Political Necessity Research Articles

Global tolerance and its impact on peace

The concept of tolerance is gaining its importance in the midst of an international society suffering from violence, wars and internal and international crises. It is practiced by extremist and extremist forces and movements acting in the name of religion to exclude the different Muslim and non-Muslim people according to the unethical practices and methodologies of Islamic law and reality. , Cultural, civilization .. that distinguish our world today. The society today is suffering from the ideas of the intellectual and aesthetic views of the different ideologically, ethnically, culturally and religiously in the world of the South. This is what the end-of-history thesis of Fukuyama and the clash of civilizations represented to Huntington. Therefore, it is necessary to confront these extremist and extremist ideas and behaviors. Peace, security and freedom in the international community of justice and equality, needs to be addressed intellectual, cultural, moral and political before they are legal, these treatments are based on dialogue and cooperation and trust and respect and mutual recognition and tolerance so we find the importance of tolerance to The international community is concerned about the need for mechanisms that confront terrorism and violence with an ideology based on respect for the right of diversity, diversity and pluralism. Accordingly, tolerance is a political, cultural and moral necessity based on international legal foundations represented by the United Nations. Through its conferences, declarations and international resolutions issued by it and its specialized agencies, culminating in the Universal Declaration of Tolerance and the International Day of International Peace, and the political foundations represented by democracy and global citizenship that respects all identities and seeks to respect the rights of other identities under the umbrella of international identity Nsanhuahdh respects everyone, a society with a humanitarian goal of a global civil and Ahdlaaaraf borders and the identity of certain Qomahdolh, cultural and educational foundations through plans and programs with educational encourage a spirit of tolerance and world peace. The study was divided into three topics: the first dealt with the concept of tolerance and world peace, and the second topic dealt with the impact of international law and citizenship. In the promotion of world peace "as one of the elements of global tolerance. The last topic included" the role of democracy and education education "in the promotion of world peace and concluded the study by conclusion.

The safeguard of a rural landscape and of its use. Study on the western-south of Lazio (Italy).

The paper analyses the policy of the preservation and enhancement (from the economic point of view) of the rural landscape in the western-south of Lazio, and especially in the territory of Agro Pontino. The final act of the reclaimed land, during the Fascism, was realized with the development of the main preservation laws on what, nowadays, is defined as “cultural heritage” but, at that time, was described as “things of historical and artistic interests” and “natural beauties”. The development of the policy of the Italian preservation went in parallel with a deep interesting on the rural world, representing the base of the national economy. The paper starts from the Italian liberal policy of the first decade of the 20th century, considering the maturing attention on the Italian territory between the needs of the economic emergencies (and the rural settlement planning) and the necessary attention of the land management. The investigation on the interaction of the economic interests with the cultural (and political) necessity of the safeguard of the national territorymust underline the role of public and private interests, and their influence, on the use of the territories and on the realization of the marshes of the Agro Pontino, a new reclaimed geographical area, very close the beautiful land of the ancient Vulcan of Lazio (nowadays “Parco dei Castelli Romani”).

