Political Power Research Articles

Hierarchical Political Power and the Value of Cash Holdings

Hierarchical Political Power and the Value of Cash Holdings

Party platforms and entrepreneurial pathways: Exploring the impact of political parties on venture formation

ABSTRACT Political institutions meaningfully shape entrepreneurial outcomes. In the present study, we explore how the legislative partisanship of U.S. states, which we define as the concentration of political power across legislative branches of government, influences entrepreneurial activity. We contend that states led by Republican governors and legislatures will experience elevated levels of new venture formation. Moreover, we argue that this effect becomes stronger as the political power held by the Republican Party increases. We further suggest that economic freedom strengthens the relationships between both Republican governors and legislatures and new venture outcomes. Contrary to our primary theorizing, our results demonstrate that Democratic governors are linked to a higher number of new ventures formed. However, we find support for our remaining four hypotheses. Overall, we offer novel theoretical contributions to research on political institutions and entrepreneurship, as well as political science.

The Impact of Iran’s Support for Armed Militias on Political Divisions in States: The Cases of Lebanon and Iraq

This study explores the impact of Iran’s support for armed militias on political divisions in Lebanon and Iraq. It delves into the mechanisms through which such support exacerbates internal divisions, undermines state authority, and influences governance. By analyzing case studies from Lebanon and Iraq, the research identifies patterns of political fragmentation, challenges to sovereignty, and regional implications. Recommendations are proposed for mitigating the adverse effects of external support for militias on domestic politics. Iran’s involvement has proven to be a double-edged sword, providing militias with resources and strategic depth while fragmenting national political landscapes. Lebanon and Iraq, despite their distinct historical and political contexts, share similarities in how Iran’s support has shaped their internal dynamics. Hezbollah in Lebanon, for instance, represents the epitome of a hybrid organization that wields both political and military power, undermining the authority of the central government. On the other hand, Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) highlight how militias can become embedded within state structures, challenging the very sovereignty they purport to protect. This study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how external support for militias translates into domestic political crises. It further investigates the broader regional ramifications of such interventions, considering how Iran’s strategies align with its geopolitical goals. Through a detailed exploration of Lebanon and Iraq, this research seeks to illuminate the mechanisms by which external interference disrupts governance, perpetuates sectarianism, and destabilizes regions. Moreover, the research delves into historical antecedents, tracing Iran’s militia strategies back to the Iranian Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War. It highlights how these historical moments laid the foundation for Tehran’s contemporary policies. By focusing on the socio-economic dimensions, this study examines the dual role of militias in providing services to local communities while simultaneously undermining state legitimacy. The interplay of political, economic, and military factors forms the crux of this investigation, shedding light on the complex relationship between external actors and domestic instability

Beyond Factory Walls

This study explores the practice of Community Unionism (CU) as a response to the challenges that member of labor union faced in the area of Mega Regency Housing complex in Bekasi Regency, Indonesia. CU emerges as an alternative strategy that expands the role of union member from mere workers in the workplace to be part of the wider community. CU views workers are not only as economic entities, but also social ones, which in return can strengthen social solidarity among union member and political bargaining power. This research uses qualitative methods, including literature review, in-depth interviews, observation, and document analysis, to answer a question and analyze how CUs operate in one of housing complexes populated by union members in the region. The results show that CUs are able to improve the bargaining position of workers while providing significant benefits to local communities. This study contributes to the Indonesian labor literature by filling the knowledge gap regarding CUs in Indonesia, as well as offering insight into the potential of CUs in strengthening the labor movement and promoting social justice at the community level. The research emphasizes the importance of community-based approaches in contemporary labor movement strategies to achieve broader social transformation.

What is authoritarianism? A justificatory account

Authoritarian social movements and governments have brought about some of the greatest horrors in human history. Naturally, research in the social sciences has aimed at developing an understanding of authoritarianism. Certain kinds of authoritarian things, like personalities or governments, are better understood as a consequence, but a general concept of authoritarianism remains absent. I develop a general account of the concept of political authoritarianism which I call justificatory authoritarianism. According to this view, authoritarianism is a justification of the imposition of political power over others by appeal to a prospect for considerable collective benefit, and that justification serves to suspend or suppress constraints on the exercise of political power.

