policy positions as well as general political reconciliation processes are reported for all parties.

David Gaertner. The Theatre of Regret: Literature, Art, and the Politics of Reconciliation in Canada

David Gaertner. <i>The Theatre of Regret: Literature, Art, and the Politics of Reconciliation in Canada</i>

Remaking Contact in That Deadman Dance: Australian Reconciliation Politics, Noongar Welcoming Protocol, and Makarrata

Remaking Contact in That Deadman Dance: Australian Reconciliation Politics, Noongar Welcoming Protocol, and Makarrata

The Abyss of Ethnic Division: Two Decades of Discussing War in the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina

The article analyses over two decades of parliamentary debates in Bosnia–Herzegovina in order to understand the role of war past in the political reconciliation of Bosnian elites. We show that the discourse of war identified in the Parliament of Bosnia–Herzegovina structurally differs from the mainstream notion of Bosnian politics. The patterns detected in the parliamentary debates indicate that the central conflict exists primarily alongside Bosniak–Serb grievances, with Croat MPs being far less engaged. We argue that the three-sided conflict, often portrayed by literature as the major obstacle to reconciliation in Bosnia–Herzegovina, needs to be re-evaluated as a 2 + 1 model in which Croat MPs play a balancing role in maintaining the Post-Dayton status quo.

How not to mediate conflict

Abstract This article questions the appropriateness of third parties' interventions seeking to foster political reconciliation. The analysis is divided into three parts. The first stresses a widely accepted premise in the field of conflict resolution, namely that mediation oriented towards reconciliation is inherently positive. The second part questions this moralistic perspective. It emphasizes the limits of specific mediation processes designed to transform the relationships between former enemies. The third part concentrates on the ‘pragmatics’ of mediation. It highlights the tensions, contradictions, and dilemmas faced by third parties eager to favour a rapprochement between parties. The intention of the article is to be neither cynical nor euphoric about calls for reconciliation coming from third parties. It explores the notion of failure, considering three main variables: the actors' intentions, timing, and the effects on the most affected populations (survivors and families of victims). From a practical perspective, a better understanding of the issue is a sine qua non condition for more efficient interventions. From an ethical perspective, it is crucial to consider whether calls for reconciliation coming from outside might paradoxically contribute to new patterns of exclusion.

North-South Partnership in God’s Mission: Joining Hands in the Construction of a Reconciliation Politics

This paper asks if there any hope today, in the midst of the pulls and tugs of current globalizing and counter-globalizing forces, of differing theological outlooks and intestine tensions, that the world Church can constitute a politics of reconciliation instead of one characterized by polarized confrontation. Employing the metaphor of “hands,” it proposes some needed steps towards the realization of that hope. Hands can join in reconciliation when they are open in confession and emptied of the manipulation of money, when all hands are welcome at the table, wounded as they are, and when they are raised in communal praise and supplication.

İç Savaş Sırasında Uygulanan Seçimlerin Ulus İnşa Sürecine Etkileri: Libya 2014 Parlamento Seçimleri Üzerinden Bir Değerlendirme

Makalede iç savaş sırasında ya da hemen sonrasında gerçekleşen seçimlerin demokrasi, kalıcı istikrar ve toplumsal barış üzerindeki etkileri incelenecektir. Bu çerçevede 2014 Libya parlamento seçimleri temel vaka olarak belirlenmiştir. Libya örneği üzerinden yapılacak kapsamlı inceleme, alan literatüründen ayrışmakla beraber özellikle Ortadoğu ve Afrika’daki istikrarsız ve başarısız devletlerin kökenlerini anlamak bakımından önemlidir. Çalışmada nitel araştırma yönteminden faydalanılmıştır. Bu doğrultuda öncelikle teorik bir çerçeve çizilecek, Libya’daki çatışma ortamının gelişimi ve içeriğine bağlı olarak seçimlerin hangi saikler doğrultusunda kutuplaştırıcı bir etken olduğu ve ne tür güvenlik risklerini beraberinde getirdiği makalede analiz edilecektir. Bağlılık, meşruiyet ve güvenlik alt başlıkları altından 2014 parlamento seçimlerinin Libya’nın toplumsal ve askeri entegrasyonu başta olmak üzere siyasi uzlaşı sürecini aksattığı çalışmada detaylı örnekler ile beraber işlenmektedir. Bundan hareketle Libya iç savaşı sonrası siyaset sahnesinde ön plana çıkan paydaşların seçimleri iktidara ulaşmada bir araç olarak gördüğü ve bu bağlamda seçim sonuçlarının ayrışmaları tetikleyen bir meşruiyet krizi yarattığı varsayımı ileri sürülmektedir.