Pleasure Verses: A Five Element Set

Pleasure Verses:A Five Element Set Ruth Nicole Brown (bio) I offer five pleasure verses, which I define as nuanced expressions on a joypain continuum that emerge from collective work which SWINGS SLAPS and SUFFOCATES the status quo. These pleasure verses exemplify Midwestern erotic aesthetics of cold double negatives and I-will-show-you-how-I-heard-us pedagogies of impossibilities transformed by collective work that continually and continuously remakes Black girlhood through practice as praxis. These verses are a direct engagement with creative nonfiction, a pleasure of mine, and also an analytic of feeling Everywhere: worlds. Everywhere: Black girls.1 Wind chills: Below zeroBlack girlhood studies is hereand of us who have been workingfor years, decadessomehow always knowbefore the humanities and sciencesBlack girlhood, universethe unknown still greater than the knownSo there is absolutely no need toreplicate proliferateand say, I will always iron2 when she tries to give up one thing by letting them have it only to give up another there is love and failure which is not failure really only an overindulgent waitfor us creating this timewith a device that deschoolsso we can startwith what we thinklike maybe perhapsBlack girlhoodas flowerBlack girlhood divinityinquisitionsas purple [End Page 179] and every colorso much variation to be the blue & the red the green, the hot pink3 somebody let the yellow in4trauma is but one look & I think it's perfectly natural to look skyward.5 First: Future Real Conditional In Listening to Images, Tina Campt wrote, I remain committed to a Black feminist praxis of futurity and the grammar of the future real conditional. More specifically, I feel a deep accountability to the had to of this tense and the necessity of its (grammatically implied) "must." For I believe that the challenge of Black feminist futurity is the constant and perpetual need to remain committed to the political necessity of what will have had to happen, because it is tethered to a different kind of "must."6 The grammar of the future real conditional of knowing and remembering Black girlhood with Black girls and homegirls must sound like: organizing Black girlhood with Black girls and homegirls will have had to happen, for my belief in Black girlhood to be greater than my love for the institution and for me to act like I know deep satisfaction making music with Black girls and homegirls will have had to happen, for our Black girl freedom songs to peer mediate, remind us who we are when we've forgotten, and of course instigate love and new groups, duos, and relations animating everything but the "I, expert" Black Girl Genius Week will have had to happen, for all of our sake, so it can't be that same old; dusty respectable song of etiquette and reform nor the equally worn out "only I know it theory of relativity" that leaves grandma unimpressed as Toni Cade Bambara narrated in "The Education of a Storyteller"7 remembering Kenneka Jenkins, Latasha Harlins, and Sakia Gunn will have had to happen, for Black girls present-alive, and looking back at us, to reappear and save their truths so we can carry them with us into the now [End Page 180] Dynamic Duos: Rest and CollaborationBlack girlsa complete audienceeven asevery categorization is missing somebodyi can't afford to cheapenwhile doing radical Black girlhoodreally those words tryand livebutabsolutely do knowwhatever kind of Black girlhoodi'm writing aboutthinking throughorganizing withI have been a pleasure: being8the audiencelooks very much like the same peoplewho made me possiblehere now and at firstglance, maybe that leap don't look big enoughare these anxieties valid?what would happen if that shadow work became public?plan tokeep those folks who grew me, with mewelcoming our circumstancesnow that it's allchanged and stayed the sameso that itoomay knowrestcollaboration annnnnnnnnddd so that homegirlstoomay knowrest andcollaboration BeCaussssssse there are Black girls who...

El reasentamiento en contexto minero. Entre la sugestión y la imposición de un nuevo orden

According to the institutions (the International Financial Corporation - IFC and World Bank - WB) that regulate population resettlement and are in charge of issuing population resettlement standards, and, according to the entities that enforce these regulations, in theory, resettlements have to take place only when they are “necessary”. However, several cases has shown that what is necessary for mining projects developers differs from what is really necessary for their future neighbours - the population to be resettled. The argument of the political necessity of carrying out mining projects, almost instantaneously, annihilates any alternatives for a population to-be-displaced. This situation has revealed true power that is attributed to a mining company. By implementing a mining project, a mining company becomes the manager of the future of a community, hence of its present. Within the scope of this thesis we aimed to present the resettlement as a complex process of a “mining” government in rural context by using a broad approach applied to a Peruvian contemporary case. Our hypothesis is that a mining project builds a new social order on a territory where it settles in. Based on a case from Southern Peru, we have attempted to demonstrate in a pragmatic way the asymmetries of resources and power between a mining company and a peasant community.

Islam in Imperial China: Sinicization of Minority Muslims and Synthesis of Chinese Philosophy and Islamic Tradition