Bottom-up perspectives on “climate adaptation” from “vulnerable” coastal communities: a political ecology perspective from Taiwan

ABSTRACT The global climate crisis severely affects coastal communities worldwide. Not only do coastal communities have to cope with the effects of the climate crisis, such as sea-level rise, increased flooding, changing weather patterns, droughts and increased salinisation, they also have to cope with other non-climate related shocks and stresses. Many studies often focus on the “climate adaptation” processes of these “vulnerable” communities in linear and cause-and-effects ways. This study approaches the concept of climate adaptation and vulnerability from a political ecology perspective in the context of coastal Taiwan – a region heavily affected by climate change. Through in-depth interviews, this study argues that households have developed various strategies to adapt not only to environmental changes (e.g. increased cold spells and flooding) but also to top-down flood hazard mitigation planning and infrastructure, changing demographics, and encroaching solar panel companies (for the “greater good of the nation”). Furthermore, decisions made in the past have a direct impact today, such as land subsidence due to the massive shift towards aquaculture several decades ago. These factors showcase how adaptation and vulnerability are relational concepts being coshaped by both structural determinants, such as political economy and power relations, and micro-level factors, such as personal aspirations and people’s life courses.

“Bakas Lewu”: Political Broker in the Manduing Taheta Village Election, Central Kalimantan

Bakas Lewu is a group of elders in the Dayak Ngaju language of Central Kalimantan. Previous studies have been more oriented towards mapping brokers in mobilizing material resources to influence voters. The purpose of this article is to explore the role of Bakas Lewu as political brokers, especially how they work, involving culture and social power, which has been discussed to a limited extent. This study was conducted qualitatively and the main data source came from interviews with key informants who knew about the village head election (Pilkades) cases in Manduing Taheta, then analyzed in depth and interactively. This study shows that Bakas Lewu as political brokers play an important role in mobilizing political support based on social relations, kinship, and local Dayak culture by relying on interpersonal communication, narrative control, and social networks to build community trust and loyalty. This phenomenon emphasizes that political power in the village is more influenced by personal and social relationships than material transactions. This study challenges the dominant approach that sees political brokers in Indonesia as transactional actors, by highlighting the importance of local social and cultural dynamics. These findings indicate the diversity of political brokerage practices and suggest more research on how social relations, such as kinship and loyalty, play a role in mobilizing political support, opening up new perspectives in the study of local politics in Indonesia.

The Role of Emotions, Power, and Politics in Setting Policy Agenda: A Theoretical Analysis of Policy Inaction in the Shipbreaking Industries in Bangladesh

Agenda-setting may not always be a rational process and depends mostly on the perception of the policy problem made by the policy entrepreneurs to the decision-makers where ‘non-decision’ or ‘policy-inaction’ is also a kind of decision to avoid certain issues. Taking the existing ship-breaking policy of Bangladesh as a case study, this study tries to theoretically analyze how the level of public emotions and exercise of political power impact policy-making in a policy domain that resulted in no policy change. The study applies mainly two theories of public policy: the threshold model of the policy process by Christopher Pepin-Neff and the theory of three faces of power by Lukes which relates public emotions and political power with policy formulations. The study argues that, according to these theories, the case study is an example of high emotion policy threshold (HEHP) issue where, despite the initiatives by some policy actors to open a new policy window and the demands of the advocacy coalition consisting of International Labour Organization (ILO) and non-government organizations (NGO), the government used covert power to establish the preference of employment generation, national GDP and GNP and exclude the demand of policy-redesign from policy-agenda. The objective of this study is not to establish a new proposition of policy discussion but rather to discuss policy inaction or agenda-setting in an existing problem from a new perspective, theoretically from two distinct points of view: emotions and political power.

System justification and the American alt-right

ABSTRACT While a non-trivial number of Americans identify with the political positions and preferences often associated with the “alternative right” (alt-right) movement, scholarly debate exists concerning adherents’ core beliefs and their potential for supporting violent mobilization. In this paper, we examine supporters of the movement in greater detail. We argue that contrary to its name, the alt-right, from the perspective of the individual supporter of the movement, is not perceived as an alternative to conventional conservatism, but rather the rightful heir to political power. Using data from two original, national surveys of Americans, fielded in June 2020 (N = 2563) and January 2022 (N = 2223), we identify the common psychological orientation underpinning alt-right identity. We find strong support for our core hypothesis that system-justifying individuals – those with a psychological orientation to legitimate and defend the status quo – are significantly more likely to identify with the alt-right. Moreover, the alt-right’s system-justifying ideology is used to legitimate their use of political coercion while delegitimizing political collective action on the left.