Even though China is nowhere near the heartland of Islam, the country is not a stranger to the religion brought by Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). In fact, Islam had reached China as early as 7th century ce and achieved its zenith during the era of the Ming Dynasty (1368–1644 ce), also known as the “Golden Age of Islam” in China. Not only were Muslims during the Ming era generally accepted by majority Chinese whose affiliations were predominantly Confucianism, Buddhism and Daoism, Islam was legally recognised by the imperial government. The number of Islamic institutions such as mosques and learning centres increased, and so did the number of Muslim population in the country. In administration and politics, the Muslims equally received their share while Muslim intellectuals and scholars found themselves appreciated and acknowledged by Chinese rulers for their contributions. Nevertheless, as with minorities of other countries, the Muslims in China were subject to assimilation or integration into the culture of the majority, i.e., Han Chinese. This policy known as “sinicization” consequently affected Muslims in many ways, leading to changes in their lifestyle, custom and tradition. Using qualitative approach and library research method, this paper aims to assess the underlying reasons for the sinicization of Chinese Muslims apart from the obvious political necessity of the Chinese imperial government, and the effects of the process on the Muslim community. On the latter, focus will be given to Muslims’ attempt to synthesise Chinese philosophy and Islam during the imperial era (618–1912 ce) as it served to project the peaceable nature of Islam hence enabled Muslims to preserve their distinctive Islamic identity and tradition amidst the predominant non-Islamic cultural setting. In other words, the synthesis which was pioneered by Chinese Muslim scholars, particularly of the Ming until the Qing era, not only prevented full assimilation of Muslims into local Chinese culture but also ensured the survival of Islam and its tradition in China until the modern period.

Intersectional dress

The study of dress and adornment practices is perforce the study of the materialisation of intersecting identities. Class, gender, sexuality, age, race, dis/ability and other identity markers are all writ large on an individual’s clothed body and Crenshaw’s (1991: 1296) suggestion in her influential Stanford Law Review article, ‘Mapping the margins: intersectionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color’, ‘that intersectionality might be […] broadly useful as a way of mediating the tension between assertions of multiple identity and the ongoing necessity of group politics’ sits at the heart of this issue of Clothing Cultures. Both explicitly and implicitly, the papers herein respond to Crenshaw’s behest that intersectionality ‘be expanded by factoring in issues such as class, sexual orientation, age, and color’ (1991: 1245). They reveal and explore the power of such socially constructed identity categories and in doing so corroborate her belief that categories do indeed ‘have meaning and consequences’ but that the ‘most pressing problem, in many if not most cases, is not the existence of the categories, but rather the particular values attached to them, and the way those values foster and create social hierarchies’ (1991: 1297).

AyoWahlbergGood Quality: The Routinization of Sperm Banking in ChinaBerkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2018. 248 p. $34.95 (pbk.)

AyoWahlbergGood Quality: The Routinization of Sperm Banking in ChinaBerkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2018. 248 p. $34.95 (pbk.)

Conflict-Criminological Paradigm of Corruption (Article 2)

The second part of the study pays special attention to the disputable issues of defining the concept of «corruption» and different research strategies of analyzing corruption practices and schemes of corrupt behavior through the prism of conflict social interactions. Corruption is characterized as the process and result of illegal conversion of the resources of public officials and private persons that trespasses the boundaries of social contract. The authors view corruption as a method through which capital is seeking to include material and moral elements of society into its movement. These elements, due to evident social and political necessity, cannot belong to private persons and should (could) only exist as a public whole, as public property. The analysis of contemporary research publications shows that the conceptual field of criminology uses the concept of «corruption» in two senses: in the broad sense, which includes all the manifestations of the «corruption» of power and the intentional abuse of office, status and authority by public officials with the purpose of personal enrichment or pursuing group interests, and in the narrow sense - the aggregate of the elements of offences with the corresponding qualifying characteristics and measures of legal liability. The authors conclude that corruption is a latent process of transforming the results of actions into a commodity of a «non-commodity» nature which cannot be the object of exchange within the legal field. Corruption relations are analyzed as such situations of forfeiting the public good to individual private beneficiaries when public officials receive a compensation for transferring to private persons the resources and benefits that do not rightfully belong to them. The authors prove the necessity of identifying the removal of economic, political and symbolic capital from public circulation for the benefit of private persons. They determine the challenges of transferring corruption counteraction from the regional and international perspective to the coordination of legal methods and highlight the conflicts between legal constructs in the development of anti-corruption measures.

A Framework for Sovereign Debt Restructuring in the Euro Area

This paper discusses the legal framework for sovereign debt restructuring in the Euro area – both de lege lata and de lege ferenda. Sovereign debt restructurings remain exceptional events that come with profound implications for financial stability and monetary policy transmission. However, they may be necessary as part of a financial assistance program to a euro area Member State, as was the case for Greece in 2012. This paper seeks to contribute to the ongoing discussion on how to enhance the functioning of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) by exploring the legal aspects of sovereign debt restructuring in the euro area. This includes an analysis on whether and how the procedures for sovereign debt restructuring in the euro area can be made more orderly, fair, and predictable by establishing a European Sovereign Debt Restructuring Framework (ESDRF). Drawing upon international standards for sovereign bond documentation, one may consider the inclusion of enhanced Collective Action Clauses (CACs) as well as certain technical amendment clauses. In addition, two options for a sovereign debt dispute resolution mechanism are discussed: (i) a separate chamber at the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) and (ii) a sovereign debt arbitration mechanism. The paper makes no judgement on the economic or political feasibility and necessity for such changes, but seeks to shed some light on the legal aspects to be taken into account in the context of reforming the euro area’s framework for sovereign debt restructuring.

The Ethical Necessity of Politics: Why Kierkegaard Needs Marx

When it comes to politics, Søren Kierkegaard is generally considered to be either apolitical or politically conservative. This conclusion is largely based on very limited comments that Kierkegaard made in works like The Point of View and in his journals. However, this article questions whether Kierkegaard’s own thoughts on politics should serve as the definitive account of whether his work is itself political. That is, while Kierkegaard himself might have eschewed politics, this article demonstrates that Kierkegaard’s thought is nonetheless deeply political. Therefore, by examining the nature of Kierkegaard’s ethical thought, it is possible to demonstrate that there is in fact an ethical necessity to engage in politics. Furthermore, by analyzing Kierkegaard’s work alongside that of his contemporary post-Hegelian Karl Marx, this article demonstrates that Marx’s political philosophy serves as a necessary and appropriate ethical and philosophical complement for Kierkegaard. Moving past superficial accounts of their opposition, it shows fundamental underlying similarities that allow us to read them in conversation so that we can properly extend Kierkegaard’s work into the world of politics, because together they form the necessary ethical and political whole.

Kwiekulik and the Political Economy of the Potboiler

This article presents the phenomenon of artistic potboiler work – craft-like objects commissioned from artists by the socialist state in the 1970s People’s Republic of Poland. The case study is the KwieKulik duo (Przemysław Kwiek and Zofia Kulik), artists working in the field of processual and ephemeral art. The analysis focuses on KwieKulik’s attempts to cope with and criticise the potboiler artistic economy that was for them the only legal way to earn money. They used to send official letters of complaint to state authorities, criticising Państwowe Przedsiębiorstwo Pracownie Sztuk Plastycznych (State Enterprise of Visual Art Workshops), which was the monopolist institution that commissioned works and decorations for various social and political rituals. KwieKulik managed to turn the political and economic necessity of producing potboiler works into a way of critical exposure of the conditions of the artistic production under socialism. They also reflected on possible ways of financing experiemental art.

A történelem politikai felhasználásáról

Within memory culture the relationship between politics and history has always been full of tension which is usually distinguished with the concept of history politics. The concept has become a standard point of orientation nearly everywhere, which, on its own, does not have outstanding political importance, however, as a dominant element it determines what we accept and reject from the past, thus history can never be completely politically neutral. In present political decisions we can always find direct or indirect references to or motivations for the past, which defy our political engagement and necessities. Therefore, in general, history politics explains the interaction through which past events gain meaning and significance in politics. History politics is the discursive space in which the interpretation of history is based upon the primer political usage of the present public representation of a communally relevant past event by different agents. Hence, it is not a coherent subject but a way of approaching or a perspective of questioning, which wishes to grasp the interactions between history and politics on a public and academic level.