The political power of Muslim social capital in Europe and North America

ABSTRACT The social lives of Muslims living in the West are often regarded with suspicion, based on the assumption that social embeddedness within a Muslim community compromises more widespread integration and social cohesion. This article tests these claims by examining the relationship between Muslim social capital and political participation. Using original data from 2,341 Muslims in Canada, France, Germany, the UK, and the US, it finds that Muslim structural, cognitive, and civic social capital all support political participation. Within structural capital, both bonding and bridging networks are positively associated with mainstream political activities, but bonding networks predict protest activities. Very few indicators of social capital share a negative relationship with participation, and the two that do (trust in the government, size of close friend group) only suppress protest, which may suggest that they capture civic satisfaction. There are some national-level differences in political participation after controlling for other variables, but not many, suggesting similar mechanisms mobilize and facilitate Muslim political participation across national contexts. These findings should be a relief those who are concerned that Muslim networks are encouraging withdrawal.

Soft balancing in the regions: causes, characteristics and consequences

Abstract US decline and retrenchment is increasing the importance of regional dynamics across the international system. Over the past decade, International Relations scholars have described and conceptualized this development variously as ‘de-centred globalism’, a ‘multi-order world’, a ‘multiplex world’ or a multicultural ‘no one's world’, but the links between the regional and global levels and the roles and functions of regional institutions in power politics continue to be poorly understood. This special section uses the analytical lens of soft balancing—that is, attempts at restraining a threatening power through diplomatic and institutional delegitimation—to explore these links. Soft balancing has been used extensively to understand developments at the great power level, but its focus on diplomatic and institutional strategies holds considerable potential for explaining how rising powers, middle powers and smaller states seek to navigate the emerging international order. Contributors to the section discuss developments in the Indo-Pacific, central Asia, Europe and BRICS to answer questions such as: what are the characteristics of soft balancing in the regions? How do regional actors apply different soft balancing strategies? When and under what conditions will soft balancing strategies be effective? What is their impact on regional and global orders? This introduction offers an overview of soft balancing in theory and practice and their relevance to the world's regions.

When Children Join the Coalition: Apparent Hereditary Grooming as a Power-Preservation Tool in Post-Soviet Autocracies

Why does what appears to be hereditary grooming—promoting children to positions of political power—remain widespread in dictatorships even though successful hereditary successions are relatively rare? We analyse an original dataset on apparent hereditary grooming events across all autocracies in the post-Soviet region from 1992 to 2019. We show that apparent grooming is surprisingly normal in post-Soviet autocracies and that the political positioning of children is driven by demonstration effects and rulers’ need to consolidate or expand control over the ruling coalition. The article improves our understanding of autocratic succession, regime stability and ruler–elite relations in post-Soviet autocracies and beyond.

Taking Political Power from the Fossil Fuel Industry in advance

Taking Political Power from the Fossil Fuel Industry in advance

Cohabitation, Ethnicities and Tolerance: An Anthropological Approach to the Political Conflicts in Mozambique

Mozambique is a country with cultural segregation along its rivers, dividing the main ethnic groups of the Machangana, Macena, and Macua, respectively from the South, Centre and North. This division has led to internal conflicts, seemingly rooted in ethnicity. The aim of this study is to analyse the tolerance of the main ethnic groups in Mozambique in terms of cohabitation, sharing opportunities, and political power. The study utilizes participant observation in the field, group discussions, and a questionnaire targeting 150 respondents, with 50 in each ethnic group. The data were analytically crosschecked to compare the opinions of people from different ethnic groups. The responses from the questionnaire were analysed statistically to understand the level of tolerance among the ethnic groups and their perceptions of sharing opportunities and political power. As a conclusion, people in Mozambique are generally tolerant of cohabiting or marrying individuals from different ethnic groups. However, when it comes to sharing opportunities such as employment or business, they perceive individuals from different ethnic groups to be taking away opportunities. Similarly, each ethnic group believes that having a president from their own group would lead to better opportunities for their community. It is important to address this intolerance, as it can be a source of internal political conflicts. The anthropological approach provides a valuable tool for diplomacy channels to ensure long-lasting peace.