A Troubling Tale Brilliantly Told

A Troubling Tale Brilliantly Told Ashley J. Tellis (bio) Rarely in policy studies does a book come along that merits the adjective "masterly": Michael Green's By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783 is one such title. Exceeding 700 pages in length, it traces in insightful, lucid prose the history of the United States' engagement with the Indo-Pacific region—to use a contemporary term popularized by the Trump administration. As Green himself notes, the rarity of his work is somewhat puzzling, given that the Asian "rimland" has been strategically relevant, if not important, to the United States since at least the early twentieth century. Yet analyses that treat the region in an integrated fashion have indeed been scarce. The big exception here, of course, has been the oeuvre produced by theorists of classical geopolitics. The greatest names in the discipline, Halford Mackinder and Nicholas Spykman, understood and, in a manner of speaking, debated the significance of the region for world politics. But their contributions hinged more on the understanding of particular spatial relationships than the historical interactions between specific states (see pp. 208–9). When the latter have come into focus, the vast majority of work has centered on studies of specific bilateral ties, such as U.S.-Japan, U.S.-China, U.S.-Korea, and, more recently, U.S.-India relations. Detailing the broader expanse of U.S. engagement with Asia, or even rimland Asia, as a whole has proved to be more elusive. In part, the difficulties are methodological because the political construction of Asia is arguably a colonial invention. But the academic predilection, especially in the United States, for detailed but narrow analysis is equally to blame. And the demands of political necessity, however transient, have only reinforced these other constraints. Thus, for much of the early Cold War, U.S. policy focused largely on Northeast Asia, with Southeast Asia functioning mainly as a geopolitical periphery, even though Washington was consumed in a costly, decade-long war there. All told, then, a variety of pressures converged to make an integrated vision of the Asian rimland difficult, and the fragmentation in U.S. strategy during the Cold War only strengthened the analytical neglect. [End Page 136] By More Than Providence, therefore, is exceptionally relevant because it appears at a time when the previously discrete political segments of the Asian coast are linked together in unprecedented ways. This entwining is owed partly to exogenous variables such as technology—the information and communications and the transportation revolutions, in particular—but it is also driven by the most significant geopolitical development of our time: the rise of China as a new global power. China's recrudescence promises to integrate not merely the rimland but all continental Asia, if the Belt and Road Initiative bears fruit in the manner hoped for by the country's leadership. The necessity for a coherent U.S. strategy toward Asia as a whole—both its continental and its maritime dimensions—is therefore imperative. Although Green's book focuses mainly on the latter, it is nonetheless remarkable because it does intellectual justice to at least one important half of the challenge. Moreover, it impressively connects the evolution of U.S. relations with key regional powers to the fundamental transformations in larger U.S. strategy, especially the great shifts in maritime strategy that have occurred since the mid-nineteenth century, thus underscoring how the United States' engagement with Asia has been inextricably intertwined with its rise as a global power. A sound policy toward this region will prove elusive if it is not anchored in a robust ideational foundation. Green sets out to provide this foundation, in part because such an undertaking has been conspicuous only by its exceptionalism. The closest work to this one in recent years has been Bruce Cumings's magisterial Dominion from Sea to Sea: Pacific Ascendancy and American Power. But while Cumings examines how the United States and its policies shaped the Pacific edge of Asia, he focuses even more deeply on how domestic politics drove, and were driven by, the United States' Pacific engagements. As a result, the analysis of interactions between the...

‘The essential weaknesses of the December 1979 “Agreement”’: the White House and the implementing of the dual-track decision

Very few NATO decisions may have entailed for the Alliance as much a laborious political and diplomatic process as that taken in December 1979. After its adoption, under Carter, the dual-track decision had to be implemented over the early years of the Reagan administration, when the US President’s abhorrence of détente was so deep and vocal to jeopardise the arms control progress upon which the fulfilment of the negotiating track of that NATO decision depended. The analysis carried out in this article focuses on the US government’s deliberations and choices. Its aim is to discuss how and to what extent the US Cold War security priorities did need to be complemented with those singled out by European NATO allies, especially when those allies were able to convey to Washington the message that arms control remained a political necessity for them.