Information Contained in the “Ming Shilu” on the Timurid Embassies To China

The article is devoted to information from Chinese sources, first of all, “Ming shilu” (“True records [of the reign of the Ming Emperors”), about trade and embassy relations between Amir Temur and his descendants with the emperors of the Ming dynasty. The first emperor Ming – Hongwu (1368-1398 ave.) tried, in addition to restoring the “Chinese world order”, to establish relations between China and neighboring states, destroyed by previous dynasties. The Yongle Emperor (1402-1424) also actively encouraged the expansion of trade and tried to increase the number of embassies arriving in China. For the preference of the Turkestan countries, the Minsk court allowed their embassies to trade freely with the population without levying taxes. Pursuing a policy of activating the visits of embassies from these countries, the Yongle Emperor thus used the local political power of this region to neutralize the huge Mongolian forces from the north. Despite the “tributary” relations, Central Asian traders, receiving rather generous gifts and preferences in return for the so-called “tribute”, were interested in frequent visits to China. After the death of Amir Temur, the relations between his descendants and the Ming Dynasty improved and began to develop actively. The main commodity in which the Chinese court was interested was horses. Along with the Central Asian horses, which were invariably welcomed by the Chinese emperors, other goods appear, such as jade and wild animals, mainly lions. Embassies from Samarkand and Herat brought jade to China in large quantities. Khotan jade, whose history dates back several millennia, was especially famous. As for wild animals, at first the Ming emperors welcomed gifts that were unusual for China and rewarded the envoys with valuable gifts. Data on this is contained in many Chinese written works. But later, due to the high cost of keeping wild animals, government officials tried to limit their intake. After Yongle's death, China abandoned its early expansionist policies due to their ineffectiveness. Expensive expeditions, such as the naval missions of the famous Admiral Zheng He, were also discontinued.

La science, de l’erreur à la fraude. Le cas de Lyssenko

This study starts with a general philoso-phical analysis of error and its causes, supplemented by details drawn from the life sciences, where there are many errors:whether experimental errors, errors of interpretation or errors of ignorance. The case of the soviet agronomist Trofim Lyssenko is then discussed, as an example of pseudo-science resulting from his neglect of the basic epistemological norms of scientific research regarding reproducibility, deliberate ignorance of contrary results and requirements of proof, and finally of established fraud in overestimating results to the benefit of political power.

“Deterrence” Then and Now: Mapping the `Deterrence` in the Contemporary Digital-Epoch

The concept of deterrence has fundamentally changed in the contemporary digital age, as it is now geographically embedded in evolving social dynamics. Historically, deterrence operated primarily at a different level, aiming to deter adversaries from action through military or political power. In contrast, modern deterrence has expanded to include areas such as cyberspace and information operations. With state and non-state actors using social media to project their power and influence, it has become an essential platform for these new forms of deterrence. Additionally, as new challenges emerge, it becomes increasingly difficult to identify and target specific individuals. Many countries also face considerable difficulties in controlling the flow of information and combating disinformation. This study examines the pros and cons of deterrence in the digital age and suggests new strategies to achieve effective deterrence in the current environment.

Prophecies of Civilizational Collapse 2.0: Michel Houellebecq’s Submission

The paper interprets a fictional biography of a French university professor bored with life. He tries the usual medicines: sex and other physical pleasures, debates with peers, and monastery solitude. No remedy seems to work. He fails to pay attention to one of his student lovers who chose commitment to a set of beliefs in Israel over pointless existence in Paris. The novel ends with political power in France passing on to the Muslim Brotherhood. The expected changes in social life follow. The professor allows himself to be carried on by the wave of decisions and beliefs provided by others. The paper argues that, in contrast to Mikhail Bulgakov’s thesis that “cowardice is the greatest sin,” Michel Houellebecq suggests that indolence is the source of our failures.

The Role of E-Governance in Enhancing Public Service Delivery: A Study of Developing Countries

A government website on the internet is just one component of what is known as e-governance. Providing assistance and making governance more straightforward for all stakeholders, including the government, people, and enterprises, is the primary purpose of e-governance. Through the use of information and communication technologies, all three parties may be connected and actions and processes can be supported. To put it another way, electronic methods are used to promote and inspire good governance in the context of e-governance. Therefore, the objectives of e-governance are comparable to the goals of good governance. The exercise of economic, political, and administrative power in order to better manage the affairs of a nation at all levels is one definition of good governance. It is not possible for individuals living in industrialized nations to conceive of a scenario in which all interactions with the government might be conducted via a single counter, 24 hours a day, seven days a week, without the need to wait in queue.

The Intersection of Political Power and Data Exploitation: Implications for Privacy and Security in Ghana's Digital Age

The Intersection of Political Power and Data Exploitation: Implications for Privacy and Security in Ghana's Digital Age