HENRY LONGUEVILLE MANSEL'S PHONTISTERION (1852)

Established in 1859, as a merger of the Whigs, Radicals and Peelites, the British Liberal Party and their ideological forerunners won 15 out of a total of 20 parliamentary elections between 1832–1910. Responsible for passing socially progressive legislation domestically, Victorian liberalism can lay claim to being the most significant political ideology of the period. By bringing together aspects of classical social liberalism and liberal free-market conservatism, this specifically Victorian brand of liberalism enabled Britain to take a place at the center of world affairs. Indeed, by the mid-1850s, the emergence of Victorian liberalism had begun to be seen as something of a political necessity, as demonstrated by Thomas Babington Macaulay's The History of England from the Accession of James II (1848–61), a foundational text of Whig historicism, in which Lord Charles Grey's 1832 Reform Bill was characterized as the teleological culmination of British history. But while the liberals styled themselves as progressives and their opponents as reactionaries, Whig history has tended to oversimplify the dynamics of this narrative. In this context, Henry Longueville Mansel's closet drama Phontisterion offers a fascinating glimpse into a contemporary Tory response to the seemingly irresistible rise of Victorian liberalism.

The marketization of care: Global challenges and national responses in Australia

Care is a social necessity for life. Ensuring access to appropriate care at crucial points in the life course became a political necessity soon after the mid-20th century, as the right to suitable care became recognized as a fundamental entitlement of citizenship in most advanced capitalist economies. Over recent decades there has been a shift away from more traditional welfare state forms of public services towards increasingly marketized systems of provision. Changes in the provision of care in the public domain are associated with an increasing reliance on private capital and competition between a variety of providers, with public agencies competing alongside private for-profit and not-for-profit agencies. Drawing on care theory, historical sociology and political economic analysis, this article examines the conflicting tensions that shape aged care under marketization. Using Australia as a case study, it is argued that as private capital and resources take the place of scarce public resources and enable expenditure cuts to be presented as innovation, better services and more ‘consumer choice’, it is not the market but the finance, regulation and management work of the state that is the essential determinant of the assistance previously provided through non-market processes.

The Irrelevance of Brexit for the European Financial Market

Among participants in the global financial market, Brexit is commonly painted as an almost apocalypse-like scenario. The threat of a British exit from the European Union (EU) arguably involves a significant disruption to financial integration in Europe, which will threaten the pre-eminence of London as a global financial centre, and impose significant costs on all market participants. This paper takes a different position on the significance of Brexit for the European financial market. It argues that, in reality, the impact of Brexit for financial services will be minuscule, if not irrelevant. Such optimism is grounded in the economic stakes for both sides, the United Kingdom (UK) and the remaining EU countries (EU27), in retaining the benefits of access to the European Single Market for financial services. Given the joint economic interests, a likely outcome of the Brexit negotiations will be a solution that formally satisfies the 2016 referendum result, but in substance keeps Britain closely involved in the EU financial market. Alternatively, one should expect an agreement on the basis of regulatory equivalence. If an agreement is not achieved, private solutions by market actors are likely. The paper borrows from past examples in EU financial market integration that saw ingenious creativity at work in facilitating a desired outcome within the existing convoluted legal framework. These past experiences lead to the prediction of a similar approach being used for accommodating Brexit. The broader point is then that the EU financial services framework repeatedly sees a victory of politics or economics over the law—that is, formal legal problems or structures are brushed aside when political necessities or economic exigencies so require.

Multiculturalism, interculturalism, ‘multiculture’ and super-diversity: Of zombies, shadows and other ways of being

Multiculturalism has increasingly become challenged and outcast, whether directly or summarily, as theoretically useful or empirically valid. This has come prominently from three corners: interculturalism, ‘everyday’ multiculturalism or ‘multiculture’ and super-diversity, in all of which the zombieness of multiculturalism is seen to be mutually reassured. Nevertheless, there are significant short comings that have not been thoroughly addressed and considered. In this article, I offer a thoroughgoing engagement with and critique of these bodies of work, identifying their points of convergence and divergence, the underlying principles in their relation to multiculturalism and suggesting how they fall short, often of their own goals, in multiple and significant ways. I argue that the cosmopolitan individualism they wish to celebrate ignores the fact of power relations, inequality, conflict and the necessity of politics. The micro-level ‘solutions’ offered, I suggest, do not provide a substitute for a macro-level multiculturalism. Moreover, the conceptualisations of identity also do not stand up to scrutiny. This, I interrogate with a particular reference to religious identity to indicate the shortcomings in these literatures. I propose instead that not only is multiculturalism not the zombie it is claimed but also that it continues to offer better critical resources than its challengers.

Contemporary children’s literature, myth or reality?

The article justifies the obligatory and actuality school education of contemporary child’s book as a “key mediatext of culture”; revealed the reasons of the underestimation of child’s literature formed in society; describes the contemporary processes that go in child’s book business; proved the necessity of development informative politics elaborate at government level. The novelty of the research consists in the exposure of basic negative tendencies, that led Russia’s loss of status not only “the most reading country of the world” but also simply “reading country”, in the proposals by the author the concrete measures for the improvement of situation in area of reading and child’s national book industry. A scientific value presented the generalizations and conclusions, done by the author who based on the study of specific properties of contemporary child’s and teenage literature, in particular: its “ovzroslenie” - “written for children as for adults” - attraction to journalism, genres deflections, structural changes of texts, violation of logic narrative and composition and other.

Les nourritures de Jean-Jacques Rousseau: cuisine, goût et appétit by Olivier Assouly

Reviewed by: Les nourritures de Jean-Jacques Rousseau: cuisine, goût et appétit by Olivier Assouly Ivy Dyckman Assouly, Olivier. Les nourritures de Jean-Jacques Rousseau: cuisine, goût et appétit. Garnier, 2016. ISBN 978-2-406-05751-2. Pp. 444. The notion of food is complex, with various considerations. At its most basic level, food can be discussed in terms of production, preparation, and ingestion. A more [End Page 244] sophisticated treatment would deal with trends and movements in agriculture and diet. The most far-reaching aspects concern the effects of climate, populations, and politics on the global food system. As Assouly demonstrates, all the above issues are not just relevant to our era. Rousseau had definite and, at times, paradoxical views on food and its path from field to mouth to table to politics. Some of those arguments continue to resonate. In the introduction, Assouly outlines the thematics of his text, which he divides into three sections. The first speaks to the role and significance of cuisine in its simple to elaborate gastronomic states and the function of goût as the sensory mechanism that distinguishes nutritious and tasty fare from that which is not. L'appétit is of foremost concern in the second part. Assouly demonstrates how Rousseau reshapes it to become the basis for nutrition reform. That is, the individual as both man and citizen creates his own diet for the purpose of self-preservation. In the final segment, food is politicized. As a member of society, each person is obliged to consider the political, moral, and economic necessities of the state in order to keep it equally healthy and independent. L'appétit and goût are not merely relegated to an individual's table but are indispensable to the function of the whole of a society. The division of these sections is fluid. Arguments and citations overlap and are repetitive. When examining Rousseau's ideas about food—a subject not commonly associated with him—Assouly incorporates familiar terms into the text. It is impossible to read any analysis of Rousseau without encountering l'amour-propre, l'amour de soi, la nature, la perfectibilité, la pitié, and so on. The positions of selected ancient and early modern physicians and philosophers—among them Aristotle, Plato, Locke, and Tissot—are highlighted to defend or counter Rousseau's argumentation. As textual support, Assouly relies primarily on Émile and to a lesser extent the second Discours. He also mines from La nouvelle Héloïse, Du contrat social, Essai sur l'origine des langues, the Confessions, and the Rêveries du promeneur solitaire. In the third section, two Assouly discussions are noteworthy for their political dimensions and clarity. On the surface, both seem counterintuitive to Rousseau's thought. The first concerns maternal breastfeeding, which Rousseau touts not for its physiological benefits but for its sociological and moral implications. Because of this initiation to the act of feeding, bonds are formed between mother and child, husband and wife, and eventually a productive citizen and the state. The process self-perpetuates, ensuring a stable political union. The second touches on Rousseau's advocacy of hunting for neither subsistence nor pleasure but to create a harmonious society where violence is channeled and virility is fostered through a constructive activity. [End Page 245] Ivy Dyckman Independent Scholar Copyright © 2018 American Association of Teachers of French